Recent Amendment in the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act in India: Empowering Women's Health.

SUMMARY: In 1971, the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act was implemented to deal with unsafe abortions, fetal complications, and maternal mortality. In India, it is estimated that more than half of all abortions are unsafe leading to infection, hemorrhages, injury to internal organs, and sometimes maternal death. To address these issues, the MTP Act was amended in 2021 to promote uniformity, accessibility, availability, affordability, and quality of MTP services with appropriate management in case of any adverse event.

State Abortion Policy and Moral Distress Among Clinicians Providing Abortion After the Dobbs Decision.

Importance: Moral distress occurs when individuals feel powerless to do what they think is right, including when clinicians are prevented from providing health care they deem necessary. The loss of federal protections for abortion following the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization Supreme Court decision may place clinicians providing abortion at risk of experiencing moral distress, as many could face new legal and civil penalties for providing care in line with professional standards and that they perceive as necessary. Objective: To assess self-reported moral distress scores among abortion-providing clinicians following the Dobbs decision overall and by state-level abortion policy. Design, Setting, and Participants: This survey study, conducted from May to December 2023, included US abortion-providing clinicians (physicians, advanced practice clinicians, and nurses). A purposive electronic survey was disseminated nationally through professional listservs and snowball sampling. Exposure: Abortion policy in each respondent's state of practice (restrictive vs protective using classifications from the Guttmacher Institute). Main Outcomes and Measures: Using descriptive statistics and unadjusted and adjusted negative binomial regression models, the association between self-reported moral distress on the Moral Distress Thermometer (MDT), a validated psychometric tool that scores moral distress from 0 (none) to 10 (worst possible), and state abortion policy was examined. Results: Overall, 310 clinicians (271 [87.7%] women; mean [SD] age, 41.4 [9.7] years) completed 352 MDTs, with 206 responses (58.5%) from protective states and 146 (41.5%) from restrictive states. Reported moral distress scores ranged from 0 to 10 (median, 5) and were more than double for clinicians in restrictive compared with protective states (median, 8 [IQR, 6-9] vs 3 [IQR, 1-6]; P < .001). Respondents with higher moral distress scores included physicians compared with advanced practice clinicians (median, 6 [IQR, 3-8] vs 4 [IQR, 2-7]; P = .005), those practicing in free-standing abortion clinics compared with those practicing in hospitals (median, 6 [IQR, 3-8] vs 4 [IQR, 2-7]; P < .001), those no longer providing abortion care compared with those still providing abortion care (median, 8 [IQR, 4-9] vs 5 [IQR, 2-8]; P = .004), those practicing in loss states (states with the greatest decline in abortion volume since the Dobbs decision) compared with those in stable states (unadjusted incidence rate [IRR], 1.72 [95% CI, 1.55-1.92]; P < .001; adjusted IRR, 1.59 [95% CI, 1.40-1.79]; P < .001), and those practicing in surge states (states with the greatest increase in abortion volume since the Dobbs decision) compared with those in stable states (unadjusted IRR, 1.27 [95% CI, 1.11-1.46]; P < .001; adjusted IRR, 1.24 [95% CI, 1.09-1.41]; P = .001). Conclusions and Relevance: In this purposive national survey study of clinicians providing abortion, moral distress was elevated among all clinicians and more than twice as high among those practicing in states that restrict abortion compared with those in states that protect abortion. The findings suggest that structural changes addressing bans on necessary health care, such as federal protections for abortion, are needed at institutional, state, and federal policy levels to combat widespread moral distress.

Comparative Analysis of Legislation on Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy: Italy's position relate to international panorama.

