ABSTRACT
The Declaration of Alma-Ata remains one of the momentous documents of public health. Its origins lie both in postwar efforts to improve population health in low-income countries and in social medicine promoted decades earlier in Europe. For industrialized countries in East and West, Alma-Ata, therefore, should have provided health-related guidelines both for domestic and foreign policy, though political interpretations of the social components of medicine and health differed. Due to its unique history of ideologically informed division after 1945, Germany forms a fascinating case study. Important German contributions to the early social medicine discourse fed into ideas of primary health care, the basis of the Alma-Ata process. However, the concept found little resonance in domestic policies. After World War II, the two Germanys chose different paths for health systems but were similarly reluctant to address the social dimension of health in their cooperation with Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In the 1970s, new international health concepts and civil society discussions about "development aid" caused changes in West German policies. No such discussions took place in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where Alma-Ata was interpreted as a confirmation of the domestic health system. Thus, ironically, West German health workers pursued a keener policy of principles of social medicine in their partner countries than the GDR government, which considered its role in the global transformation of health care mainly fulfilled by serving as a model.
Subject(s)
Developing Countries , International Cooperation , Humans , Public Health , Germany , Primary Health CareABSTRACT
Hospitals and other health facilities generate an ever-increasing amount of waste, approximately 15% of which may be infectious, toxic, or radioactive. The World Health Organization has been addressing the issue since the 1980s. After initially focusing on high-income countries, it then focused on low-income countries, with unsafe disposal methods in landfills and inadequate incinerators as major concerns. Gradually, the understanding of the issue has undergone several shifts, including from a focus on the component of medical waste considered "hazardous" to all forms of waste, and from accepting medical waste as a necessary downside of high-quality healthcare to seeing the avoidance of healthcare waste as a component of high quality healthcare.
Subject(s)
Health Facility Administration/history , Medical Waste/history , Waste Management/history , Health Facilities/history , History, 20th Century , History, 21st Century , Waste Management/methodsABSTRACT
Abstract Hospitals and other health facilities generate an ever-increasing amount of waste, approximately 15% of which may be infectious, toxic, or radioactive. The World Health Organization has been addressing the issue since the 1980s. After initially focusing on high-income countries, it then focused on low-income countries, with unsafe disposal methods in landfills and inadequate incinerators as major concerns. Gradually, the understanding of the issue has undergone several shifts, including from a focus on the component of medical waste considered "hazardous" to all forms of waste, and from accepting medical waste as a necessary downside of high-quality healthcare to seeing the avoidance of healthcare waste as a component of high quality healthcare.
Resumo Hospitais e outros centros de tratamento de saúde geram um volume de resíduos cada vez maior, dos quais cerca de 15% podem ser infecciosos, tóxicos ou radioativos. A Organização Mundial da Saúde começou a enfrentar o problema na década de 1980. Inicialmente, concentrou-se nos países ricos, depois mudou o foco para os países pobres, onde métodos de eliminação inseguros, como aterros sanitários e incineradores inadequados, preocupavam. Aos poucos, a compreensão do problema passou por mudanças, inclusive do enfoque no conteúdo do resíduo hospitalar considerado "perigoso", passando para todas as formas de resíduos, e da aceitação do resíduo médico como um inconveniente inerente aos cuidados de saúde de alta qualidade, até o conceito de que evitar a produção de resíduos hospitalares faz parte dos cuidados de saúde de alta qualidade.
Subject(s)
History, 20th Century , History, 21st Century , Waste Management/history , Health Facility Administration/history , Medical Waste/history , Waste Management/methods , Health Facilities/historyABSTRACT
Ever since the early 1960s, the United Nations has acknowledged science and technology as integral components of developmental policies. While this connection was initially perceived as the application of findings from scientific research conducted in the Global North, by the 1970s, in the context of negotiations for a New International Economic Order, attention shifted towards the structures of the global management of science. Accordingly in 1979 the UN Conference on Science and Technology for Development discussed possibilities of strengthening scientific and technological research and teaching, particularly in developing countries. During subsequent negotiations conflicts erupted over the question of how to finance programs supporting science. When the G77 nations presented plans involving automatic financing schemes, these concepts proved incompatible with the insistence of important industrialized countries that all financial contributions should be voluntary. These discussions appeared to be concerned with the size of financial contributions. In a larger perspective, however, they reflected fundamentally different concepts of a world order, turning science and technology into a medium for far-reaching debates about questions of global development and justice.
