ABSTRACT
This study explores mothers' experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic with a focus on stressors, parenting roles, and work expectations. Qualitative analysis of open-ended interviews with a diverse group of 44 mothers in the United States generated two main themes: adjusting parenting roles and career concerns for mothers. Findings reveal that mothers have both internalized strong intra-family expectations to shoulder the primary responsibility for domestic labor and childcare in addition to completing their work obligations and experience institutional gender bias in the expectations that employers have for female employees. The interviews highlight lower expectations for fathers' contributions to parenting under pandemic conditions. Implications for research and policy are discussed with a particular focus on critiquing structures that may perpetuate gender disparities.
ABSTRACT
Because of interlocking oppressions of racism and sexism (e.g. intersectionality), Black women's experiences of high rates of sexual violence are often ignored. A critical Black feminist framework, cultural betrayal trauma theory (CBTT) examines within-group violence in the Black community, which has compounding harm due to inequality. Though quantitative research has found support for CBTT, Black young women survivors' perspectives have not been examined. Therefore, the purpose of the current exploratory study was to engage in intersectionality praxis to qualitatively examine Black young women survivors' perspectives on CBTT through structured thematic analysis and coding based on theory. Respondents (N = 37; 18-30 years), provided their thoughts on CBTT following participating in a quantitative study. With most survivors in agreement that cultural betrayal in trauma is harmful, a key theme was community orientation in understanding both the harm and healing of cultural betrayal trauma. Black young women survivors' resonance with CBTT, as well as their recommendations for community-level solidarity and healing have important implications.
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In this manuscript, we explore the connections between Florence Nightingale's Cassandra and Virginia Woolf's A Room of One's Own while taking the authors' personal and social contexts into account. We conduct a detailed textual analysis from a feminist perspective. Cassandra and A Room of One's Own exhibit singular textual commonalities, such as evidence of trauma, the integration of myth and fiction as literary devices aimed at facilitating the author's access to various social spheres, the use of interpellations to impact the audience, and an argument for education as a path by which privileged women can enter the public realm. Both authors' personal wounds and intellectual frustrations influenced their work, thus making their writing very powerful.
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Inpatient mental health nursing operates with an overarching goal to support people living with mental health challenges by managing risk of harm to self and others, decreasing symptoms, and promoting capacity to live outside of hospital settings. Yet, dominant, harmful stereotypes persist, constructing patients as less than, in need of saving, and lacking self-control and agency. These dominant assumptions are deeply entrenched in racist, patriarchal, and Othering beliefs and continue to perpetuate and (re)produce inequities, specifically for people with multiple intersecting identities relating to race, class, gender, and culture. This paper explores the relevance of postcolonial feminism, particularly Gayatri Spivak's concept of Subaltern-conceptualized as groups of people who are denied access to power and therefore continue to be systematically oppressed and marginalized-in illuminating the problematic and dominant assumptions about people living with mental health challenges as lacking agency and requiring representation. Through an understanding of Subalternity, this paper aims to decenter and deconstruct dominant colonial, patriarchal narratives in mental health nursing, and ultimately calls for mental health nursing to fundamentally reconsider prevailing assumptions of patients as needing representation and lacking agency.
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Feminist considerations have influenced how women and men view sex, affecting not only women's perspectives but also men's feelings about sexual desire with regard to gender equity. This might be especially the case among men who self-identify as feminist. However, how men should manage their sexual desire or communicate about it within relationships with women is not always clear in this evolving social climate. Thus, the current study aimed to explore the successes and/or struggles feminist heterosexual men experience while navigating their desires alongside feminist considerations. To explore this, we recruited feminist-identified heterosexual men in long-term relationships. We asked participants (N = 30) a series of questions regarding their sexual desire, considering the context of their long-term relationships and evolving gender norms, during a one-on-one interview via Zoom. Using thematic analysis, we identified 11 themes from the interview data. We found that, though the feminist men in this study were all aware of negative societal perceptions of heterosexual men's sexual desire, most men in this study did not feel conflicts between their feminist principles and their own sexual desires. This is because they reported already following feminist principles; those who felt ambivalent navigated this by communicating with their partners. Findings demonstrate the usefulness and positive impact men report feminism having on them, their sexuality, and their long-term relationships, by allowing them to better engage with their sexuality and partners.
