ABSTRACT
Resumo Corpos e territórios múltiplos vivenciam de diferentes formas impactos, conflitos e injustiças socioambientais. As consequências do padrão de acumulação neoextrativista recai de modo diferenciado sobre as mulheres, em especial não brancas. Esse texto traz narrativas de mulheres plurais, que vivem em diferentes territórios e que experienciam distintos impactos de grandes empreendimentos. Por meio de suas narrativas, buscamos compreender como constituem seus corpos-territórios, como são impactados e como resistem a dominação colonialista, defendem a vida e restituem a saúde. Os impactos analisados atingem os meios e modos de vida das mulheres, cerceiam suas formas de ser, poder e saber nesses territórios, tornam-nas vulnerabilizadas, sujeitas à precarização dos meios e modos de vida, imersas em intoxicações sistêmicas, chegando a situações classificadas como genocídios. Frente a tais ameaças, elas agenciam a resistência coletiva, acionam o que lhes torna subjetividade ativa, descolonizam-se como ser, saber e poder. Assim defendem a vida e restituem a saúde de si mesmas e de seus ambientes. Essas experiências apontam caminhos para o fortalecimento de perspectivas e redes de vigilância popular em saúde.
Abstract Multiple bodies and territories experience impacts, conflicts, and socioenvironmental injustices in different ways. The consequences of the neoextractivist accumulation patterns weigh differently on women, especially non-white women. This text brings narratives of a wide range of women who live in different territories and experience different impacts from major undertakings. Through their narratives, we seek to understand how they constitute their territorial bodies; how they are impacted; and how they resist colonialist domination, defend life, and restore health. These impacts affect women's means and ways of life, and restrict their ways of being, power, and knowledge in these territories, rendering them vulnerable, subject to the precariousness of life, immersed in systemic intoxication, reaching situations classified as genocide. Faced with such threats, they manage collective resistance; trigger what makes them active subjectivity; and decolonize themselves as beings, knowledge, and power. In this way they defend life and restore their health and that of their environments. These experiences indicate ways to strengthen public health surveillance perspectives and networks.
ABSTRACT
This paper seeks to characterise the relationship between civil society and mining in Minas Gerais, Brazil, between 2000 and 2020 by observing the actions of three different groups in resisting the expansion of mining. The analysis points to the existence of a plurality of forms of engagement, organisation and ways of establishing relations between civil society and the state and the market. It also reveals tension between different ways of framing the mining problem by civil society, of posing this problem publicly and establishing ways to confront it. Three sets of actors are identified: (i) environmental NGOs, who are market-oriented; (ii) groups with looser ties who are more radical; and (iii) social movements aligned with the identities of a state-orientated traditional left. My analysis suggests that the divergence in framing the context by these three different groups hinders the construction of a substantive public debate on the mining issue in Brazil. The article is divided into three parts. First, it briefly outlines the process of mining expansion in Brazil, starting in the mid-2000s, highlighting its economic impact. Second, it considers the relationship between civil society articulation and deliberation. Third, it characterises the constitution of these different civil society groups who have established interactions with market and state actors that fostered this expansion.
ABSTRACT
This paper aims to unpack the relational dimension of place and placemaking by analysing how creative actions underpin relational values towards socio-spatial restoration in the sacrifice zone affecting the communities of Quintero and Puchuncaví (QPSZ) in Chile. Sacrifice zones are places permanently subject to environmental damage and lack of environmental regulation. For affected populations in environmentally degraded areas, creative actions such as murals, music, and street performances have become a way to re-establish connections both among humans, and between humans and the environment. To date, little has been theorized on this connection. With this in mind, we use network analysis to analyze which and how relational values are mobilized by artistic actions, and to examine ensuing socio-spatial transformations. Drawing insights from 35 interviews with activists, artists, and residents in QPSZ, we observed relational effects of arts, especially in creation processes, and in representations of local elements and life histories. The materiality of artistic practices raised as a force of placemaking, and so did artistic spaces as promoters of networking and social cohesion, essential for socio-spatial restoration. By bringing together insights from aesthetic politics, human geography, and relational values, this paper contributes to the emerging literature on art committed to tackling socio-environmental crises, and to political-ecological theories on the transformation of degraded areas. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11625-022-01252-6.
ABSTRACT
We studied conservation paradigms of small-scale artisanal fishers and other actors involved in the conservation of the Bahía Blanca Estuary (BBE)-a Southwestern Atlantic estuary under anthropogenic pressures (conservationists, NGOs, individuals in the private sector and the port consortium). We focused on the relationship between fishers and non-human entities (e.g., animals, tides, lunar cycles, etc.) from alternative conservation paradigms according to Pálsson's schema (orientalism, paternalism, communalism). We also explored the ecological knowledge of fisher communities to identify possible conservation strategies. Using an ethnographic approach, we identified communalism as the dominant paradigm within the fisher communities as opposed to the paternalistic and orientalist approaches of conservationists and industry employees in the BBE. Fishers demonstrated a broad knowledge on the effects of climate change on fish stocks and pollution on ocean environments and biota, which gillnets avoid catching juveniles and threatened species, and landscape changes over the long-term period, among others areas that could be useful for conservation of these changing coastal ecosystems. We conclude that understanding local perspectives and practices is essential for a democratic exchange among different bodies of knowledge to conserve marine ecosystems.
