The paradox of aging population and firm digital transformation in China.

Although a number researchers have acknowledged that the aging population inhibits firm digital transformation, others find it promoting digital transformation in some firms. As the relevant literature to clarify such paradox is still scare, this paper wants to fill the gap regarding the labor cost theory, the capital-skill complementarity hypothesis, and the human capital externality theory. Based on the empirical tests of Chinese A-share listed companies from 2001 to 2022, this study detected a U-shaped relationship between the aging population and digital transformation. In terms of the institutional environment, higher marketization strengthens the U-shaped relationship by making the slopes on either side of it steeper. However, higher minimum wage levels weaken the U-shaped relationship. In terms of firm strategy, firms with stronger marketing capabilities strengthened the U-shaped relationship. However, firms with higher customer concentration weakened the U-shaped relationship. Overall, we enriched scholarly understanding of the impact of the aging population on digital transformation and demonstrated the dual potential impact of aging populations. Instead of assuming they are detrimental to the economy and society, positive contributions in the form of innovation and progress for companies can be detected.

The Potential of Minimum Wage Increases to Reduce Youth Homicide Disparities: Diminishing Returns for Black Youth.

We examine and compare the relationship between minimum wage increases and youth homicide rates in three groups: all youth, White youth only, and Black youth only. Using 2001-2019 mortality data from the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS) for all 50 states and Washington DC, we apply a difference in differences (DD) design to compare the change in youth homicides across states with varying changes in the state-specific minimum wage. With the inclusion of state-specific linear time trends, we find that a $1 increase in minimum wage leads to a significant 4% reduction (RR = 0.96, 95%CI [0.92, 0.99]) in homicides among White youth, but no significant reduction among Black youth (RR = 0.98, 95%CI [0.91, 1.04]). Findings are consistent with research on marginalization-related diminished returns for Black youth. While minimum wage increases are a promising step to reduce youth homicides overall, reducing homicide disparities experienced by Black youth requires additional components. Future research should examine policies with the specific intention to dismantle structural racism.

The Impact of Minimum Wage Policy on Alcohol Use Disorder: A Quasi-Experimental Study in South Korea.

South Korea's 2018 minimum wage hike was examined for its impact on potential alcohol use disorders among affected individuals, using data from the Korea Welfare Panel Study (2015-2019). The study sample was restricted to workers aged 19-64 employed over the study years. The treatment group was identified as those below minimum wages, and the control group as those earning more than minimum wages in 2016-2017 (n=3,117 control, n=578 treatment). Using outcomes derived from the Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test, our results from difference-in-differences models showed that the 2018 wage hike was linked to a 1.9% increase in the 'high risk' of alcohol use disorder and a 3.6% rise in hazardous consumption in the treatment group. Notably, the effects were more pronounced among men and those aged 50-64. Additionally, we confirmed that the spillover effects extended to workers earning up to 20% above the minimum wage. This study underscores the unintended substance use risk of minimum wage policies in the East Asian context. As wage policies are implemented, integrated public health campaigns targeting at-risk groups are required.

Experiences of Parents Earning Low Wages in Raleigh, North Carolina: Compounding Effects of Caretaker Responsibility, Piecemeal Resources, and Lack of Economic Opportunities.

We conducted interviews with parents earning low wages to understand their experiences related to financial responsibilities and use of government and informal resources in Raleigh, North Carolina. Inadequate economic opportunities and assistance programs, and high costs of living, compounded into cycles of playing catch up on expenses. Assistance programs aimed at alleviating hardships related to poverty were described as piecemeal. We found that social and economic systems failed to support parents earning low wages. Our findings suggest that ordinances that assure a livable minimum wage paired with expansions of safety net programs could better meet the needs these parents.

The introduction of a minimum wage in Germany and the effects on physical activity participation.

The relationship between income and physical activity has been extensively studied. This paper utilizes the introduction of the minimum wage in Germany in 2015 as a quasi-experiment to determine the causal effect of minimum wages on the frequency of physical activity participation. Employing survey data from the German Socio-Economic Panel between 2013 and 2017, regression-adjusted difference-in-difference models combined with matching techniques are estimated. Our findings reveal a notable negative effect immediately after the minimum wage implementation on physical activity frequency. Given that the introduction of the minimum wage did not increase monthly gross income but reduced working hours, it appears that affected individuals exhibit preferences and engage in utility maximization that do not emphasize healthy behaviors. This effect is particularly pronounced among older females in white-collar occupations.