ABSTRACT
The availability of medications to induce abortion, especially in contexts of restricted access, has transformed practices and allowed women and/or their community organizations to assist other women in obtaining abortions, whether or not they interact with the healthcare system. This study recovers the experience of a feminist community organization that, from the province of Neuquén, extends throughout the country, creating a network of community care. An exploratory descriptive study with a qualitative approach was conducted to analyze the experiences of women who facilitate access to permitted abortion in Argentina. Through in-depth interviews with three leaders of the feminist collective La Revuelta and semi-structured interviews with 33 members of the socorrista groups, conducted between November 2019 and December 2020, we describe their history and processes of work and growth; we explore their motivations and feelings and characterize the interactions of these organizations with public and private health systems. The results of this work align with the international conversation and bibliographic production about these organizations and their particularities, and with the need to incorporate these forms of care into institutional health systems.
La disponibilidad de medicamentos para producir un aborto, sobre todo en contextos de acceso restringido, transformó las prácticas y permitió que las propias mujeres y/o sus organizaciones comunitarias ayuden a otras mujeres a abortar, interactuando o no con el sistema de salud. Este estudio recupera la experiencia de una organización feminista de la comunidad que, desde la provincia de Neuquén, se extiende a todo el país, generando una red de cuidados comunitarios. Se realizó un estudio exploratorio descriptivo, con enfoque cualitativo con el propósito de analizar las experiencias de las mujeres que facilitan el acceso al aborto permitido en Argentina. A través de entrevistas en profundidad a tres líderes de la colectiva feminista La Revuelta y de entrevistas semiestructuradas a 33 integrantes de las grupas socorristas, realizadas entre noviembre de 2019 y diciembre de 2020, describimos su historia y los procesos de trabajo y crecimiento; exploramos sus motivaciones y sentimientos y caracterizamos las interacciones de dichas organizaciones con los sistemas de salud público y privado. Los resultados de este trabajo coinciden con la conversación y la producción bibliográfica internacional acerca de estas organizaciones y sus particularidades y con la necesidad de incorporar estos cuidados a los sistemas de salud institucionales.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced , Qualitative Research , Humans , Argentina , Female , Pregnancy , Health Services Accessibility , Feminism , Community Networks , Self-Management , Interviews as Topic , AdultABSTRACT
This article explores the challenges faced by Chinese queer feminist activists as they navigate the rise of cyber-nationalist attacks. Drawing from the author's involvement in China's lala and feminist movements, activists writings, and three interviews, the article discusses how lala activists cope with the rising Chinese cyber-nationalism through various strategies and reconceptualize activism beyond identity groups. The first part of the paper situates the rise of nationalism in Chinese cyberspace in relation to global neo-fascism, identifying the overlapping cyber-trolling infrastructures, the basic form of "palingenetic ultra-nationalism", and the anti-gender/queer sentiments in neo-fascist movements transcending ideological and political divisions in different regions. The second part discusses the difficulties faced by lala activists when dealing with imbalanced accountability and censorship, as well as the "hegemonic masculinity" in cyber-nationalist attacks, revealing that hegemonic masculinity seeks not only to reinforce traditional gender norms but also to control everyone's personal lives. The last part argues that Chinese lala activists' friendship-based alliances provide a valuable strategy under intensifying cyber-nationalism and state censorship. By engaging in diverse social issues and collaborating with various groups, this friendship-based solidarity prioritizes a caring life and fosters a situation where activists explore different social issues, initiate actions, and seek supporters based on specific issues instead of identities. This strategy may offer valuable insights into feminist/queer resistance during dark times, when the rise of global neo-fascism and its appropriation of identity discourse increasingly creates incommensuration between national identities and gender/sexuality identities.
