How do human newborns come to understand the multimodal environment?

For a long time, newborns were considered as human beings devoid of perceptual abilities who had to learn with effort everything about their physical and social environment. Extensive empirical evidence gathered in the last decades has systematically invalidated this notion. Despite the relatively immature state of their sensory modalities, newborns have perceptions that are acquired, and are triggered by, their contact with the environment. More recently, the study of the fetal origins of the sensory modes has revealed that in utero all the senses prepare to operate, except for the vision mode, which is only functional starting from the first minutes after birth. This discrepancy between the maturation of the different senses leads to the question of how human newborns come to understand our multimodal and complex environment. More precisely, how the visual mode interacts with the tactile and auditory modes from birth. After having defined the tools that newborns use to interact with other sensory modalities, we review studies across different fields of research such as the intermodal transfer between touch and vision, auditory-visual speech perception, and the existence of links between the dimensions of space, time, and number. Overall, evidence from these studies supports the idea that human newborns are spontaneously driven, and cognitively equipped, to link information collected by the different sensory modes in order to create a representation of a stable world.

Abstract representations of small sets in newborns.

From the very first days of life, newborns are not tied to represent narrow, modality- and object-specific aspects of their environment. Rather, they sometimes react to abstract properties shared by stimuli of very different nature, such as approximate numerosity or magnitude. As of now, however, there is no evidence that newborns possess abstract representations that apply to small sets: in particular, while newborns can match large approximate numerosities across senses, this ability does not extend to small numerosities. In two experiments, we presented newborn infants (N = 64, age 17 to 98 h) with patterned sets AB or ABB simultaneously in the auditory and visual modalities. Auditory patterns were presented as periodic sequences of sounds (AB: triangle-drum-triangle-drum-triangle-drum …; ABB: triangle-drum-drum-triangle-drum-drum-triangle-drum-drum …), and visual patterns as arrays of 2 or 3 shapes (AB: circle-diamond; ABB: circle-diamond-diamond). In both experiments, we found that participants reacted and looked longer when the patterns matched across the auditory and visual modalities - provided that the first stimulus they received was congruent. These findings uncover the existence of yet another type of abstract representations at birth, applying to small sets. As such, they bolster the hypothesis that newborns are endowed with the capacity to represent their environment in broad strokes, in terms of its most abstract properties. This capacity for abstraction could later serve as a scaffold for infants to learn about the particular entities surrounding them.

Mouth Movements as Possible Cues of Social Interest at Birth: New Evidences for Early Communicative Behaviors.

Previous studies evidenced that different interactive contexts modulate the visual attention of newborns. In the present study, we investigated newborns' motor feedback as an additional cue to neonates' expression of interest. Using videos of interactive faces and a familiarization-test procedure, three different groups of newborns were assigned to three different conditions (i.e., one condition with a talking face during familiarization and silently moving faces at test, silently moving/silently moving condition, or talking/static condition). Following studies on neonatal imitation, mouth movements were analyzed as indicators of social interest. We expected the occurrence of mouth movements in the newborns to differ according to different conditions: (a) whether or not the face in front of them was talking and (b) if the person had been already seen or was new. Results revealed that a talking face elicited more motor feedback from the newborns than a silent one and that there was no difference in front of the familiar face or the novel one. Finally, frequencies of mouth movements were greater, and latencies of appearance of the first mouth movement were shorter, in front of a static vs. a dynamic face. These results are congruent with the idea of the existence of "a sense" for interaction at birth, and therefore new approaches in newborn studies are discussed.

Premises of social cognition: Newborns are sensitive to a direct versus a faraway gaze.

Previous studies evidenced that already from birth, newborns can perceive differences between a direct versus an averted gaze in faces both presented in static and interactive situations. It has been hypothesized that this early sensitivity would rely on modifications of the location of the iris (i.e. the darker part of the eye) in the sclera (i.e. the white part), or that it would be an outcome of newborns' preference for configurations of faces with the eye region being more contrasted. One question still remains: What happens when the position of the iris is not modified in the sclera, but the look is 'faraway', that is when the gaze is toward the newborns' face but above his or her own eyes? In the present study, we tested the influence of a direct versus a faraway gaze (i.e., two gazes that only differed slightly in the position of the iris on the vertical axis and not on the horizontal axis) on newborns' face recognition. The procedure was identical to that used in previous studies: using a familiarization-test procedure, we familiarized two groups of newborns (N = 32) with videos of different talking faces that were presented with either a direct or a faraway gaze. Newborns were then tested with photographs of the face seen previously and of a new one. Results evidenced that newborns looked longer at the familiar face, but only in the direct gaze condition. These results suggest that, already from birth, infants can perceive slight differences of gazes when someone is addressing to them.