The impact of minimum wage increase on suicidal ideation in South Korea: a difference-in-differences analysis using nationally representative panel data.

BACKGROUND: South Korea had the highest suicide rates in the OECD and one of the largest (16.4%) increases in the minimum wage in 2018. Prior studies have provided evidence that increases in minimum wage reduce suicide rates in the population, but no study examined the effects of the policy change on individual-level suicidal behaviour. METHODS: Our study sample was built using the 2015-2019 waves of the Korean Welfare Panel Survey, a population-representative longitudinal survey. The sample consisted of 5146 participants, including those earning above minimum wage (control) and minimum wage earners (treatment) based on their 2018/19 earnings. The outcome of the study was suicidal ideation, which is an important precursor to other suicidal behaviours, and was captured using self-reported measures. We examined the impact of the 2018 minimum wage hike in Korea on suicidal ideation, using a difference-in-differences design. RESULTS: The minimum wage increase was associated with a 1.6% points reduction (95% CI: -2.8% to -0.5%) in self-reported suicidal ideation. Stronger policy effects were shown among women and older age groups. CONCLUSIONS: Our study demonstrates that public policies employing a population-based approach, such as increasing minimum wages, could serve as an effective intervention to mitigate suicidal ideation among low-income workers.

Minimum wage standard adjustment and employment: Heterogeneity effects on the human capital investment.

Considerable debate has arisen around the potential effects of increasing the minimum wage on employment. This study aims to analyze the impact of changes in China's minimum wage standard on employment. The research utilises the canonical model method and constructs a regression model based on standard labor economics theory. The analysis is conducted using sample data from Chinese industrial enterprises between 2000 and 2007. Regression analysis is performed by categorizing enterprises based on their level of human capital investment. The findings indicate that minimum wage increases have a non-linear impact on employment, when seen from the standpoint of human capital investment. When the level of human capital investment is low, an increase in the minimum wage standard leads to a decrease in employment; when the level of human capital investment is high, an increase in the minimum wage standard leads to an increase in employment. According to the findings, the reason for this is that, investments in human capital can improve business profitability, increase worker marginal productivity, and increase labor demand. Similarly, the employment effect of a change in the minimum wage is positive in regions with high levels of human capital investment due to the externality effect of human capital. Adjustments to the minimum wage have a negative impact on employment in areas of the country with low levels of human capital investment. This demonstrates that changing the minimum wage does not result in a simple increase or decrease in total employment. The level of investment in human capital within the organization and the region is an important factor in determining the type and magnitude of the impact.

Canasta alimentaria normativa: perspectivas actuales e implicaciones para la salud pública en Venezuela / Normative Food Basket current perspectives and implications for public health in Venezuela

La Canasta Alimentaria Normativa (CAN) es un instrumento estratégico de planificación y seguimiento, que impacta el ámbito económico (fijación del salario mínimo SM y del umbral de la pobreza relativa), la seguridad alimentaria y la salud pública. El objetivo fue describir la evolución histórica de la CAN en Venezuela, contrastando su valoración económica respecto al SM durante el período 1990 ­ 2023. Tipo de estudio: Descriptivo. Se empleó la CAN del Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas/Instituto Nacional de Nutrición (INE/INN) y su comparación con la canasta del Centro de Documentación y Análisis Social de la Federación Venezolana de Maestros(CENDAS ­ FVM). Los valores mensuales de la CAN y del SM se recalcularon a dólares USA, de acuerdo a la tasa de cambio oficial. No se incluyó evaluación de la estructura interna, ni sus expresiones en términos de aporte de energía y nutrientes. Resultados: Desde 1990 hasta el año 2015, se requirieron entre1,0 y 1,8 SM y entre 0,6 y 1,7 Ingresos Mínimos Legales (IML)para acceder a la CAN. Para el año 2023 se requirieron hasta 78,3SM y 51,6 IML. El valor promedio de la canasta del CENDAS-FVM fue superior al valor de la CAN INE/INN, en una proporción de 1,7: 1. Conclusiones: la CAN resultó sensible en identificar los cambios y tendencias de su estimación económica, en el ambiente inflacionario venezolano. El uso de sus resultados está sujeta a cierto grado de discrecionalidad política. El costo de la CAN, expresa una contracción del poder de compra de los hogares venezolanos con potenciales impactos sobre la nutrición y la salud física y mental a corto y largo plazo.