ABSTRACT
Temos como preocupação central neste exercício teórico buscar trilhas de superação dos efeitos do sofrimento ético-político produzido nos/pelos conflitos socioambientais que atravessam a constituição do processo de exclusão/inclusão social das comunidades tradicionais no Brasil. Compreendemos que a defesa de um mundo comum habitável passa pelo fortalecimento das comunidades tradicionais e que a defesa de seus conhecimentos, territórios e práticas socioambientais é um ato político-ecológico estratégico para a humanidade. Assim, sem desacreditar na força do sentimento de pertença que configura identidades/singularidades, propomos a necessária ampliação de movimentos/ideias que contribuam para a composição de corpos mais permeáveis ao sentimento do comum. Este afeto tem como princípio ético o reconhecimento dos outros corpos como potência em ato indispensável a costura da vida e como princípio político a apropriação do interesse comum como interesse pessoal. Neste sentido, defendemos o aprimoramento das relações humanas como horizonte ético-político da psicologia social.
The central concern of this theoretical exercise is to seek ways of overcoming the effects of ethical-political suffering produced in the socio-environmental conflicts that go through the constitution of the social exclusion/ inclusion process of traditional communities in Brazil. We understand that the defense of a common habitable world involves strengthening traditional communities and that the defense of their socio-environmental knowledge, territories and practices is a strategic political-ecological act for humanity. Thus, without discrediting the strength of the feeling of belonging that configures identities/ singularities, we propose the necessary expansion of movements / ideas that contribute to the composition of bodies more permeable to the feeling of the common. This affection has, as its ethical principle, the recognition of other bodies as a powerful of life and transformation action, and as a political principle the appropriation of common interest as a personal interest. In this sense, we defend the improvement of human relations as the ethical-political horizon of social psychology.
Tenemos como preocupación central en este ejercicio teórico buscar senderos de superación de los efectos del sufrimiento ético-político producido en los conflictos socioambientales que atravesan la constitución del proceso de exclusión/inclusión social de las comunidades tradicionales en Brasil. Comprendemos que la defensa de un mundo común habitable pasa por el fortalecimiento de las comunidades tradicionales y que la defensa de sus conocimientos, territorios y prácticas socioambientales es un acto político-ecológico estratégico para la humanidad. Así, sin desacreditar en la fuerza del sentimiento de pertenencia que configura identidades/singularidades, proponemos la necesaria ampliación de movimientos/ideas que contribuyan a la composición de cuerpos más permeables al sentimiento del común, afecto que tiene como principio ético el reconocimiento de los otros cuerpos como potencia en acto indispensable la costura de la vida y como principio político la apropiación del interés común como interés personal. En este sentido, defendemos el perfeccionamiento de las relaciones humanas como horizonte ético-político de la psicología social.
ABSTRACT
RESUMEN El propósito de este artículo es exponer la preocupación suscitada tanto por la ciudadanía de Bucaramanga, ciudad capital del departamento de Santander ubicada al nororiente de Colombia como un territorio que se debate entre la necesidad de preservar el agua que llega del páramo de Santurbán y la importancia de conservar la tradición minera en sus municipios cercanos. Para alcanzar este objetivo se recurrió a la realización de entrevistas semiestructuradas a algunos pobladores de la zona rural del páramo de Santurbán y se constató una revisión de las publicaciones periódicas que circularon en los años 2010 y 2011. Esta información se entrecruzó con algunos textos teóricos para comprender el impacto de la problemática ambiental. Una de las conclusiones de este artículo es la evidente necesidad de conservar el páramo de Santurbán como sustento hídrico de Bucaramanga y su área metropolitana; lo cual ha llevado a la movilización de gran parte de la ciudadanía, a pesar de las necesidades de otras poblaciones que derivan su sustento de la minería a pequeña escala.
ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to expose the concern raised by both the citizens of Bucaramanga, the capital city of the department of Santander located in northeastern Colombia and a territory that is torn between the need to preserve the water that arrives from the Santurbán wasteland and the importance of preserving the mining tradition in its nearby municipalities. To achieve this objective, semi-structured interviews were carried out with some residents of the rural area of the Santurbán páramo and a review of the periodical publications that circulated in 2010 and 2011 was found. This information was intertwined with some theoretical texts for understand the impact of environmental issues. One of the conclusions of this article is the obvious need to conserve the Santurbán páramo as a water support for Bucaramanga and its metropolitan area; which has led to the mobilization of much of the citizenship, despite the needs of other populations that derive their livelihood from small-scale mining.