Background: The voluntary interruption of pregnancy (VIP) remains one of the most contentious issues worldwide, subject to different legal frameworks and cultural interpretations. Access to VIP is considered a fundamental right for women, recognized by international organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO) and supported by the United Nations. It is estimated that 40-50 million abortions are performed each year, of which about 75% are in developing countries. IVG is legal in only 25 countries, while in the others, it is severely restricted or illegal, leading to an increase in risky and illegal practices. Methods: We consulted government and ministerial websites in European countries to gather data on current abortion laws. In addition, scientific articles and legislative documents compare regulations across some countries, especially from 2020 to today, analyzing differences, similarities and implications. Percentage data on the number of abortions in several European countries, including Italy, were analyzed. Conclusion: Our analysis revealed significant differences in abortion laws between European countries. In many countries, abortion is allowed at the request of the woman within a certain gestational age limit, which typically ranges between 10 and 24 weeks. However, in some countries, the restrictions are much stricter, with limitations making access to legal abortion very difficult or impossible. In conclu-sion, the Italian experience highlights the importance of considering local sociocultural dynamics in shaping IVG policies and highlights the need for an evidence-based approach to guarantee women right to reproductive health internationally, surrounding reproductive rights, gender equality, and public health policy.

Trends over 50 years with liberal abortion laws in the Nordic countries.

BACKGROUND: During the 1970s the Nordic countries liberalized their abortion laws. OBJECTIVE: We assessed epidemiological trends for induced abortion on all Nordic countries, considered legal similarities and diversities, effects of new medical innovations and changes in practical and legal provisions during the subsequent years. METHODS: New legislation strengthened surveillance of induced abortion in all countries and mandated hospitals that performed abortions to report to national abortion registers. Published data from the Nordic abortion registers were considered and new comparative analyses done. The data cover complete national populations. RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS: After an increase in abortion rates during the first years following liberalization, the general abortion rates stabilized and even decreased in all Nordic countries, especially for women under 25 years. From the mid-1980s higher awareness about pregnancy termination led women to present at an earlier gestational age, which was accelerated by the introduction of medical abortion some years later. Most terminations (80-86%) are now done before the 9th gestational week in all countries, primarily by medical rather than surgical means. Introduction of routine ultrasound screening in pregnancy during the late 1980s, increased the number of 2nd trimester abortions on fetal anomaly indications without an overall increase in the proportion of 2nd relative to 1st trimester abortions. Further refinement of ultrasound screening and non-invasive prenatal diagnostic methods led to a slight increase in the proportion of early 2nd trimester abortions after the year 2000. Country-specific differences in abortion rates have remained stable over the 50 years of liberalized abortion laws.

The impact of abortion restrictions on American mental health.

The overturning of Roe v. Wade has led to numerous states enacting new abortion restrictions. However, limited empirical evidence exists regarding the general mental health impact of these bans. Leveraging the nationwide Household Pulse Survey, we evaluate the impact of emergent gestational limits and outright bans on self-reported mental health status between July 2021 and June 2023 using a difference in difference approach. Responses indicate a significant increase in reports of mental distress after the institution of such restrictions. These effects appear to persist at least 4 months following a ban and are moderated by household income and education but not by sex, race, age, marital status, or sexual orientation. Less educated and less wealthy subjects reported greater mental health distress compared to wealthier, more educated groups. These results suggest that the institution of abortion restrictions has had broad negative implications for the mental health of people living in the US, particularly those of lower education and personal wealth.

Safe Access Zone Legislation and Its Compliance with the Human Rights of Anti-Abortion Protesters in Australia.

Terminating a pregnancy is now lawful in all Australian jurisdictions, although on diverse bases. While abortions have not been subject to the same degree of heated debate in Australia as elsewhere, protests aimed at persuading women not to have a termination of their pregnancy have occurred outside abortion service providers in the past. Over the last decade, this has led to the introduction of laws setting out so-called safe access zones around provider premises. Anti-abortion protests are prohibited within a specific distance from abortion services and infringements attract criminal liability. As safe access zone laws prevent protesters from expressing their views in certain spaces, the question arises as to the laws' compliance with protesters' human rights. This article analyses this by considering the human rights compliance of the Queensland ban in light of Queensland human rights legislation. It concludes that the imposed prohibition of anti-abortion protests near abortion clinics is compatible with human rights.