The Normative Food Basket (NFB) represents astrategic planning and monitoring instrument, which impactsthe economic sphere (setting of the minimum wage (MW) andthe relative poverty threshold), food security and public health.The objective was to describe the historical evolution of the NFB in Venezuela, contrasting its economic valuation with respect to the MW during the period 1990 ­ 2023. Type of study: Descriptive. The NFB of the National Institute of Statistics/National Institute of Nutrition (NIS/NIN) was used and itscomparison with the basket of the Center for Documentationand Social Analysis of the Venezuelan Federation of Teachers (CENDAS ­ FVM). The monthly values of the NFB and theMW were recalculated into dollars (US$), according to theofficial exchange rate. No evaluation of the internal structurewas included, nor its expressions in terms of energy and nutrientcontribution. Results: From 1990 to 2015, between 1.0 and1.8 MW and between 0.6 and 1.7 Minimum Legal Income(MLI) were required to access the NFB. By 2023, up to 78.3MW and 51.6 MLI were required. The average value of the CENDAS-FVM basket was higher than the value of the NFBNIS/NIN, in a proportion of 1.7: 1. Conclusions: As a statistical operation, the NFB was sensitive in identifying changes andtrends in its estimate economic, in the Venezuelan inflationaryenvironment. The use of its results is subject to a certain degree ofpolitical discretion. The cost of CAN expresses a contraction inthe purchasing power of Venezuelan households with potentialimpacts on nutrition and physical/mental health in the shortand long term.

Is fair representation good for children? effects of electoral partisan bias in state legislatures on policies affecting children's health and well-being.

Increasing evidence suggests that state policies impact constituents' health, but political determinants of health and health inequities remain understudied. Using state and year fixed-effects models, we determined the extent to which changes in electoral partisan bias in lower chambers of U.S. state legislatures (i.e., discrepancy between statewide vote share and seat share) were followed by changes in five state policies affecting children and families (1980-2019) and a composite of safety net programs (1999-2018). We examined effects on each policy and whether the effect was modified when bias was accompanied by unified party control. Next, we determined whether the effect differed depending on which party it favored. Less bias resulted only in higher AFDC/TANF benefits. Both pro-Democratic and pro-Republican bias was followed by decreased AFDC/TANF benefits and increased Medicaid benefits. AFDC/TANF recipients, unemployment benefits, minimum wage, and pre-K-12 education spending increased following pro-Democratic bias and decreased following pro-Republican bias. Estimated effects on the composite measure of safety net policies were all close to null. Some effects were modulated by unified party control. Results demonstrate that increasing fairness in elections is not a panacea by itself for increasing generosity of programs affecting children's well-being. Indeed, bias can be somewhat beneficial for the expansiveness of some policies. Furthermore, with the exception of unemployment benefits and AFDC/TANF recipients, Democrats have not been using the additional power that comes with electoral bias to spend more on major programs that benefit children. Finally, after decades in which electoral bias was in Democrats' favor, bias has started to shift toward Republicans in the last decade. This trend forecasts more cuts in almost all the policies in this study, especially education and AFDC/TANF recipients. There is a need for more research and advocacy emphasis on the political determinants of social determinants of health, especially at the state level.

Did Minimum Wage Policy Changes Impact Home Health Workforce?

The shortage of home health aides has been exacerbated in recent years partially because of low wages. Minimum wage (MW) policy changes may alleviate this workforce shortage. This study examined the effects of MW policies on wages and employment of home health aides. We performed a county-level longitudinal analysis using 2012 to 2018 national data. The study cohort included 2,496 counties and focused on all workers in the home health industry. Outcome variables included wages and the employment of home health aides. Key variables of interest included the consumer price index adjusted state MW and a set of variables that captured the effect of the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) extension. This study found that home health aides' hourly wages were $1.00 higher (p = .011) in states that increased their MWs from below $8 to above $10. The FLSA extension was associated with $1.15 higher wages in states with higher MWs (i.e., state MW above $10 in 2014). The FLSA extension was associated with higher employment of home health aides in less-competitive markets, rather than high- or average-competitive markets. This study suggests that state MW increases combined with the FLSA extension may help maintain the current home health workforce and improve their wages.