RESUMO O objetivo deste artigo é expor a preocupação levantada pelos cidadãos de Bucaramanga, capital do departamento de Santander localizada no nordeste da Colômbia, e um território dividido entre a necessidade de preservar a água que chega do deserto de Santurbán e a importância de preservar a tradição mineradora em seus municípios vizinhos. Para atingir esse objetivo, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com alguns moradores da área rural de Santurbán páramo e foi encontrada uma revisão das publicações periódicas que circularam em 2010 e 2011. Essas informações foram entrelaçadas com alguns textos teóricos para entenda o impacto das questões ambientais. Uma das conclusões deste artigo é a necessidade óbvia de conservar o Santurbán páramo como suporte hídrico para Bucaramanga e sua área metropolitana; o que levou à mobilização de grande parte da cidadania, apesar das necessidades de outras populações que derivam seu sustento da mineração em pequena escala.
ABSTRACT
The establishment of national parks in Brazil has been made based on a history of conflicts with local populations living within the limits or buffer zones of protected areas. These conflicts begin with disputes over territorial ownership. They affect local livelihoods, access to and use of space and natural resources, and create power asymmetries. In response to these conflicts, the Federal Conservation Agency has put forward norms that guarantee inclusive arenas for local people to take part in negotiations with park managers. In this study, environmental conflicts caused by the implementation of parks overlapping local population territories are analyzed aiming to understand their role as mechanisms promoting institutional changes. We collected data from two communities that overlap the Serra da Bocaina National Park through interviews, workshops, and direct observations. For each community, we characterized conflicts involving the community and Park officers. We identified consequences to the community's livelihoods and analyzed their influence on institutional change. The results suggest that one community responded to conservation conflicts through actions towards negotiation and collaboration with the national park. The other community promoted changes in agricultural production methods and sought new markets as a strategy for staying in the territory. Conflicts are effective as a mechanism for institutional changes, as local actors articulate with autonomous organizations at different levels. We highlight the importance of a continuous documentation on conflicts and their consequences to rural livelihoods in both communities and conflict management actions taken by the Park in the long term.
Subject(s)
Dissent and Disputes , Parks, Recreational , Agriculture , Brazil , Conservation of Natural Resources , HumansABSTRACT
Recent research and policies recognize the importance of environmental defenders for global sustainability and emphasize their need for protection against violence and repression. However, effective support may benefit from a more systematic understanding of the underlying environmental conflicts, as well as from better knowledge on the factors that enable environmental defenders to mobilize successfully. We have created the global Environmental Justice Atlas to address this knowledge gap. Here we present a large-n analysis of 2743 cases that sheds light on the characteristics of environmental conflicts and the environmental defenders involved, as well as on successful mobilization strategies. We find that bottom-up mobilizations for more sustainable and socially just uses of the environment occur worldwide across all income groups, testifying to the global existence of various forms of grassroots environmentalism as a promising force for sustainability. Environmental defenders are frequently members of vulnerable groups who employ largely non-violent protest forms. In 11% of cases globally, they contributed to halt environmentally destructive and socially conflictive projects, defending the environment and livelihoods. Combining strategies of preventive mobilization, protest diversification and litigation can increase this success rate significantly to up to 27%. However, defenders face globally also high rates of criminalization (20% of cases), physical violence (18%), and assassinations (13%), which significantly increase when Indigenous people are involved. Our results call for targeted actions to enhance the conditions enabling successful mobilizations, and for specific support for Indigenous environmental defenders.
ABSTRACT
O objetivo deste artigo é discutir, através de análise de conteúdo, as estratégias de comunicação pública adotadas pelas Indústrias Nucleares do Brasil no 'Espaço INB', um centro de informações localizado na cidade baiana de Caetité, onde a empresa realiza a mineração e o beneficiamento de urânio. Desde que foram iniciadas, essas atividades levantaram inúmeras suspeitas de danos ambientais e problemas de saúde pública. Diante disso, buscamos compreender como a INB se posiciona diante dessas suspeitas e se relaciona com as populações atingidas por suas atividades. De acordo com nosso argumento, ao adotar uma postura que denominamos tecnoentusiasta e tecnocrática, a empresa dificulta um debate público aberto e descentralizado sobre as controvérsias em torno da mineração de urânio
This article aims to use the content analysis to discuss the public communication stated by the 'Espaço INB', an information center managed by Indústrias Nucleares do Brasil located in the city of Caetité BA, where the company mines and processes uranium. Since INB started its activities in Caetité, several suspicions of environmental damage and public health problems emerged. Thus, we analyze how INB responds to these suspicions and relates to the populations affected by its activities. We argue that INB adopts an attitude that we call techno-enthusiastic and technocratic, hindering an open public and decentralized debate about the controversies surrounding uranium mining.