ABSTRACT
Between 1979 and 1989 the government of the German Democratic Republic provided health assistance to Sandinista Nicaragua. After initial relief aid, the Sandinista embrace of a primary health care-based health system made East German health support difficult. The non-convertible currency, the repressive quality of the East German leadership, and the lack of experience with primary health care processes all limited its potential to provide support. After 1985, when implementation of this system stalled, East German health assistance was revitalized with the donation of the Hospital Carlos Marx. Providing medical services to three hundred thousand people, it combined elements of a strictly East German institution, using German personnel and equipment, with some integration into local systems.
ABSTRACT
Entre 1979 e 1989, o governo da República Democrática Alemã (RDA) prestou assistência médica à Nicarágua sandinista. Após a ajuda emergencial inicial, os sandinistas adotaram um sistema de saúde baseado na atenção primária à saúde (APS), o que dificultou o apoio da RDA. A moeda não conversível, o caráter repressivo da liderança da RDA e a falta de experiência com os processos de APS limitaram o auxílio da RDA ao estabelecimento do novo sistema de saúde. Após 1985, com a paralisação do sistema, a assistência da RDA foi revitalizada com a doação do Hospital Carlos Marx. Prestando serviços a 300 mil pessoas, combinou pessoal e equipamento de uma instituição estritamente alemã-oriental com alguma integração com os sistemas locais. (AU)
Subject(s)
Primary Health Care , History, 20th Century , Delivery of Health Care , NicaraguaABSTRACT
Between 1984 and 1988, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) built a hospital in a remote part of Ethiopia, close to the Sudanese border. The project evolved in a complex combination of contexts, including the general foreign policy goals of the GDR, its specific alliance with Ethiopia, the famine of 1984-85, civil war in Ethiopia, and a controversial resettlement program by the government of Mengistu Haile Mariam. Though almost unknown today, it was a high-profile project at the time, which received the personal support both by Erich Honecker in the GDR and Mengistu Haile Mariam in Ethiopia. However, their interest was directed more at the political goals the project was expected to serve than at the hospital itself. Both the preparation and the implementation of the project were extremely difficult and almost failed due to problems of transportation, of red tape, and of security. The operation of the hospital was also not ideal, involving frustrated personnel and less than complete acceptance by the local population. Ironically, for all its practical difficulties, the hospital has outlived both governments and their political goals, surviving as a medical institution.
Subject(s)
Emigration and Immigration/history , Hospitals/history , Internationality/history , Medical Assistance/history , Starvation/history , Warfare , Ethiopia , Germany, East , History, 20th Century , HumansABSTRACT
In the course of the twentieth century road traffic injuries (RTIs) became a major public health burden. RTI deaths first increased in high-income countries and declined after the 1970s, and they soared in low- and middle-income countries from the 1980s onwards. As motorisation took off in North America and then spread to Europe and to the rest of the world discussions on RTIs have reflected and influenced international interpretations of the costs and benefits of 'development', as conventionally understood. Using discourse analysis, this paper explores how RTIs have been constructed in ways that have served regional and global development agendas and how 'development' has been (re-)negotiated through the discourse of RTIs and vice versa. For this purpose, this paper analyses a selection of key publications of organisations in charge of international health or transport and places them in the context of (a) the surrounding scientific discussion of the period and (b) of relevant data regarding RTI mortality, development funding, and road and other transport infrastructure. Findings suggest that constructions of RTIs have shifted from being a necessary price to be paid for development to being a sign of development at an early stage or of an insufficiently coordinated development. In recent years, RTI discussions have raised questions about development being misdirected and in need of fundamental rethinking. At present, discussions are believed to be at a crossroads between different evaluations of developmental conceptualisations for the future.
