Subject(s)
Black or African American , Housing , Race Relations , Female , Humans , Male , Population Dynamics , Poverty , Residence Characteristics , Rural Population , United States , Urban PopulationSubject(s)
Black or African American , Population Dynamics , Population Growth , Urban Population , California , Demography , Indiana , Iowa , Kentucky , Louisiana , New York , North Carolina , Ohio , Rhode Island , Tennessee , Transients and Migrants , United StatesABSTRACT
Studies of ethnic assimilation are frequently based upon status comparisons between the foreign born and their "children," the second generation. The assumption that recent immigration has been negligible and that the foreign born represent a closed population is implicit in that procedure. However, analysis of official statistics indicates that immigrants who arrived since World War II now comprise a substantial share of the foreign-born population, while the foreign born who arrived before quota restrictions are rapidly being depleted by mortality. Recent immigrants, as intended by quota legislation, are of much higher socioeconomic status than immigrants who arrived before World War 1. Hence, characteristics of both recent immigrants and earlier arrivals are confounded in data for the foreign-born population. Existing data do not permit rigorous assessment of this confusion or adequate control for it. This paper suggests that tabulations of the foreign born by "year of arrival" would improve the sociological utility of data for ethnic groups.
Subject(s)
Economics , Occupations , Sociology , Black or African American , Humans , United States , White PeopleABSTRACT
Most migration analyses focus on net migration and are concerned with areal redistributions of population. Migration may also be studied as an event in the life-cycle of an individual, and migration rates may be defined as properties of cohorts. A number of efforts to examine migration as a cohort process has been hampered by the character of available data [or the United States. Rather than await the development of a registration system-either directly or via social security and tax records-the collection of residence histories is suggested as the most feasible approach to obtaining suitable data. A schematic representation of residence histories clarifies their relation to other types of migration data and illustrates the need to design such surveys with specific research purposes in mind. Exploratory work with the 1958 Residence History Supplement to the Current Population Survey (by Beale, Shryock, myself, and various colleagues) demonstrates the utility of this approach.Local studies have made fruitful use of residence histories but typically are unable to delineate birth cohorts or other appropriate base populations exposed to risk. Development of cohort migration techniques analogous to the life table approach to mortality or cohort Jertility analysis requires national data. But migration, unlike Jertility and mortality, involves events that are reversible and repeatable. Hence the demographer's stock of analytic tools requires expansion. To the sociologist-demographer, experimentation with cohort migration models seems to be getting at one of the crucial methodological problems of sociology, the analysis of social mobility. A mutually profitable interchange with students of social mobility is envisaged.