El objetivo de este artículo es discutir, a través del análisis de contenido, la comunicación pública transmitida por el 'Espaço INB', un centro de información administrado por Indústrias Nucleares do Brasil ubicado en la ciudad de Caetité/Bahia, donde la empresa hace la mínería y el procesamiento del uranio. Desde que comenzaron, estas actividades han generado numerosas sospechas de daños ambientales y problemas de salud pública. Por eso, analizamos como el INB contesta estas sospechas y se relaciona con las poblaciones afectadas por sus actividades. Argumentamos que el INB adopta una actitud que llamamos tecno-entusiasta y tecnocrática, lo que dificulta un debate público abierto y descentralizado sobre las controversias respecto a la minería de uranio.
Subject(s)
Humans , Occupational Health , Uranium , Science, Technology and Society , Mining , Nuclear Energy , Environmental Health , Radioactive Hazard Release , Environmental Hazards , Qualitative Research , Scientific Communication and Diffusion , Environmental CommunicationABSTRACT
Resumo O modelo de desenvolvimento brasileiro, fortemente baseado na produção de commodities e em indústrias eletrointensivas para trocas nos mercados globais, gera desigualdades sociais e ambientais que desencadeiam diversos conflitos entre povos indígenas e grupos econômicos envolvendo disputas por terra e bens comuns em contextos que influenciam fortemente a situação de saúde dessas comunidades. O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar um panorama dos conflitos socioambientais envolvendo os povos indígenas brasileiros, suas estratégias para garantir o acesso e a qualidade do Subsistema de Atenção à Saúde Indígena (SASI), e alternativas que eles têm proposto para o enfrentamento dos problemas gerados. Esta análise se baseia em um mapeamento de conflitos ambientais baseado na revisão bibliográfica de fontes secundárias (do movimento indígena ou seus parceiros) que subsidiaram a construção de relatos sobre os conflitos e a análise das narrativas indígenas sobre o território onde vivem e suas lutas. A partir da qual concluímos que as estratégias de luta pela saúde dos povos indígenas brasileiros são influenciadas pelas suas disputas socioambientais e são parte das mobilizações desses povos pelo reconhecimento integral de direitos.
Abstract The Brazilian development model, based on commodities and electro-intensive industries for trade in global markets, generates social and environmental inequalities that trigger various conflicts between indigenous peoples and communities and economic groups involving disputes over territory and common assets in contexts that influence the health situation of these communities. The objective of this paper is to present an overview of environmental conflicts involving the Brazilian indigenous peoples, their strategies to ensure the sustainability and demarcation of their territories and discuss the forms of pressure of the population on this Subsystem of Indigenous Healthcare (SASI) or alternatives they have proposed to tackle the problems generated. This analysis is based on a mapping of environmental conflicts based on the bibliographical revision of secondary sources (by indigenous movements or their partners) that supported the construction of reports on conflicts and analysis of the indigenous narratives about the territory where they live and their struggles. The conclusion drawn is that the health control strategies of Brazilian indigenous peoples are influenced by their socio-environmental disputes and are part of the mobilization of these peoples for the full recognition of their rights.
Subject(s)
Humans , Indians, South American/statistics & numerical data , Health Status , Conflict, Psychological , Delivery of Health Care/organization & administration , Socioeconomic Factors , Brazil , Human RightsABSTRACT
Em um contexto marcado por diversos 'conflitos ambientais', o presente artigo, enquanto ensaio teórico, apresenta argumentos advindos da ecologia social, da ecologia política e da psicossociologia para evidenciar a inerente indissociabilidade entre os aspectos sociais, econômicos, ambientais e psicológicos desses conflitos. Ao propor o 'trabalho' como categoria analítica e articuladora entre essas diferentes, porém integradas dimensões, defende-se uma leitura psico-socioambiental dos 'conflitos ambientais' a partir do campo psicossocial. Esse posicionamento favorece, por um lado, a compreensão destes conflitos e, por outro, articulações políticas que visam um projeto societário mais justo, diverso e viável.
In a context marked by several 'environmental conflicts', this article, as a theoretical essay, presents arguments from social ecology, political ecology and psychosociology to highlight the inherent inseparability between the social, economic, environmental and psychological aspects of these conflicts. By proposing 'work' as an analytical and articulating category between these different but integrated dimensions, a psycho-socio-environmental reading of 'environmental conflicts' is advocated from the psychosocial field. This position favors, on the one hand, the understanding of these conflicts and, on the other hand, political articulations that aim at a more fair, diverse and viable project to society.
Em un contexto marcado por varios 'conflictos ambientales', mientras que este artículo ensayo teórico presenta argumentos que surgen de la ecología social, la ecología política y la psicología social para poner de relievela indivisibilidade inherente de sociales, económicos, ambientales y psicológicos tales conflictos. Al proponer el 'trabajo' como una categoría analítica y articulador entre estas diferentes dimensiones, pero integrados, defiende una lectura psico-socio-ambiental de 'conflictos ambientales' desde el ámbito psicosocial. Esta posición favorece, por un lado, la comprensión de estos conflictos y, por outro articulaciones políticas, orientadas a um proyecto social más equitativa, diversa y viable.