The abortion trend after the pronatalist turn of population policies in Iran: a systematic review from 2005 to 2022.

OBJECTIVE: Given Iran's recent shift towards pronatalist population policies, concerns have arisen regarding the potential increase in abortion rates. This review study examines the trends of (medical), intentional (illegal), and spontaneous abortions in Iran over the past two decades, as well as the factors that have contributed to these trends. METHODS: This paper reviewed research articles published between 2005 and 2022 on abortion in Iran. The study employed the PRISMA checklist for systematic reviews. Articles were searched from international (Google Scholar, PubMed, Science Direct, and Web of Science) and national databases (Magiran, Medlib, SID). Once the eligibility criteria were applied, 42 records were included from the initial 349 records. RESULTS: Abortion is influenced by a variety of socioeconomic and cultural factors and the availability of family planning services. Factors that contribute to unintended pregnancy include attitudes toward abortion, knowledge about reproductive health, access to reproductive health services, and fertility desires, among others. In addition to health and medical factors, consanguineous marriage plays an important role in spontaneous and therapeutic abortion. A higher number of illegal abortions were reported by women from more privileged socioeconomic classes. In comparison, a higher number of medical and spontaneous abortions were reported by women from less privileged socioeconomic classes. CONCLUSION: Iranian policymakers are concerned about the declining fertility rate and have turned to pronatalist policies. From a demographic standpoint, this seems to be a reasonable approach. However, the new population policies, particularly, the Family Protection and Young Population Law, along with creating limitations in access to reproductive health services and prenatal screening tests as well as stricter abortion law could potentially lead to an increase in various types of abortions and their associated consequences.

An Estimate of Abortion Incidence and Unintended Pregnancies.

BACKGROUND: After the legalization of abortion in Nepal, there has been remarkable changes in policies and service delivery. However, even after two decades of legalization, access to and use of safe abortion services remains limited. The objective of this study is to estimate the incidence of abortion and unintended pregnancies in Nepal. METHODS: A cross sectional study was conducted in 767 health facilities using structured questionnaires to assess the availability of abortion services, and 231 key informant interviews were conducted. Information on medical abortion drugs was collected from distributors and pharmacies. Abortion estimations were segmented into categories: those performed within healthcare facilities, those conducted outside healthcare facilities, and those using other traditional methods. To estimate pregnancy outcomes, we utilized secondary data from national censuses and health surveys. RESULTS: The total incidence of induced abortion cases in Nepal was estimated to be 333,343 for the year 2021. Only 48 percent of abortion services were provided from the listed (legal) sites and providers. The estimates showed that total facility based induced abortion in Nepal was 176,216 in 2021, more than half were medical abortions. The highest and lowest abortion cases were in Bagmati and Karnali province respectively. The result showed that more than half of the pregnancies were unintended (53.3%). CONCLUSIONS: Despite a relatively liberal legal environment, more than half of all abortions are extra-legal in Nepal. Unintended pregnancies are also common, resulting in induced abortion. This demands for increasing access to information and services on contraception and safe abortion among women and girls.

Service Readiness for Safe Abortion Services.