Subject(s)
Feminism , Sexual and Gender Minorities , Humans , China , Female , Sexual and Gender Minorities/psychology , Homosexuality, Female/psychology , Male , InternetABSTRACT
This article provides original insight into women's experiences of adulthood diagnoses of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and autism. Research exploring experiences of adulthood diagnoses of these conditions is emerging. Yet, there is no research about the gendered experiences of an adulthood combined ADHD and autism (AuDHD) diagnosis. This article addresses this gap through interpretative phenomenological analysis of email interviews with six late-diagnosed AuDHD women revealing the complex interplay between late diagnosis, being a woman, and combined diagnoses of ADHD and autism. It underscores how gender norms and stereotypes contribute to the oversight and dismissal of women's neurodivergence. Interpretative phenomenological analysis reveals the inextricability of femininity and neurotypicality, the gendered burden, discomfort, and adverse consequences of masking, along with the adverse outcomes of insufficient masking. Being an undiagnosed AuDHD woman is a confusing and traumatising experience with profound and enduring repercussions. The impact of female hormones exacerbated participants' struggles with (peri)menopause often being a catalyst for seeking diagnosis after decades of trauma. The epistemic injustice of not knowing they were neurodivergent compounded this trauma. Diagnosis enabled participants to overcome epistemic injustice and moved them into a feminist standpoint from which they challenge gendered inequalities relating to neurodiversity. This article aims to increase understanding and representation of late-diagnosed AuDHD women's lived experiences. The findings advocate for trauma-informed pre- and post-diagnosis support which addresses the gendered dimension of women's experiences of being missed and dismissed as neurodivergent. There needs to be better clinical and public understanding of how AuDHD presents in women to prevent epistemic injustice.
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Some feminists hold that surrogacy contracts should be unenforceable or illegal because they contribute to and perpetuate unjust gender inequalities. I argue that in developed countries, surrogacy contracts either wouldn't have these negative effects or that these effects could be mitigated via regulation. Furthermore, the existence of a regulated surrogacy market is preferable on consequentialist grounds.
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Opposing social movements are groups that have conflicting objectives on a shared social justice issue. To maximize the probability of their movement's success, groups can strategically portray their group in a favourable manner while discrediting their opposition. One such approach involves the construction of victimization discourses. In this research, we combined topic modelling and critical discursive psychology to explore how opposing groups within the feminist movement used victimization as a lens to understand their movements in relation to transgender women. We compiled a dataset of over 40,000 tweets from 14 UK-based feminist accounts that included transgender women as women (the pro-inclusion group) and 13 accounts, that excluded transgender women (the anti-inclusion group). Our results revealed differences in how victimization was employed by the opposing movements: pro-inclusion groups drew on repertoires that created a sense of shared victimhood between cisgender women and transgender women, while anti-inclusion groups invoked a competitive victimhood repertoire. Both groups also challenged and delegitimised their oppositions' constructions of feminism and victimhood. These findings add to our understanding of the communication strategies used by opposing movements to achieve their mobilization goals.
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INTRODUCTION: Within 10 years of multiple sclerosis (MS) progression, nearly all women will have experienced symptoms associated with bladder, bowel and/or sexual health. Yet despite the impact these symptoms have on physical, psychological and social well-being, it remains an underserved area within the UK healthcare system. STUDY AIM: This research employs a participatory research approach framed within the principles of intersectional feminism to collaboratively investigate the lived experiences of pelvic floor dysfunction (PFD) and healthcare interactions among UK-based women with MS. SETTING AND PARTICIPANTS: Women residing in the United Kingdom with MS were invited to participate in online interviews facilitated by the primary author. ANALYSIS: A thematic framework analysis offering a structured yet adaptable approach to data collection and interpretation. RESULTS: One focus group involving four women with MS and seven individual, one-to-one interviews with women with MS provided insights into the challenges associated with navigating both MS and PFD. Four main themes included: Navigating MS and PFD; Cycles of Control; Mind, Mobility and Bladder Embodiment; Silenced Voices: The Impact of Taboos/Stigma/Dismissal on Preventing Access and Resistance through Collective Community. Six subthemes were also identified. Taken together, these themes cumulatively reflect PFD as an unmet healthcare need. CONCLUSION: Our findings underscore negative healthcare experiences, inadequate information provision and unmet needs related to PFD, emphasising the compounding effects of gender and disability biases. IMPACT: We hope that these insights can lay the groundwork for developing tailored therapeutic interventions and improved PFD healthcare for women with MS. Potential solutions include using existing MS support communities. PUBLIC CONTRIBUTIONS: Women with MS were actively involved in co-producing interview scripts for one-to-one interviews. The primary author shared study findings at an MS group event, engaging in discussions with over 30 individuals, including people with MS and their loved ones. MS advocates played a pivotal role in contextualising the study within the broader lived experience of MS.