Dans un contexte marqué par plusieurs «conflits environnementaux¼, cet article, en tant qu'essai théorique, présente des arguments d'écologie sociale, d'écologie politique et de psychosociologie afin de mettre en évidence le caractère indissociable des aspects social, économique, environnemental et psychologique de ces conflits. En proposant le «travail¼ comme catégorie analytique et articulée entre ces dimensions différentes mais intégrées, une lecture psycho-socio-environnementale des «conflits environnementaux¼ est préconisée dans le champ psychosocial. Cette position favorise, d'une part, la compréhension de ces conflits et, d'autre part, les articulations politiques qui visent un projet d'entreprise plus équitable, diversifié et viable.
ABSTRACT
RESUMO A disposição final de Resíduos Sólidos Urbanos (RSU) em aterros sanitários é discutida, neste artigo, sob o contexto de conflitos ambientais. Nessa perspectiva, foi analisado o conflito ambiental no âmbito do Aterro Sanitário de Puxinanã (ASP), na Paraíba, no período compreendido entre julho de 2009 a agosto de 2014. Foram abordadas e aplicadas técnicas que contribuíram para a análise e o entendimento do conflito ambiental em pauta, em nível macro, auxiliando com informações necessárias à tomada de decisão. A localização do ASP, dentro da bacia hidrográfica do principal manancial que abastece toda a população urbana do município de Puxinanã (PB), somada à disposição dos RSU do município de Campina Grande (PB) nesse aterro, acentuou o conflito. Pela modelagem do conflito por meio do Modelo Grafo para Resolução de Conflitos (GMCR), foram apontadas alternativas de solução, em função dos jogadores envolvidos e dos interesses de cada um. Nos três cenários simulados, a construção de um novo aterro para Puxinanã, além da disposição dos RSU de Campina Grande em aterro próprio, foi indicada como equilíbrio do conflito.
ABSTRACT The final disposal of Municipal Solid Waste (MSW) landfill is discussed in this article in the context of environmental conflicts. From this perspective, the environmental conflict was analysed under the Puxinanã Landfill (ASP), in Paraiba, in the period from July 2009 to August 2014. Techniques were addressed and implemented, and they contributed to the analysis and understanding of environmental conflict in question, at the macro level, assisting with necessary information for decision making. The location of the ASP within hydrographic basin of the main spring that supplies the entire urban population of the municipality of Puxinanã (PB), plus the disposal of MSW of Campina Grande (PB) municipality in this landfill, aggravated the conflict. Through modeling the conflict using the Graph Model for Conflict Resolution (GMCR), some alternative solutions were identified according to the players involved and the interests of each part. In the three simulated scenarios, the construction of a new landfill for Puxinanã, as well as disposal of MSW Campina Grande in the landfill, was identified as an equilibrium for the conflict.
ABSTRACT
Nas últimas décadas, os povos indígenas têm se mobilizado em torno da garantia jurídica e da continuidade das relações ecológicas que estabelecem em seus territórios tradicionais e resistido ao avanço da economia de mercado ou de obras públicas sobre as áreas necessárias à sua reprodução física, cultural e simbólica. Eles esperam que ao alcançarem o reconhecimento público de sua territorialidade, também possam assegurar a continuidade de suas práticas tradicionais e fortaleçam as pressões sobre o Estado para formular e executar políticas públicas que contribuam para o enfrentamento das consequências negativas das transformações territoriais sobre seu modo de vida e saúde coletiva. O estudo analisou as dinâmicas de tais mobilizações nas terras indígenas dos povos Tupinikim e Guarani Mbyá em Aracruz/ES. Também analisou as estratégias que estas comunidades têm empreendido para assegurar o acesso, a qualidade e o respeito às diferenças étnicas, no Subsistema de Atenção à Saúde Indígena. O estudo qualitativo foi realizado através de entrevistas em profundidade complementadas por análise documental e revisão de fontes secundárias. Conclui que as lutas políticas indígenas trazem consigo um potencial emancipatório a partir de demandas baseadas em relações específicas com a terra, com os ecossistemas e de cuidado à saúde, mas que os povos indígenas, através de suas lutas, ainda não conseguiram traduzí-las em políticas públicas...