Early results of a natural experiment evaluating the effects of a local minimum wage policy on the diet-related health of low-wage workers, 2018-2020.

OBJECTIVE: The current study presents results of a midpoint analysis of an ongoing natural experiment evaluating the diet-related effects of the Minneapolis Minimum Wage Ordinance, which incrementally increases the minimum wage to $15/h. DESIGN: A difference-in-difference (DiD) analysis of measures collected among low-wage workers in two U.S. cities (one city with a wage increase policy and one comparison city). Measures included employment-related variables (hourly wage, hours worked and non-employment assessed by survey questions with wages verified by paystubs), BMI measured by study scales and stadiometers and diet-related mediators (food insecurity, Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) participation and daily servings of fruits and vegetables, whole-grain rich foods and foods high in added sugars measured by survey questions). SETTING: Minneapolis, Minnesota and Raleigh, North Carolina. PARTICIPANTS: A cohort of 580 low-wage workers (268 in Minneapolis and 312 in Raleigh) who completed three annual study visits between 2018 and 2020. RESULTS: In DiD models adjusted for time-varying and non-time-varying confounders, there were no statistically significant differences in variables of interest in Minneapolis compared with Raleigh. Trends across both cities were evident, showing a steady increase in hourly wage, stable BMI, an overall decrease in food insecurity and non-linear trends in employment, hours worked, SNAP participation and dietary outcomes. CONCLUSION: There was no evidence of a beneficial or adverse effect of the Minimum Wage Ordinance on health-related variables during a period of economic and social change. The COVID-19 pandemic and other contextual factors likely contributed to the observed trends in both cities.

Impact of the minimum wage increase on smoking behaviour: A quasi-experimental study in South Korea.

BACKGROUND: While there's a growing body of research studying the health effects of minimum wage increases, evidence of its impact on smoking is inconsistent. Using nationally representative statistics, our quasi-experimental study examines the impacts of South Korea's 2018 minimum wage increase on smoking patterns, offering a distinctive context due to the significant wage growth and the country's permissive smoking culture. METHODS: Using the Korean Welfare Panel Study (KOWEPS), we conducted a difference-in-differences analysis using two-way fixed effect (TWFE) and Callaway and Sant'Anna Difference-in-differences (CSDID) methods. The study sample (n = 3494) included individuals aged 19-64 at baseline in 2016, and employed in the entire study period (2016-2019). RESULTS: The model results suggest a roughly 2% increase in the probability of current smoking with an insignificant impact on average daily cigarette consumption following the 2018 minimum wage increase in Korea. These effects were most pronounced among men and age groups (45-64). We also found policy effects on those earning up to 150% of the minimum wage. CONCLUSION: In a culture with widespread acceptance of smoking, an exogenous increase in disposable income due to elevated minimum wage might enhance vulnerability to societal pressure to smoke. Although TWFE and CSDID both suggest the same overall trend, the latter approach allows a more detailed examination by acknowledging heterogeneous treatment effects. These results could guide policymakers to contemplate the potential for increased smoking resulting from minimum wage hikes in societies where tobacco use is common, and accordingly strategize anti-smoking public health initiatives.

State Minimum Wage Increases As a Potential Policy Lever to Reduce Black-White Disparities in Hypertension.

Introduction: Black adults are disproportionately burdened by hypertension. Income inequality is associated with elevated risk of hypertension. Minimum wage increases have been explored as a potential policy lever to address the disparate impact of hypertension on this population. However, these increases may have no significant impact on health among Black adults due to structural racism and "diminished gain" of health effects from socioeconomic resources. This study assesses the relationship between state minimum wage increases and Black-White disparities in hypertension. Methods: We merged state-level minimum wage data with survey data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (2001-2019). Odd survey years included questions about hypertension. Separate difference-in-difference models estimated the odds of hypertension among Black and White adults in states with and without minimum wage increases. Difference-in-difference-in-difference models estimated the impact of minimum wage increases on hypertension among Black adults relative to White adults. Results: As state wage limits increase, the odds of hypertension significantly decreased among Black adults overall. This relationship is largely driven by the impact of these policies on Black women. However, the Black-White disparity in hypertension worsened as state minimum wage limits increased, and the magnitude of this disparity was larger among women. Conclusion: States having a minimum wage above the federal wage limit are not sufficient to combat structural racism and reduce the disparities in hypertension among Black adults. Rather, future research should explore livable wages as a policy lever to reduce disparities in hypertension among Black adults.

