Loneliness Trajectories and Chronic Loneliness Around the World.

OBJECTIVES: We examine cross-national variation in (a) loneliness trajectories and (b) the association between common social risk factors and chronic loneliness in middle and older adulthood. METHODS: Using longitudinal data, we assess the country-level prevalence of loneliness trajectories (chronic, transitory, and no loneliness) and the extent of common social risk factors for loneliness (living alone, widowhood, divorce, no grandchildren, having chronic conditions, and never working) among adults 50 and older in 20 countries covering 47% of the global population in this age bracket. Additionally, we compare how the associations between social risk factors and chronic loneliness vary across countries. RESULTS: We find considerable variation in the prevalence of chronic loneliness cross-nationally, ranging between 4% (Denmark) and 15% (Greece) of adults 50 and older. Living arrangements have the most consistent association with the likelihood of chronic loneliness across countries, with those ever living alone having an 8% higher likelihood of chronic loneliness on average across countries, with a range of 2%-25%. Additionally, those who never report working and those with chronic conditions have a higher likelihood of chronic loneliness across more than a third of the countries. DISCUSSION: These results suggest that policies and interventions targeted to middle age and older adults living alone and with limited work histories or with chronic conditions are critical in reducing the public health challenges of chronic loneliness.

Life Events and Loneliness Transitions Among Middle-Aged and Older Adults Around the World.

OBJECTIVES: Adult loneliness is a substantial social problem and a growing point of concern for policymakers around the world. We assess whether the predictors of loneliness onset among middle-aged and older adults vary from country to country in a large array of settings across world regions. Taking a life course perspective, we focus on common life events in our focal age range, including changes in partnership, coresidence, work, and health, and we test whether changes in them have comparable prospective associations with loneliness onset in different countries. METHODS: We draw on respondent-level data from a diversity of world regions surveyed in 7 harmonized cross-national studies in 20 countries, representing 47% of the global population over the age of 50. Our innovative longitudinal approach estimates prospective transition probability models that examine how each life event predicts the transition into loneliness. RESULTS: Despite substantial variation in the prevalence of loneliness and life events across the range of countries in our sample, our results highlight consistency in the predictors of loneliness transitions. Family and household changes like divorce, coresidence, and especially widowhood are paramount predictors of loneliness transition across settings, with changes in work and health playing more minor and less universal roles. DISCUSSION: The results demonstrate the importance that family and household connections play in determining loneliness at these ages. These findings suggest that addressing late-life loneliness may require a focus on key life events, especially those concerning changes in families and households.

Return Migration and Disability by Life Course Stage of Return: Evidence Against the Salmon Bias.

OBJECTIVES: Life course theory points to unique characteristics among older immigrants that may differentiate older age return migration from return at younger ages in terms of health. To investigate how the health of returnees may differ by age-at-return, this analysis compares disability between 3 groups of Mexican adults with a history of migration to the United States: those who return to Mexico before age 50, those who return at 50 and older, and those who remain in the United States at age 50 and older. METHODS: Data from two nationally representative data sets, the U.S. Health and Retirement Study and the Mexican Health and Aging Study, are combined to create a data set representing Mexicans 50 and older with a history of migration to the United States. Adopting a life course perspective, activity of daily living (ADL) difficulty is compared by return status and age-at-return to account for differential selection into return by life stage. RESULTS: Mexican immigrants who remain in the United States past age 50 have a higher probability of at least 1 ADL compared to those who return to Mexico, regardless of life course timing of return. The immigrant disadvantage persists after adjusting for differences in demographic, childhood, and adult characteristics between groups. DISCUSSION: These findings are noteworthy because they stand in opposition to hypotheses based on life course and health-selective return migration theories and because they mean that Mexican immigrants remaining in the United States into midlife and older adulthood may be vulnerable to heightened prevalence of disability.

The Care Gap in Later Life Across European Countries.

OBJECTIVES: Do adults without kin experience a care gap where they need help with activities of daily living but get no help from any source? We examine the prevalence of the care gap across Europe, and test whether those without partners or children substitute for their lack of close kin with help from broader networks, or whether they disproportionately experience care gaps. METHODS: Using data from the Survey on Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe, we estimate the care gap in 28 European countries and Israel, how it varies, and who provides help for respondents with different family structures. RESULTS: The care gap is substantial, with 6.1% of all respondents ages 50 and above reporting a gap. It is highest in Western and Eastern Europe and lowest in Southern Europe and Israel. Respondents without partners or children are significantly more likely to have care gaps than those with close kin. However, respondents without close kin draw more often on more diverse networks of friends and relatives and use nursing home care. DISCUSSION: Our study introduces the concept of the care gap and shows that although it is most common among unpartnered adults without children it is also quite common for those with immediate family. A broader network partially but not completely substitutes for care gaps among those without immediate family. Our results offer new insights into the demand for public care services in countries with diverse welfare states.

Immigrant Wealth Stratification and Return Migration: The Case of Mexican Immigrants in the United States During the Twentieth Century.

Considerable wealth stratification exists between U.S.-born and foreign-born populations (Campbell and Kaufman 2006), with low wealth attainment documented among Mexican immigrants (Hao 2007). High rates of Mexican return migration (Azose and Raftery 2019) suggest that nonrandom selection into return migration on wealth is a potential driver of stratification. Existing theories do not conclusively predict asset accumulation among returnees versus stayers, and empirical research on return migration and wealth stratification is scarce. Combining data from the 2000 U.S. Health and Retirement Study and the 2001 Mexican Health and Aging Study to create a novel data set representing all Mexicans aged 50 and older with a history of migration to the United States and adopting a life course perspective, I find that return migration at younger and older ages is associated with higher wealth accumulation and might be a way to maximize assets at older ages. Thus, return migration may contribute to nativity-based wealth stratification in the United States. The study's findings point to the greater financial risks for new cohorts of immigrants aging in place, suggest caution in interpreting wealth stratification as a measure of mobility, and inform theories about the links between return migration and wealth across the life course.