Subject(s)
Focus Groups , Multiple Sclerosis , Qualitative Research , Humans , Female , Multiple Sclerosis/psychology , Multiple Sclerosis/therapy , Middle Aged , United Kingdom , Adult , Pelvic Floor Disorders/psychology , Pelvic Floor Disorders/therapy , Interviews as Topic , Patient Acceptance of Health Care/psychology , Social StigmaABSTRACT
Jamaica is an island nation with a history that is informed by Taino settlement, European colonisation, chattel slavery, disinvestment, and continued extractivism. This perspective paper leverages a historical analysis to explore environmental injustices affecting the health and quality of life of Jamaicans living in Jamaica. This article hopes to contribute to a growing but limited body of scholarly research that contends with environmental and climate justice in the context of the Caribbean. In discussing a lack of critical environmental infrastructure, such as reliable solid waste management, and the impacts of extractive industries, such as bauxite mining, the paper intends to highlight the environmental, public health, and social harms that are produced. Employing an intersectional approach grounded in Black feminist epistemology put forward by Patricia Hill Collins, the authors use their lived experiences as a source of knowledge. The paper analyses how these environmental injustices harm Jamaican communities at large but underscores the compounded challenges faced by Jamaican women who experience marginalisation on the basis of gender, urban/rural residency, and class. The paper concludes by urging researchers, policymakers, regulatory bodies, and other stakeholders to conduct further research and create sustainable and equitable environmental standards that have considerations for environmental injustice in Jamaica.
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While the concept of "coming out" is relatively well-critiqued, few of these critiques trouble the way a near exclusive focus on disclosure positions sexuality as an essential identity. Based on life history interviews with 18 lesbian, pansexual, and queer women elders (ages 65+), I find coming out did not describe disclosing or even acknowledging same-gender desire, but, rather, choosing to act on it. For participants, coming out is the process of forming desire into a coherent identity (lesbian woman), a process that required continued interactions with lesbian existence; contrary to essentialist understandings, desire alone did not enable participants to become lesbians. In this article, I describe the two paths participants followed while becoming lesbians and consider how the historical context in which participants came out, specifically the second wave feminist movement, uniquely facilitated coming out for white women. Ultimately, I argue lesbian sexuality is a richly constructed social identity formed in community and defined by resistance to compulsory heterosexuality. By viewing sexual identity as based on shared political commitments formed in community, this article both corrects an essentializing tendency in the coming out literature and offers a potential point of repair between older and younger generations of lesbians.
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Co-occurring posttraumatic stress disorder and alcohol use disorder is a major public health concern affecting millions of people. Although this disorder affects people from all groups, research shows that, when compared to White people, people of color systematically suffer worse chronicity and burden of disorder. Additionally, research shows that people of color endure a variety of barriers to accessing treatment and often require specialized or culturally appropriate care. Consequently, the array of treatments available must have been determined to be effective for people of color when they access treatment, and people of color must be well represented in research to ensure effective treatment. Therefore, randomized controlled trials testing treatments for this disorder must include racially diverse samples and ensure treatments are effective for all groups. Further, if they lack diversity, it is necessary to explore whether and how the process of conducting randomized controlled trials is biased toward the constrained inclusion of people of color. This study used a Matrix of Domination framework as an intersectional method to investigate this question. It assessed the inclusion of people by race and sex in randomized controlled trials for co-occurring posttraumatic stress disorder and alcohol use disorder. We found that people of color and White women are significantly underincluded in randomized controlled trials and that these studies are hegemonically, disciplinarily, and structurally biased in ways that facilitate the overrepresentation of White men and the underrepresentation of marginalized groups.
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Effective communication in relation to pregnancy and birth is crucial to quality care. A recent focus in reproductive healthcare on "sexed language" reflects an ideology of unchangeable sex binary and fear of erasure, from both cisgender women and the profession of midwifery. In this paper, we highlight how privileging sexed language causes harm to all who birth-including pregnant trans, gender diverse, and non-binary people-and is, therefore, unethical and incompatible with the principles of midwifery. We show how this argument, which conflates midwifery with essentialist thinking, is unstable, and perpetuates and misappropriates midwifery's marginalized status. We also explore how sex and gender essentialism can be understood as colonialist, heteropatriarchal, and universalist, and therefore, reinforcing of these harmful principles. Midwifery has both the opportunity and duty to uphold reproductive justice. Midwifery can be a leader in the decolonization of childbirth and in defending the rights of all childbearing people, the majority of whom are cisgender women. As the systemwide use of inclusive language is central to this commitment, we offer guidance in relation to how inclusive language in perinatal and midwifery services may be realized.