BACKGROUND:  Health service readiness is a prerequisite to accessing quality services. This study analyzes the readiness of health facilities in Nepal to provide comprehensive abortion services by focusing on the availability and quality of care.   Methods:  This is a cross-sectional study, and a multi-stage sampling approach was used to select health facilities. A total of 767 health facilities were surveyed from 30 Municipalities across the country.   Results: In a study of 767 health facilities surveyed, only 223 (29%) offered abortion services. Among them, 92% offered medical abortion, 48% provided manual vacuum aspiration, 18% offered dilation and evacuation and 18% offered medical induction. Approximately 7% of health facilities lacked trained providers yet still provided services and 29% of health facilities providing abortion services were not compliant with legal requirements. Interestingly, 13% of these facilities lacked short-acting contraceptives.   Conclusions:  Most health facilities in Nepal lack readiness for Safe Abortion Services (SAS), failing to meet minimum criteria, including to provide abortion legally. Urgent collaborative efforts among policymakers, administrators, and healthcare providers are needed to align with Nepal's Sustainable Development Goals and address gaps in safe abortion service availability. This includes policy updates, strengthening Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), and ensuring comprehensive SAS implementation and financing as part of essential health services.

A Critical Analysis of Safe Abortion Road Map in Nepal.

BACKGROUND: Abortion was legalized by the 2002 Muluki Ain to combat the surging rates of maternal mortality and morbidity. By 2021, the Maternal Mortality Rate plummeted to 151 from 539 in 1996. The decline in the abortion-related maternal mortality attributes to the implication of progressive abortion policies that includes expanded safe abortion services introduction of medical abortion, constitutional recognition of abortion, the mandates by Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Rights Act, and free-of-cost abortion services in government health facilities. This review study delves into exploring the contemporary abortion policies and its implications on women's access to safe abortion services as well as the factors that affect the access. METHODS: This study incorporates findings from extensive desk review of abortion services in Nepal. RESULTS: The 2021 safe abortion services Program Implementation Guideline aims to expand safe abortion sites; however, the Nepal's challenging geography ensues its inequitable distribution, especially in mountainous area. Policy provisions on information and financial accessibility to abortion are well navigated by the Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Rights Act and regulation but consistent to sporadic gaps in its implementation were comprehended in this study. This paper further discussed the Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Rights Act's regressive mandate of 28-week gestational limit at any condition and the role of gender in abortion decision-making under the pretext of factors influencing safe abortion services. CONCLUSIONS: The review study recommends strategies: improving capacity for abortion services under federalism, combating stigma, improving the private sector's readiness, and building a resilient health system.

Self-Managed Abortion Attempts Before vs After Changes in Federal Abortion Protections in the US.

Importance: With decreasing access to facility-based abortion in the US, an increase in self-managed abortion (SMA) using various methods is anticipated. To date, no studies have examined changes in SMA in the shifting policy landscape. Objective: To estimate changes in SMA prevalence among the general US population from before to after the Supreme Court's June 2022 decision overturning federal abortion protections. Design, Setting, and Participants: Serial cross-sectional surveys were administered throughout the US from December 10, 2021, to January 11, 2022, and June 14 to July 7, 2023. Participants included online panel members assigned female sex at birth, ages 18 to 49 years (or ages 15-17 years if a household member), who were English- or Spanish-speaking. Exposure: Year of the survey (2021-2022 vs 2023). Main Outcome and Measures: Participants were asked whether they had "ever taken or done something on their own, without medical assistance, to try to end a pregnancy" and, if so, details of their experience. Changes in the weighted SMA prevalence between survey years were examined, factors associated with SMA experience were identified, and projected lifetime SMA prevalence was calculated using discrete-time event history models, accounting for abortion underreporting. Results: Median age of the participants was 32.5 (IQR, 25-41) years in 2021-2022 (n = 7016) and 32.0 (IQR, 24-40) in 2023 (n = 7148). Across both years, approximately 14% were non-Hispanic Black, 21% were Hispanic, and 54% were non-Hispanic White. The weighted adjusted proportion that ever attempted SMA was 2.4% (95% CI, 1.9%-3.0%) in 2021-2022 and 3.4% (95% CI, 2.8%-4.0%) in 2023-an increase of 1.0% (95% CI, 0.2%-1.7%; P = .03). Projected lifetime SMA prevalence accounting for abortion underreporting was 10.7% (95% CI, 8.6%-12.8%). In adjusted analyses, SMA experience was higher among non-Hispanic Black (4.3%; 95% CI, 2.8%-5.8%) vs other racial and ethnic (2.7%; 95% CI, 2.2%-3.1%) groups (P = .04) and sexual and gender minority (5.0%; 95% CI, 3.4%-6.6%) vs heterosexual or cisgender (2.5%; 95% CI, 2.0%-2.9%) participants (P < .001). Approximately 4 in 10 (45.3% in 2021 and 39.0% in 2023) SMA attempts occurred before age 20 years. The methods used included herbs (29.8% [2021-2022] vs 25.9% [2023]), physical methods (28.6% [2021-2022] vs 29.7% [2023]), or alcohol or other substances (17.9% [2021-2022] vs 18.6% [2023]). Few participants (7.1% [2021-2022] vs 4.7% [2023]) sought emergency care for a complication. Conclusions and Relevance: In this serial nationally representative survey study, increased SMA was observed following the loss of federal abortion protections. The findings revealed increased SMA use among marginalized groups, most often with ineffective methods. These findings suggest the need to expand access to alternative models of safe and effective abortion care and ensure those seeking health care post-SMA do not face legal risks.