The association of brightness with number/duration in human newborns.

Human neonates spontaneously associate changes in magnitude across the dimensions of number, length, and duration. Do these particular associations generalize to other pairs of magnitudes in the same way at birth, or do they reflect an early predisposition to expect specific relations between spatial, temporal, and numerical representations? To begin to answer this question, we investigated how strongly newborns associated auditory sequences changing in number/duration with visual objects changing in levels of brightness. We tested forty-eight newborn infants in one of three, bimodal stimulus conditions in which auditory numbers/durations increased or decreased from a familiarization trial to the two test trials. Auditory numbers/durations were paired with visual objects in familiarization that remained the same on one test trial but changed in luminance/contrast or shape on the other. On average, results indicated that newborns looked longer when changes in brightness accompanied the number/duration change as compared to no change, a preference that was most consistent when the brightness change was congruent with the number/duration change. For incongruent changes, this preference depended on trial order. Critically, infants showed no preference for a shape change over no shape change, indicating that infants likely treated brightness differently than a generic feature. Though this performance pattern is somewhat similar to previously documented associations, these findings suggest that cross-magnitude associations among number, length, and duration may be more specialized at birth, rather than emerge gradually from postnatal experience or maturation.

At Birth, Humans Associate "Few" with Left and "Many" with Right.

Humans use spatial representations to structure abstract concepts [1]. One of the most well-known examples is the "mental number line"-the propensity to imagine numbers oriented in space [2, 3]. Human infants [4, 5], children [6, 7], adults [8], and nonhuman animals [9, 10] associate small numbers with the left side of space and large numbers with the right. In humans, cultural artifacts, such as the direction of reading and writing, modulate the directionality of this representation, with right-to-left reading cultures associating small numbers with right and large numbers with left [11], whereas the opposite association permeates left-to-right reading cultures [8]. Number-space mapping plays a central role in human mathematical concepts [12], but its origins remain unclear: is it the result of an innate bias or does it develop after birth? Infant humans are passively exposed to a spatially coded environment, so experience and culture could underlie the mental number line. To rule out this possibility, we tested neonates' responses to small or large auditory quantities paired with geometric figures presented on either the left or right sides of the screen. We show that 0- to 3-day-old neonates associate a small quantity with the left and a large quantity with the right when the multidimensional stimulus contains discrete numerical information, providing evidence that representations of number are associated to an oriented space at the start of postnatal life, prior to experience with language, culture, or with culture-specific biases.

Perceiving numerosity from birth.

Leibovich et al. opened up an important discussion on the nature and origins of numerosity perception. The authors rightly point out that non-numerical features of stimuli influence this ability. Despite these biases, there is evidence that from birth, humans perceive and represent numerosities, and not just non-numerical quantitative features such as item size, density, and convex hull.

Newborns' sensitivity to the visual aspects of infant-directed speech: Evidence from point-line displays of talking faces.

The first time a newborn is held, he is attracted by the human's face. A talking face is even more captivating, as it is the first time he or she hears and sees another human talking. Older infants are relatively good at detecting the relationship between images and sounds when someone is addressing to them, but it is unclear whether this ability is dependent on experience or not. Using an intermodal matching procedure, we presented newborns with 2 silent point-line displays representing the same face uttering different sentences while they were hearing a vocal-only utterance that matched 1 of the 2 stimuli. Nearly all of the newborns looked longer at the matching point-line face than at the mismatching 1, with prior exposure to the stimuli (Experiment 1) or without (Experiment 2). These results are interpreted in terms of newborns' ability to extract common visual and auditory information of continuous speech events despite a short experience with talking faces. The implications are discussed in the light of the language processing and acquisition literature. (PsycINFO Database Record

Crossmodal discrimination of 2 vs. 4 objects across touch and vision in 5-month-old infants.

Infants are known to possess two different cognitive systems to encode numerical information. The first system encodes approximate numerosities, has no known upper limit and is functional from birth on. The second system relies on infants' ability to track up to 3 objects in parallel, and enables them to represent exact numerosity for such small sets. It is unclear, however, whether infants may be able to represent numerosities from all ranges in a common format. In various studies, infants failed to discriminate a small vs. a large numerosity (e.g., 2 vs. 4, 3 vs. 6), although more recent studies presented evidence that infants can succeed at these discriminations in some situations. Here, we used a transfer paradigm between the tactile and visual modalities in 5-month-olds, assuming that such cross-modal paradigm may promote access to abstract representations of numerosities, continuous across the small and large ranges. Infants were first familiarized with 2 to 4 objects in the tactile modality, and subsequently tested for their preference between 2 vs. 4, or 3 vs. 6 visual objects. Results were mixed, with only partial evidence that infants may have transferred numerical information across modalities. Implications on 5-month-old infants' ability to represent small and large numerosities in a single or in separate formats are discussed.