Subject(s)
Accidents, Traffic/history , Global Health/history , Social Change/history , Wounds and Injuries/history , Accidents, Traffic/mortality , History, 20th Century , Humans , United Nations/history , World Health Organization/history , Wounds and Injuries/epidemiologyABSTRACT
After World War II, health was firmly integrated into the discourse about national development. Transition theories portrayed health improvements as part of an overall development pattern based on economic growth as modeled by the recent history of industrialization in high-income countries. In the 1970s, an increasing awareness of the environmental degradation caused by industrialization challenged the conventional model of development. Gradually, it became clear that health improvements depended on poverty-reduction strategies including industrialization. Industrialization, in turn, risked aggravating environmental degradation with its negative effects on public health. Thus, public health in low-income countries threatened to suffer from lack of economic development as well as from the results of global economic development. Similarly, demands of developing countries risked being trapped between calls for global wealth redistribution, a political impossibility, and calls for unrestricted material development, which, in a world of finite land, water, air, energy, and resources, increasingly looked like a physical impossibility, too. Various international bodies, including the WHO, the Brundtland Commission, and the World Bank, tried to capture the problem and solution strategies in development theories. Broadly conceived, two models have emerged: a "localist model," which analyzes national health data and advocates growth policies with a strong focus on poverty reduction, and a "globalist" model, based on global health data, which calls for growth optimization, rather than maximization. Both models have focused on different types of health burdens and have received support from different institutions. In a nutshell, the health discourse epitomized a larger controversy regarding competing visions of development.
Subject(s)
Global Health/history , Economic Development/history , History, 20th Century , Humans , Industry/history , Poverty/history , United Nations/history , World Health Organization/historyABSTRACT
The collapse of the Soviet Bloc caused devastating economic crises in Cuba and in the Russian Federation but triggered remarkably different public health responses: while mortality rates in Russia increased substantially the crisis was barely visible in Cuban public health statistics. Fundamental social, political and cultural differences in the two countries and the respective specificities of the crisis in either country seem responsible, including different long-term health trajectories and different traditions of health-related agenda setting. Cuban policies combined traditional top down activism with grass root activities, strengthening social capital, while the "shock therapy" adopted in Russia had a corrosive effect on society, increasing psycho-social pressure and weakening support.
Subject(s)
Economic Recession , Public Health , Adolescent , Adult , Child , Child, Preschool , Cuba , Humans , Infant , Infant, Newborn , Middle Aged , Mortality/trends , Russia , Social Support , Young AdultABSTRACT
The economic depression of the 1930s represented the most important economic and social crisis of its time. Surprisingly, its effect on health did not show in available morbidity and mortality rates. In 1932, the League of Nations Health Organisation embarked on a six-point program addressing statistical methods of measuring the effect and its influence on mental health and nutrition and establishing ways to safeguard public health through more efficient health systems. Some of these studies resulted in considerations of general relevance beyond crisis management. Unexpectedly, the crisis offered an opportunity to reconsider key concepts of individual and public health.
Subject(s)
Global Health , International Agencies/economics , International Agencies/history , Public Health/history , Diet/economics , Diet/history , Health Services/economics , Health Services/history , History, 20th Century , Humans , International Cooperation/history , Unemployment/historyABSTRACT
This paper analyses the developments of the separate Jewish and Arab health systems and health realities. It is found that the activities of charitable institutions, the attitude of the British mandate government and different traditions of medical policy all played a part in the emergence of two separate health worlds. The influx of foreign funding for private health institutions, in particular, played a prominent part in establishing different service levels of healthcare for Jewish, Arab Christian and Arab Moslem communities. Thus, the medical sphere both reflected and interacted with wider political events.