Impact of Technology on Macro-Level Employment and the Workforce: What are the Implications for Job Creation and Job Destruction in Ghana?

Technology whilst creating jobs has destroyed many jobs. The destructive power of technology has led many workers in developing countries, especially Ghana to fight against its introduction. We investigate the effect of technological change on job creation and destruction in Ghana using longitudinal data from the World Development Indicator covering 1990 to 2018. By running the ARDL model, the summative technology-related job destruction is higher in the short run whilst job creation is higher in the long run. Thus, technology has a compensation effect on job destruction and job creation, due to its labour-saving nature. The short and long-run job destruction is higher with increasing importations, interest rate, and minimum wages, however, economic growth, FDI, and exportation increase job creation. Since technology results in higher job destruction, it is important to equip workforce with the technological knowledge before the introduction of new technology.

Racial, ethnic, and gender differences in the association between higher state minimum wages and health and mental well-being in US adults with low educational attainment.

BACKGROUND: To date, research evaluating the association between minimum wage and health has been heterogenous and varies based on the specific subpopulation or health outcomes under evaluation while associations across racial, ethnic, and gender identities have been understudied. METHODS: A triple difference-in-differences strategy using modified Poisson regression was used to evaluate the associations between minimum wage and obesity, hypertension, fair or poor general health, and moderate psychological distress in 25-64-year-old adults with a high school education/GED or less. Data from the 1999-2017 Panel Study of Income Dynamics was linked to state policies and characteristics to estimate the risk ratio (RR) associated with a $1 increase in current and 2-year lagged state minimum wages overall and by race, ethnicity, and gender (non-Hispanic or non-Latino (NH) White men, NH White women, Black, indigenous, or people of color (BIPOC) men, and BIPOC women) adjusting for individual and state-level confounding. RESULTS: No associations between minimum wage and health were observed overall. Among NH White men 2-year lagged minimum wage was associated with reduced risk of obesity (RR = 0.82, 95% CI = 0.67, 0.99). Among NH White women, current minimum wage was associated lower risk of moderate psychological distress (RR = 0.73, 95% CI = 0.54, 1.00) while 2-year lagged minimum wage was associated with higher obesity risk (RR = 1.35, 95% CI = 1.12, 1.64) and lower risk of moderate psychological distress (RR = 0.75, 95% CI = 0.56, 1.00). Among BIPOC women, current minimum wage was associated with higher risk of fair or poor health (RR = 1.19, 95% CI = 1.02, 1.40). No associations were observed among BIPOC men. CONCLUSION: While no associations were observed overall, heterogeneous associations between minimum wage, obesity, and psychological distress by racial, ethnic, and gender strata warrant further study and have implications for health equity research.

The minimum wage and parent time use.

This study used a differences-in-differences strategy with national time diary data from 2003 to 2018 to examine the effects of minimum wage changes on parents' time with children and in child-related activities. Findings indicate that a $1 increase in the minimum wage was associated with a small increase (2.6%) in the likelihood parents with one or more children under age 16 spent time actively caring for or helping children on weekends, and in more total time with children (a 2% increase in secondary child care time). In general, coefficients were larger for mothers' time use, particularly non-employed mothers, with potential implications for gender disparities in caregiving. Unmarried parents and parents of color showed increases in their time spent in activities related to children's health (~55% increase). Mothers showed an increase (8%) in the likelihood they spent any time in child education-related activities, and increases in child care time appeared concentrated among parents whose youngest child was 6-15 years of age. Findings suggest that increases in state minimum wages may lead to small increases in parents' time investments in children, with some variation among subgroups.

The Impact of Increased Minimum Wage on Child Neglect Varies by Developmental Age of Child.