Suprasegmental information affects processing of talking faces at birth.

From birth, newborns show a preference for faces talking a native language compared to silent faces. The present study addresses two questions that remained unanswered by previous research: (a) Does the familiarity with the language play a role in this process and (b) Are all the linguistic and paralinguistic cues necessary in this case? Experiment 1 extended newborns' preference for native speakers to non-native ones. Given that fetuses and newborns are sensitive to the prosodic characteristics of speech, Experiments 2 and 3 presented faces talking native and nonnative languages with the speech stream being low-pass filtered. Results showed that newborns preferred looking at a person who talked to them even when only the prosodic cues were provided for both languages. Nonetheless, a familiarity preference for the previously talking face is observed in the "normal speech" condition (i.e., Experiment 1) and a novelty preference in the "filtered speech" condition (Experiments 2 and 3). This asymmetry reveals that newborns process these two types of stimuli differently and that they may already be sensitive to a mismatch between the articulatory movements of the face and the corresponding speech sounds.

The development of sensorimotor influences in the audiovisual speech domain: some critical questions.

Speech researchers have long been interested in how auditory and visual speech signals are integrated, and the recent work has revived interest in the role of speech production with respect to this process. Here, we discuss these issues from a developmental perspective. Because speech perception abilities typically outstrip speech production abilities in infancy and childhood, it is unclear how speech-like movements could influence audiovisual speech perception in development. While work on this question is still in its preliminary stages, there is nevertheless increasing evidence that sensorimotor processes (defined here as any motor or proprioceptive process related to orofacial movements) affect developmental audiovisual speech processing. We suggest three areas on which to focus in future research: (i) the relation between audiovisual speech perception and sensorimotor processes at birth, (ii) the pathways through which sensorimotor processes interact with audiovisual speech processing in infancy, and (iii) developmental change in sensorimotor pathways as speech production emerges in childhood.

Toward exact number: young children use one-to-one correspondence to measure set identity but not numerical equality.

Exact integer concepts are fundamental to a wide array of human activities, but their origins are obscure. Some have proposed that children are endowed with a system of natural number concepts, whereas others have argued that children construct these concepts by mastering verbal counting or other numeric symbols. This debate remains unresolved, because it is difficult to test children's mastery of the logic of integer concepts without using symbols to enumerate large sets, and the symbols themselves could be a source of difficulty for children. Here, we introduce a new method, focusing on large quantities and avoiding the use of words or other symbols for numbers, to study children's understanding of an essential property underlying integer concepts: the relation of exact numerical equality. Children aged 32-36 months, who possessed no symbols for exact numbers beyond 4, were given one-to-one correspondence cues to help them track a set of puppets, and their enumeration of the set was assessed by a non-verbal manual search task. Children used one-to-one correspondence relations to reconstruct exact quantities in sets of 5 or 6 objects, as long as the elements forming the sets remained the same individuals. In contrast, they failed to track exact quantities when one element was added, removed, or substituted for another. These results suggest an alternative to both nativist and symbol-based constructivist theories of the development of natural number concepts: Before learning symbols for exact numbers, children have a partial understanding of the properties of exact numbers.

Representations of space, time, and number in neonates.

A rich concept of magnitude--in its numerical, spatial, and temporal forms--is a central foundation of mathematics, science, and technology, but the origins and developmental relations among the abstract concepts of number, space, and time are debated. Are the representations of these dimensions and their links tuned by extensive experience, or are they readily available from birth? Here, we show that, at the beginning of postnatal life, 0- to 3-d-old neonates reacted to a simultaneous increase (or decrease) in spatial extent and in duration or numerical quantity, but they did not react when the magnitudes varied in opposite directions. The findings provide evidence that representations of space, time, and number are systematically interrelated at the start of postnatal life, before acquisition of language and cultural metaphors, and before extensive experience with the natural correlations between these dimensions.

Dissociation between small and large numerosities in newborn infants.

In the first year of life, infants possess two cognitive systems encoding numerical information: one for processing the numerosity of sets of 4 or more items, and the second for tracking up to 3 objects in parallel. While a previous study showed the former system to be already present a few hours after birth, it is unknown whether the latter system is functional at this age. Here, we adapt the auditory-visual matching paradigm that previously revealed sensitivity to large numerosities to test sensitivity to numerosities spanning the range from 2 to 12. Across studies, newborns discriminated pairs of large numerosities in a 3:1 ratio, even when the smaller numerosity was 3 (3 vs. 9). In contrast, newborn infants failed to discriminate pairs including the numerosity 2, even at the same ratio (2 vs. 6). These findings mirror the dissociation that has been reported with older infants, albeit with a discontinuity situated between numerosities 2 and 3. Two alternative explanations are compatible with our results: either newborn infants have a separate system for processing small sets, and the capacity of this system is limited to 2 objects; or newborn infants possess only one system to represent numerosities, and this system either is not functional or is extremely imprecise when it is applied to small numerosities.