In recent decades, indigenous peoples have been mobilized around legal guarantees and the continuity of ecological relations established in their traditional territories and resist the advance of the market economy or public works over the areas necessary for their physical, cultural and symbolic reproduction. They seek public recognition of their territoriality to ensure the continuity of their traditional practices and to pressure the state to formulate and implement public policies that contribute to mitigating the negative consequences of territorial transformations on their way of life and collective health. The study analyzes the dynamics of this type of mobilization between the Tupinikim and Guarani Mbyá peoples in Aracruz/ES. It also analyzes the strategies that these communities have undertaken to ensure access, quality and respect for ethnic differences in the Indigenous Health Care Subsystem. The qualitative study was conducted through in-depth interviews complemented by documentary analysis and review of secondary sources. It concludes that indigenous political struggles bring with them an emancipatory potential from demands based on specific relations with the land, with ecosystems and health care, but that they have not yet been able to translate them into public policies...
Subject(s)
Humans , Conflict of Interest , Environmental Health , Health of Indigenous Peoples , Social Participation , Indigenous Peoples , Public PolicyABSTRACT
Este articulo tiene como objetivo mostrar resultados de investigación en el que se desceriben los conflictos por la apropiación territorial y las consecuencias que traerá el proceso dedelimitación para las comunidades asentadas y los demás actores sociales que convergen en el territorio del complejo de páramos Sonsón de los departamentos de Antioquia y Caldas.Esto con el fin de dar elementos para la problematización de estos ejercicios estatales, y manifestar que el reto que significa hoy la gobernanza ambiental de los territorios rebasa el marco de una propuesta de delimitación que se propone como un trámite administrativo que determine dónde puede hacerse minería en el país, y que demanda escuchar las respuestas de las comunidades ante este tipo de iniciativas.
This article aims to show the results of research, which describes the conflicts over land ownership and the consequences that the redistricting process will bring to settledcommunities and other social actors that converge in the territory of the complex Sonson moors in the states of Antioquia and Caldas. This is in order to provide some items to the problematization of these state exercises, and to manifest the challenge of what the environmental governance of the territories means today, goes beyond the scope of a proposal of delimitation, which is proposed as a managerial procedure, which determines where in the country mining can be carried out, and which requires the fact of hearing the answers from the communities, in view of such initiatives.
Subject(s)
Humans , Biodegradation, Environmental , Mining , Politics , Armed Conflicts , Colombia , Conflict of InterestABSTRACT
Este artigo apresenta um estudo de conflitos ambientais por água nos estados diretamente envolvidos e que se contextualizam no Projeto de Integração do Rio São Francisco, partindo de uma abordagem orientada pela determinação social da saúde envolvendo relações entre o uso de recursos naturais, dominação política e apropriação econômica que estão na base dos processos de injustiça ambiental. Procedeu-se a um estudo exploratório de caráter descritivo, observacional, transversal. A base de dados para a produção de informações foi a da Comissão Pastoral da Terra que monitora os conflitos por água. Tomou-se como a área de estudo os estados do Ceará, Paraíba, Pernambuco e Rio Grande do Norte. Caracterizou-se os conflitos segundo estados, situação do conflito e números de famílias afetadas. Verificou-se a existência de conflitos em todos os estados investigados, principalmente no Ceará e Pernambuco. Conclui-se que o projeto de transposição das águas do São Francisco agudiza conflitos ambientais envolvendo populações indígenas e outros grupos vulnerados radicados nos territórios e que reinvindicam o acesso e uso da água.
Abstract This article presents a study on the environmental conflicts over water in states directly involved in the context of the Integration Project of the San Francisco River in Northeastern Brazil. It is based on an approach guided by the social determination of health involving the relationships between the use of natural resources, political domination and economic ownership that underlie the processes of environmental injustice. A transversal, descriptive, and observational study was carried out. The database from the Pastoral Land Commission-which monitors conflicts over water-was used as a source of information. The states of Ceará, Paraíba, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Norte were chosen as scope for the study. The conflicts were characterized according to state, status and the number of affected families. We observed that conflicts existed in all states studied, but especially in Ceará and Pernambuco. We, thus, concluded that the water transposition project for the São Francisco river worsens environmental conflicts involving indigenous populations and others vulnerable groups rooted in the territories that demand access to the water.
Subject(s)
Humans , Male , Female , Water Supply , Conflict of Interest , Conservation of Natural Resources/legislation & jurisprudence , Water Consumption (Environmental Health) , Water Demand , Environmental Health , Cross-Sectional Studies , Legislation, Environmental , Indigenous Peoples , Vulnerable Populations , ViolenceABSTRACT
Evaluating participatory decision processes serves two key purposes: validating the usefulness of specific interventions for stakeholders, interveners and funders of conflict management processes, and improving practice. However, evaluation design remains challenging, partly because when attempting to serve both purposes we may end up serving neither well. In fact, the better we respond to one, the less we may satisfy the other. Evaluations tend to focus on endogenous factors (e.g., stakeholder selection, BATNAs, mutually beneficial tradeoffs, quality of the intervention, etc.), because we believe that the success of participatory decision processes hinges on them, and they also seem to lend themselves to caeteris paribus statistical comparisons across cases. We argue that context matters too and that contextual differences among specific cases are meaningful enough to undermine conclusions derived solely from comparisons of process-endogenous factors implicitly rooted in the caeteris paribus assumption. We illustrate this argument with an environmental mediation case. We compare data collected about it through surveys geared toward comparability across cases to information elicited through in-depth interviews geared toward case specifics. The surveys, designed by the U.S. Institute of Environmental Conflict Resolution, feed a database of environmental conflicts that can help make the (statistical) case for intervention in environmental conflict management. Our interviews elicit case details - including context - that enable interveners to link context specifics and intervention actions to outcomes. We argue that neither approach can "serve both masters."
