Children and adolescents rectify unequal allocations of leadership duties in the classroom.

Little is known about how children and adolescents evaluate unequal teacher allocations of leadership duties based on ethnicity-race and gender in the classroom. U.S. boys and girls, White (40.7%), Multiracial (18.5%), Black/African American (16.0%), Latine (14.2%), Asian (5.5%), Pacific Islander (0.4%), and other (4.7%) ethnic-racial backgrounds, 8-14 years, N = 275, evaluated teacher allocations of high-status leadership positions favoring specific ethnic-racial or gender groups during 2018-2021. Adolescents, more than children, negatively evaluated unequal teacher allocations of leadership duties that resulted in group-based inequalities, expected peers who shared the identity of a group disadvantaged by the teacher's allocation to view it more negatively than others, and rectified inequalities. Understanding perceptions of teacher-based bias provides an opportunity for interventions designed to create fair and just classrooms that motivate all students to achieve.

Racial Stereotype Application in 4-to-8-Year-Old White American Children: Emergence and Specificity.

Young children's racial stereotyping is poorly understood even though stereotyping can influence individuals' attitudes and behavior toward others. Here we present two preregistered studies (Total N = 257) examining White American children's (4-8 years) application of six stereotypes (about being American, smart, wealthy, sporty, honest, and nice) when considering Asian, Black, and White children. We observed clear and consistent evidence for one cultural stereotype across the two studies: participants indicated that Asian and Black children were less American than White children. In a measure of racial attitudes, participants also preferred White children over Black and Asian children. Taken together, this research suggests that, in contrast to findings from previous work, White American children only consistently applied stereotypes about being American. Moreover, this research suggests that children's cultural stereotypes might diverge from children's attitudes early in development. These studies raise new questions about the emergence of racial stereotype application early in childhood - including how best to study it.

Teachers' nonverbal behaviors influence children's stereotypic beliefs.

The current research tested whether differences in teachers' nonverbal behaviors influence children's intergroup attitudes and stereotypic beliefs. In this study, 5- to 8-year-old participants (N = 96) were assigned to novel groups (marked by T-shirt color) and then viewed interactions between teachers and pairs of students who were also members of the novel groups. Across four interactions, the teacher directed positive nonverbal behaviors toward students from one group and directed negative nonverbal behaviors toward students from another group. After viewing the interactions, participants were presented with pairs of new students from the two novel groups and were asked three types of test questions. When participants were asked who was smarter, they selected new students from the group that had received positive nonverbal behaviors regardless of their own group membership. However, when asked who they would like to befriend, only participants who were assigned to the group that received positive behaviors selected ingroup members. On trials where participants were asked to select a partner on an academic task, participants' selections did not differ from chance. This study shows that teachers' nonverbal behaviors may be one source of children's academic stereotypes, including negative stereotypes about groups to which they belong. Moreover, these findings highlight the importance of subtle social cues in guiding children's beliefs about social groups.

Cultural Snapshots: A Method to Capture Social Contexts in Development of Prejudice and Stereotyping.

The scientific identification of how social environments transmit intergroup biases is a transparently complex endeavor. Existing research has examined the emergence of intergroup biases such as racial prejudice and stereotypes in many ways, including correlations between racial diversity and children's prejudice, content analyses of features in the media, or experiments testing the influence of selected variables with unknown prevalence in children's environments. Yet, these approaches have left unanswered how the social environments that children engage with cause them to acquire racial prejudice and stereotypes. We provide a review of the existing literature on socialization of racial prejudice and stereotypes and then present a methodological approach that can be used to quantify and test causal relations between the features of children's social environments and intergroup biases. We provide examples of how this method has and can be used alongside a discussion of unique considerations when applied to child samples.

Children's developing judgments about the physical manifestations of power.

When navigating unfamiliar social environments, it is important to identify who is powerful. Determining who has power can be challenging because observers may have limited social information, and because people achieve influence for many reasons. In experiments with 3- to 5-year-old children (n = 192) and adults (n = 32), we investigated the developmental origins and conceptual structure of power judgments based on physical appearance. At 3 years of age, children already associated physical strength with expansive posture; soon after, expansive postures also supported judgments of normative authority and were joined by similar judgments about masculine facial structure. By the age of 4, children also matched high- and low-power versions of faces and postures together, indicating that they draw connections between different aspects of more or less powerful appearance. The complexity and timing of these changes highlights limitations in current accounts of the origins of adults' intuitions about powerful appearances. This study documents several novel developmental patterns that generate new hypotheses about the mechanisms that support the emergence of children's intuitions. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Children Use Nonverbal Cues from an Adult to Evaluate Peers.

What factors contribute to children's tendency to view individuals as having different traits and abilities? The present research tested whether young children are influenced by adults' nonverbal behaviors when making inferences about peers. In Study 1, participants (5-6 years) viewed multiple videos of interactions between a 'teacher' and two 'students;' all individuals were unfamiliar to participants. In each clip, the students behaved similarly, but the teacher did not: She either smiled, nodded, touched, or shook her head at one student, and looked at the other student with a neutral expression. In Study 1, children tended to infer that students were smarter, nicer, and stronger if the teacher behaved more positively toward them. Study 2 pitted differences in the teacher's behavior against differences in the students' performance. When asked who was smarter, children selected lower-performing students who received more positive nonverbal cues from the teacher rather than higher-performing students who received less positive cues. The findings indicate that an authority figure's nonverbal behaviors can influence children's inferences about others, shedding light on one mechanism guiding young children's evaluations of people in their social world.

Children Use Wealth Cues to Evaluate Others.

Wealth differences between individuals are ubiquitous in modern society, and often serve as the basis for biased social evaluations among adults. The present research probed whether children use cues that are commonly associated with wealth differences in society to guide their consideration of others. In Study 1, 4-5-year-old participants from diverse racial backgrounds expressed preferences for children who were paired with high-wealth cues; White children in Study 1 also matched high-wealth stimuli with White faces. Study 2 conceptually replicated the preference effect from Study 1, and showed that young children (4-6 years) also use material wealth indicators to guide their inferences about people's relative standing in other domains (i.e., competence and popularity). Study 3 revealed that children (5-9 years) use a broad range of wealth cues to guide their evaluations of, and actions toward, unfamiliar people. Further, biased responses were not attenuated among children whose families were lower in socioeconomic status. Often overlooked by those who study children's attitudes and stereotypes, social class markers appear to influence evaluations, inferences, and behavior early in development.

Children use nonverbal cues to make inferences about social power.

Four studies (N = 192) tested whether young children use nonverbal information to make inferences about differences in social power. Five- and six-year-old children were able to determine which of two adults was "in charge" in dynamic videotaped conversations (Study 1) and in static photographs (Study 4) using only nonverbal cues. Younger children (3-4 years) were not successful in Study 1 or Study 4. Removing irrelevant linguistic information from conversations did not improve the performance of 3- to 4-year-old children (Study 3), but including relevant linguistic cues did (Study 2). Thus, at least by 5 years of age, children show sensitivity to some of the same nonverbal cues adults use to determine other people's social roles.