What do We Know about Neonatal Cognition?

Research on neonatal cognition has developed very recently in comparison with the long history of research on child behavior. The last sixty years of research have provided a great amount of evidence for infants' numerous cognitive abilities. However, only little of this research concerns newborn infants. What do we know about neonatal cognition? Using a variety of paradigms, researchers became able to probe for what newborns know. Amongst these results, we can distinguish several levels of cognitive abilities. First, at the perceptual or sensory level, newborns are able to process information coming from the social world and the physical objects through all their senses. They are able to discriminate between object shapes and between faces; that is, they are able to detect invariants, remember and recognize them. Second, newborns are able to abstract information, to compare different inputs and to match them across different sensory modalities. We will argue that these two levels can be considered high-level cognitive abilities: they constitute the foundations of human cognition. Furthermore, while some perceptual competencies can stem from the fetal period, many of these perceptual and cognitive abilities cannot be a consequence of the environment surrounding the newborn before birth.

Intermanual transfer of shapes in preterm human infants from 33 to 34 + 6 weeks postconceptional age.

This study investigated the ability of preterm infants to learn an object shape with one hand and discriminate a new shape in the opposite hand (without visual control). Twenty-four preterm infants between 33 and 34 + 6 gestational weeks received a tactile habituation task with either their right or left hand followed by a tactile discrimination task in the opposite hand. The results confirmed that habituation occurred for both shapes and both hands. Infants subsequently held the novel shape longer in the opposite hand. The results reveal that preterm infants are capable of intermanual transfer of shape information. In spite of the immaturity of the corpus callosum in preterm infants, its development seems to be sufficient to allow some transfer of information between both hands.

Cues for early social skills: direct gaze modulates newborns' recognition of talking faces.

Previous studies showed that, from birth, speech and eye gaze are two important cues in guiding early face processing and social cognition. These studies tested the role of each cue independently; however, infants normally perceive speech and eye gaze together. Using a familiarization-test procedure, we first familiarized newborn infants (n = 24) with videos of unfamiliar talking faces with either direct gaze or averted gaze. Newborns were then tested with photographs of the previously seen face and of a new one. The newborns looked longer at the face that previously talked to them, but only in the direct gaze condition. These results highlight the importance of both speech and eye gaze as socio-communicative cues by which infants identify others. They suggest that gaze and infant-directed speech, experienced together, are powerful cues for the development of early social skills.

The manual habituation and discrimination of shapes in preterm human infants from 33 to 34+6 post-conceptional age.

BACKGROUND: Grasping at birth is well-known as a reflex in response to a stimulation of the palm of the hand. Recent studies revealed that this grasping was not only a pure reflex because human newborns are able to detect and to remember differences in shape features. The manual perception of shapes has not been investigated in preterm human infants. The aim of the present study was to investigate manual perception by preterm infants. METHODOLOGY/PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: We used a habituation/reaction to novelty procedure in twenty-four human preterm infants from 33 to 34+6 post-conceptional age. After habituation to an object (prism or cylinder) in one hand (left or right) in a habituation phase, babies were given either the same object or the other (novel) object in the same hand in a test phase. We observed that after successive presentations of the same object, a decrease of the holding time is observed for each preterm infant. Moreover, a significant increase of the holding time is obtained with the presentation of the novel object. Finally, the comparison between the current performance of preterm infants and those of full-term newborns showed that preterm babies only had a faster tactile habituation to a shape. CONCLUSION/SIGNIFICANCE: For the first time, the results reveal that preterm infants from 33 to 34+6 GW can detect the specific features that differentiate prism and cylinder shapes by touch, and remember them. The results suggest that there is no qualitative, but only quantitative, difference between the perceptual abilities of preterm babies and those of full-term babies in perceiving shape manually.

Newborn infants perceive abstract numbers.

Although infants and animals respond to the approximate number of elements in visual, auditory, and tactile arrays, only human children and adults have been shown to possess abstract numerical representations that apply to entities of all kinds (e.g., 7 samurai, seas, or sins). Do abstract numerical concepts depend on language or culture, or do they form a part of humans' innate, core knowledge? Here we show that newborn infants spontaneously associate stationary, visual-spatial arrays of 4-18 objects with auditory sequences of events on the basis of number. Their performance provides evidence for abstract numerical representations at the start of postnatal experience.