Subject(s)
Community-Based Participatory Research , Conflict, Psychological , Decision Making , Environmental Policy , Mining , Negotiating , Agriculture , Community Participation , Dissent and Disputes , Group Processes , Humans , Oregon , Organizational Case Studies , Social FacilitationABSTRACT
Por medio de la Investigación Acción Participación se sistematiza la articulación de un movimiento social local que afrontó luchas globales en contra de los macroproyectos, por la usurpación del recurso agua y defensa de ecosistemas frágiles que se veían afectados por la Ampliación del Acueducto del Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. El movimiento se originó en la localidad de Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia) y como una red (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) se extendió por diferentes nodos, a los municipios de Guaca, Tona y el Área Metropolitana de Bucaramanga. Para este caso concreto del Movimiento Defensores del Agua, se aplica lo teorizado por Cohen y Arato (2000) en la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, y es utilizar dos de los grandes paradigmas de los movimientos sociales, el de la movilización de recursos y el de los "nuevos movimientos sociales", para de esta manera hacer más comprensible los movimientos sociales contemporáneos. El marco de acción de la lucha del Movimiento Defensores del Agua se da dentro de la Constitución de 1991, donde se postula un Estado Social de Derecho inmerso en Economía de Mercado (Jiménez, 2008); de allí se desprende todo un torrente legislativo como la Ley 134 de Participación Ciudadana que reglamenta los Cabildos Abiertos, y la Ley 99 de 1993 del Medio Ambiente que en su artículo 72 alude a las Audiencias Públicas Ambientales, mecanismos estos que son utilizados por el Movimiento en cuestión como instrumento de lucha. El artículo deja entrever el papel de los profesionales en el movimiento social, el diálogo de saberes entre el saber popular y el saber científico que estructuran el movimiento, el papel de las organizaciones no gubernamentales en la lógica del Estado neoliberal (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). Se evidenciará la génesis y evolución de un movimiento social y su transformación, sus logros, tales como la solidaridad alcanzada, la cultura política generada tanto en la propia sociedad civil como del Estado. Las convocatorias a espacios simbólicos y contrapúblicos (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001), las movilizaciones pacíficas de 200, 1200, 2000 y 5000 personas de extracción urbana y rural, hechos tales que llevaron a detener el macroproyecto a nivel regional. Y además las derrotas tanto colectivas y de sus actores en los escenarios del conflicto y a la vez narrar cómo se falla al querer extender la lucha al contexto nacional, es decir, deja como pregunta la falta de articulación de un movimiento social ambientalista a nivel nacional que afronte los conflictos locales y regionales.
By means of the Action-Participation Research method, the articulation of a local social movement which faced global fights against macro projects for the usurpation of the water resource and fragile ecosystems which were affected because of the extension in the Aqueduct in the Metropolitan area of Bucaramanga, is systematized. The movement has its origins in the area of Piedecuesta (Santander, Colombia), and as a network (Cohen & Arato, 2000; Melucci, 2002) it has extended to different areas to the municipalities of Guaca, Tona and the Metropolitan Area of Bucaramanga. For this specific case of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" Cohen and Arato's (2000) theories are applied in the reconstruction of civil society using two of the great paradigms of social movements: mobilization of resources and "new social movements", this way, making contemporary social movements easier to understand. The action framework of the "Defenders of the Water Movement" struggle is given in the 1991 Constitution, in which a Social State of Rights immersed into a market economy (Jiménez, 2008) is postulated. Thence it follows the legislative flow such as Law 134 of Citizen Participation, which regulates Town Meetings, and Law 99 from 1993 about Environment which, in article 72, refers to Environmental Public Audiences as mechanisms which are used by the Movement above mentioned as struggle instruments. This article allows to glance the role of professionals in the social movement, the dialogue of knowledge between popular knowledge and scientific knowledge which structure the Movement, the role of non-governmental organizations in the logics of the Neoliberal State (Escobar, Álvarez & Dagnino, 2001). The creation and evolution of a social movement will be shown, as well as its transformation, its achievements such as the solidarity attained, the l cultural policy generated both within civil society and within the State., The calls to symbolic and counterpublic spaces (Escobar, Álvarez &Dagnino, 2010), the pacific demonstrations of 200, 1200, 2000 and 5000 people from urban and rural origins, facts that made the macro project stop at a regional level. Besides, collective and individual defeats in scenarios of conflict, and also to relate how, wanting to extend the struggle to a national context, fails. This is to say it leaves as a question the lack of articulation of a social environment movement at a national level that faces local and regional environmental conflicts.