Beneath the Sword of Damocles: Moral Obligations of Physicians in a Post-Dobbs Landscape.

Since the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs vs. Jackson Women's Health Organization, a growing web of state laws restricts access to abortion. Here we consider how, ethically, doctors should respond when terminating a pregnancy is clinically indicated but state law imposes restrictions on doing so. We offer a typology of cases in which the dilemma emerges and a brief sketch of the current state of legal prohibitions against providing such care. We examine the issue from the standpoints of conscience, professional ethics, and civil disobedience and conclude that it is almost always morally permissible and praiseworthy to break the law and that, in a subset of cases, it is morally obligatory to do so. We further argue that health care institutions that employ or credential physicians to provide reproductive health care have an ethical duty to provide a basic suite of practical supports for them as they work to ethically resolve the dilemmas before them.

Motivations for using misoprostol for abortion outside the formal healthcare system in Colombia: a qualitative study of women seeking postabortion care in Bogotá and the Coffee Axis.

BACKGROUND: In 2006, a Constitutional Court ruling partially decriminalized abortion in Colombia, allowing the procedure in cases of rape, risk to the health or life of the woman, and fetal malformations incompatible with life. Despite this less prohibitive law, some women and pregnant people preferred self-managing their abortions outside the formal healthcare system, often without accurate information. In 2018, we undertook a study to understand what motivated women to self-manage using medications that they acquired informally. Colombia has since adopted a progressive law in 2022, permitting abortion on request through the 24th week of pregnancy. However, the implementation of this law is still underway. Examining the reasons why women chose to informally self-manage an abortion after 2006 may not only highlight how barriers to legal services persisted at that time, but also could inform strategies to increase knowledge of the current abortion law and improve access to services going forward. METHODS: In-depth interviews were conducted in 2018 with 47 women aged 18 and older who used misoprostol obtained outside of health facilities to induce an abortion, and who were receiving postabortion care in two private clinics. Interviews explored what women knew about the 2006 abortion law which was then in effect, and the reasons why they preferred informal channels for abortion care over formal healthcare services. RESULTS: Women's motivations to use misoprostol obtained outside the formal healthcare system were influenced by lack of trust in the healthcare system along with incomplete and inaccurate knowledge of the abortion law. Conversely, women considered misoprostol obtained outside the healthcare system to be effective, affordable, and easier to access. CONCLUSIONS: Obtaining misoprostol outside the formal healthcare system offered a more accessible and appealing prospect for some women given fears of legal repercussion and stigma toward abortion. Though this preference will likely continue despite the more liberal abortion law, strategies should be implemented to broaden knowledge of the recent change in law and to combat misinformation and stigma. This would support knowledge of and access to legal abortion for those who wish to avail themselves of these services.