Children in poverty are at significantly greater risk of experiencing child maltreatment. Family economic security policies, such as minimum wage laws, offer a promising prevention strategy to support low-income families. This study utilized data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a longitudinal birth cohort study, to examine the effect of changes in state-specific minimum wage laws on maternal self-reported child maltreatment and material hardship as it varies by developmental age of the child. A series of fixed effects models with an interaction between the minimum wage and the age of the focal child were used to estimate if there was variation by developmental period of the impact of minimum wage laws on the following outcome variables: all domains of child maltreatment, maternal work-related stress, reported material hardship, aggravation in parenting, and maternal depression. Results revealed significant effects of increased minimum wage on maternal self-reported child neglect and material hardship when children are 3 years of age, and this relationship became non-significant as children aged. No effect was observed by age for other forms of child maltreatment nor any other outcome variables. Study findings suggest minimum wage laws may have differential effects on child neglect depending on the developmental period in which they are received.

Minimum wages and health: evidence from European countries.

This study investigates the effects of minimum wage on health, well-being, and income security in European countries. The empirical strategy consists of exploiting variations in the minimum wage across European countries over time. We show that minimum wage increases improve individuals' self-reported health and income security. Minimum wage increases also improve life satisfaction and happiness. The effects are largest among women, employed individuals, married individuals, and those with less than a secondary education. Our results are robust to several robustness checks and consistent with existing evidence on the relationship between minimum wage and health.

Formação do salário mínimo e os mínimos sociais necessários: sobre os direitos sociais e os impactos no 'Brasil de Bolsonaro' / Formation of the minimum wage and the necessary social minimums: on social rights and the impacts in 'Bolsonaro's Brazil'

Vislumbramos contribuir para o debate sobre os mínimos sociais e necessidades humanas no Brasil atual, onde o primeiro decreto do governo Bolsonaro resolveu sobre o Salário Mínimo. Fundamenta este artigo a Teoria Marxista da Dependência com a categoria superexploração, bem como as categorias mínimos sociais e necessidades humanas. O acirramento da precarização da vida e do trabalho, aliada a retirada de direitos, conformam um contexto que faz ampliar as expressões da questão social. Nesse interim, fica a reflexão sobre a atuação profissional, a fim de conjugar forças e resistências para o enfrentamento ao avanço do capital sobre as vidas humanas e da natureza

We aim to contribute to the debate on social minimums and human needs in present-day Brazil, where the initial decree of the Bolsonaro government addressed the Minimum Wage. This article is grounded in the Marxist Theory of Dependence, utilizing the concept of superexploitation, along with the categories of social minimums and human needs. The exacerbation of life and labor precarity, coupled with the erosion of rights, shapes a context that further magnifies the expressions of the social question. In the midst of this, there lies a reflection on professional engagement, with the goal of uniting forces and resistance to confront the encroachment of capital upon human lives and nature

Empobrecimento, fome e pandemia: o Auxílio Emergencial, o fim do Programa Bolsa Família e o Auxílio Brasil, 2019-2022 / Impoverishment, hunger, and pandemic: Emergency Aid, the end of the Bolsa Família Benefit, and its replacement, Auxílio Brasil, 2019-2022

Resumo O artigo aborda as escolhas políticas do governo brasileiro relacionadas aos programas sociais de transferência condicionada de renda feitas em meio à pandemia de covid-19. O objetivo é analisar como a implementação do Auxílio Emergencial, o fim do Programa Bolsa Família e a implementação do Auxílio Brasil estão relacionados ao rearranjo e ao desmanche da rede de proteção social brasileira diante da conjuntura de generalizado empobrecimento dos trabalhadores brasileiros. Espera-se não só apresentar um registro dessas ações, mas estabelecer chaves de leitura que, contextualizadas historicamente, permitam explicar a análise de tais ações em meio ao aprofundamento das políticas neoliberais no país.

Abstract This article addresses the political choices made by the Brazilian government concerning conditional cash transfer programs during the covid-19 pandemic. The aim is to analyze how the covid-related Emergency Aid (Auxílio Emergencial), the extinction of the Bolsa Família Program, and the implementation of its replacement, Auxílio Brasil, interacted in the rearrangement and dismantling of Brazil's social protection network in a broader context of a generalized impoverishment of Brazilian workers. The article not only presents a record of these actions, but also offers an interpretative approach that, historically contextualized, can shed light on these actions, which ran parallel to the deepening entrenchment of neoliberal policies in the country.