Subject(s)
Humans , Environment , Sociology , Community Participation , MovementABSTRACT
El presente trabajo es el resultado de investigaciones sobre la temática por parte de los autores, en relación con la protección de los animales, la responsabilidad ambiental, y con ella la problemática ambiental, tomando como muestra el resultado de la inacción en la solución de los conflictos ambientales como resultados de acciones de control ejecutadas en el territorio de la provincia Granma; el problema científico se enfoca en demostrar la inacción por parte de los entes y agentes que con jurisdicción y competencia están facultados para aplicar la legislación en materia de medio ambiente. Para la conformación del artículo se utilizaron diversos trabajos de investigación sobre la temática con una visión epistemológica sobre el tema objeto de investigación, lo que permitió abordar la muestra a partir de los años 2006 hasta el 2010, dándole continuidad permitiendo demostrar que la inacción de la conflictividad ambiental aún persiste. Se utilizó como métodos para realizar la investigación el exegético-jurídico, el jurídico-comparado, el histórico-lógico, el análisis-síntesis, y el inductivo-deductivo, que han permitido llegar a las conclusiones en este informe, para poder demostrar la necesidad de reformar la actual legislación ambiental en materia de responsabilidad ambiental.
This work is the result of investigations on the subject matter by the authors in relation to animal protection, environmental responsibility, and with it, environmental problems, taking as a sample the result of the inaction in the solution of environmental conflicts as the result of actions of control executed in the territory of the Granma province. The scientific problem focuses on demonstrating the inaction on the entities and agents part who, with jusridiction and competence, are authorized to apply the legislation on environment. For the conformation of the article, various research works on the subject matter with an epistemological vision on the theme were used, which allowed to tackle the sample from 2006 to 2010, giving it continuity and allow demonstrating how inaction of environmental conflictive situation still persists. The methods used to accomplish the investigation were the exegetic juridical method, the juridical comparative method, the historic logical method, the analysis synthesis method, and the inductive deductive method, which have allowed to come to the findings in this report in order to be able to demonstrate the need to reform the present-day environmental legislation on the subject of environmental responsibility.
Subject(s)
Humans , Environmental Change , Conflict of Interest , Environmental Management , CubaABSTRACT
RESUMO Este artigo, na forma de ensaio, discute implicações do poder do mercado e dos interesses privados frente à defesa dos interesses públicos e bens comuns que deveriam marcar o campo da saúde pública. A referência para essa discussão é a atuação do autor no campo da saúde ambiental e sua relação militante com os movimentos por justiça nesta área. As reflexões desenvolvidas analisam conflitos decorrentes do modelo predatório de desenvolvimento adotado pelo Brasil na produção de commodities rurais e metálicas, assim como os limites da academia para enfrentar os desafios diante de tais conflitos. O artigo finaliza com a proposição de temas relevantes para a construção de uma agenda crítica e propositiva para os campos da saúde coletiva e ambiental.
ABSTRACT This article, an essay, discusses the implications of market power and private interests against the defense of public interest and common goods that should mark the Held of public health. The reference for this discussion is the author's role in the field of environmental health and its relationship as militant with movements for environmental justice. The developed reflections analyze environmental conflicts arising from the predatory model of development adopted by Brazil in the production of rural and metal commodities, as well as the limits of science to face the challenges related to these conflicts. The article concludes with a proposal of relevant topics to the construction of a critical and proactive agenda for the fields of public and environmental health.
ABSTRACT
RESUMO Este artigo, na forma de ensaio, discute implicações do poder do mercado e dos interesses privados frente à defesa dos interesses públicos e bens comuns que deveriam marcar o campo da saúde pública. A referência para essa discussão é a atuação do autor no campo da saúde ambiental e sua relação militante com os movimentos por justiça nesta área. As reflexões desenvolvidas analisam conflitos decorrentes do modelo predatório de desenvolvimento adotado pelo Brasil na produção de commodities rurais e metálicas, assim como os limites da academia para enfrentar os desafios diante de tais conflitos. O artigo finaliza com a proposição de temas relevantes para a construção de uma agenda crítica e propositiva para os campos da saúde coletiva e ambiental.
ABSTRACT This article, an essay, discusses the implications of market power and private interests against the defense of public interest and common goods that should mark the Held of public health. The reference for this discussion is the author's role in the field of environmental health and its relationship as militant with movements for environmental justice. The developed reflections analyze environmental conflicts arising from the predatory model of development adopted by Brazil in the production of rural and metal commodities, as well as the limits of science to face the challenges related to these conflicts. The article concludes with a proposal of relevant topics to the construction of a critical and proactive agenda for the fields of public and environmental health.