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Anna Smajdor and Joona Räsänen argue that we have good reason to classify pregnancy as a disease. They discuss five accounts of disease and argue that each account either implies that pregnancy is a disease or if it does not, it faces problems. This strategy allows Smajdor and Räsänen to avoid articulating their own account of disease. Consequently, they cannot establish that pregnancy is a disease, only that plausible accounts of disease suggest this. Some readers will dismiss Smajdor and Räsänen's claims as counterintuitive. By analogy, if a mathematical proof concludes '2+2=5', readers will know-without investigation-that an error occurred. Rather than dismiss Smajdor and Räsänen's work, however, the easiest way to undermine their argument is to describe at least one plausible account of disease that (1) excludes pregnancy and (2) avoids the problems they raise for it. This is our strategy. We focus on dysfunction accounts of disease. After outlining Smajdor and Räsänen's main arguments against dysfunction accounts, we explain why pregnancy is not a disease on these accounts. Next, we defend dysfunction accounts against the three problems that Smajdor and Räsänen raise. If successful, then contra Smajdor and Räsänen, at least one plausible account of disease does not imply that pregnancy is a disease. We suspect that defenders of other accounts can respond similarly. Yet, we note that insofar as dysfunction accounts align with the commonsense intuition that pregnancy is not a disease, this, all else being equal, seems like a point in their favour.
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Using original surveys to investigate how online gender-based harassment marginalizes or empowers female college students, we found increased exposure to misogyny polarizes digital participation. Women aware of gender inequality in Korea encountering online hate speech were more inclined to engage in online movements, unlike women who did not recognize such inequality. This highlights distinct opportunities in relation to digital activism, showing online hate speech can sometimes be a catalyst for online political participation. This study expands current research on digital protest, highlighting the political ramifications of empowering women in the critical context of their unequal democratic rights outside the West.
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Within feminist literature from the early 1970s to this day, assisted reproductive technologies have been largely known to divide, replace or eliminate biological motherhood. For example, while in the past biological motherhood was considered a continuous experience, in vitro fertilisation (IVF) and IVF using egg donation allowed a split between two biological mothers, one providing eggs (genetic mother) and the other one gestation (gestational mother). This split was considered irreparable: the genetic mother could not be also gestational, and vice versa. On the contrary, this paper aims to show that assisted reproductive technologies may also have a constructive potential towards biological motherhood(s). To explain how it could be possible, two existing techniques are explored: the first is maternal spindle transfer, which allows a double genetic motherhood; the second is reciprocal effortless IVF, which supposedly enables a double gestational motherhood. While in the first part, these techniques are examined singularly, in the second part a feasible combination of them is speculated. The idea is that assisted reproductive technologies could 'recombine' genetic and gestational motherhood in two figures that include both, namely in two 'complete' biological mothers, both genetic and gestational.
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Andrea Bidoli argues that ectogestation could be seen as an emancipatory intervention for women. Specifically, she claims that ectogestation would create unique conditions to reevaluate one's reproductive preference, address certain specific negative social implications of gestation and childbirth, and that it is unfair to hold ectogestation to a higher standard than other innovations such as modern contraceptives and non-medical egg freezing. In this commentary, I claim that Bidoli-like so many others-unjustly bypasses men and their reproductive desires. For a long time, the discussion of the ethics of ectogenesis has focused on women and their reproductive liberation. However, since in many countries, an increasing number of men in reproductive age face difficulties in finding a partner and lack access to other forms of assisted reproduction, it is men who need ectogestation the most.
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Identifying a society's perceptions and, by extension, opinions of a certain social movement can help to understand to what extent the movement has been successful in effecting change. When working to gain such an understanding, a focus on the student population is essential, as their opinions provide insight into the future conditions of society and, thus, into whether the movement has been successful in effecting lasting social change. The present work focusses on the feminist movements and, in line with the above, analyses the perceptions held by a sample of 600 Spanish students enrolled in compulsory secondary, pre-university, and university education. The method employed begins with the use of association tests to extract lexical networks. Then, following a theoretical transformation, the traditional lexical availability index is applied in combination with fuzzy set theory to the sample of lists obtained so as to map the structure of the collective network, a novel approach that results in different levels of compatibility. The highest levels of compatibility reveal the prototypical conceptualisation as well as the sample's shared cognitive perception. The results suggest that although the population under study may have absorbed the feminist movements' messages of equality and respect, distorted perceptions could still remain in certain groups analysed. This work therefore recommends that education centres may wish to consider communicating objective information on the feminist movements specifically to women, as this could ultimately lead to all students fully embracing a feminist awareness distanced from extreme ideologies.