ABSTRACT
The objective of the article was to investigate the possible inducing factors that contributed to determine the frequency of social conflicts at the subnational level in Peru between 2016 and 2021, including income inequality, social exclusion, fiscal centralism, corruption and revocation of authorities, for which four regression models were built. Disaggregated official data from the 24 departments and the provinces of Lima and Callao were analyzed. Economic inequality was associated with the Gini coefficient. To establish the association between social conflict and the inducers, it was estimated using Spearman's Rho correlation coefficient. Statistical calculation was also employed to appreciate the collinearity between the inducers. The results showed that the revocation of subnational authorities determines 42.5% of social conflict. On the other hand, corruption and fiscal centralism determine 28.5% of the perception of suffering social exclusion. Inequality and social conflict determined 21.8% of the relevance of the execution and quality of public spending by the national government in the regions. Sixty percent of social conflicts in Peru are of an environmental nature. The population that has declared the greatest discrimination corresponds to Puno (28%). 55.6% of those surveyed consider corruption to be one of the country's main problems. Corruption and social exclusion have a negative impact on the effectiveness of economic results and promote social conflicts. Inefficient use of fiscal resources translates into low quality of services and diminished credibility of the national and subnational governments. This situation highlights the need to design public policies that reduce conflicts and promote adequate governance.
ABSTRACT
This article uses the case of the City of Harare to offer insights into how the coronavirus pandemic shaped paradiplomacy in Zimbabwe. It argues that the City of Harare's international partnerships played a nominal role in helping its response to COVID-19. There is strong evidence that the coronavirus pandemic undermined the significance of international co-operation and solidarity by African subnational governments in pursuit of their development and service delivery mandates. Better leveraging of the City of Harare's international partnerships had the potential to transform many of the challenges it faced in fighting the pandemic. The absence of a robust international dimension in the city's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic was one of the main factors that resulted in most of its responses being ineffective. The article concludes that the City of Harare's experience offers important lessons to, among others, African governments on the need to integrate decentralised responses and city-to-city co-operation into their future national disaster and economic response, recovery and resilience strategies.
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Resumo A literatura sobre federalismo aponta que a coordenação do governo federal tem papel central para garantir maior consistência às políticas sociais dos governos subnacionais. Este artigo buscou compreender o papel das relações intergovernamentais nas políticas municipais de educação. Apesar de a Constituição Federal determinar a colaboração entre os entes federados, há diferentes modelos de relacionamento entre estados e municípios na política educacional. Esta pesquisa comparou quatro estados - Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo e Pará - com modelos distintos de relacionamento com o objetivo de identificar seus resultados nas políticas municipais. A análise de questionários e entrevistas semiestruturadas mostra que o tipo de cooperação tem implicações na capacidade institucional e financeira, na coordenação das políticas municipais e na implementação de políticas federais.
Resumen La literatura sobre federalismo muestra que la coordinación del gobierno federal es central para garantizar mayor consistencia en las políticas sociales en gobiernos subnacionales. Este artículo busca comprender el rol de las relaciones intergubernamentales en las políticas educacionales locales. La Constitución Federal determinó la colaboración entre los entes, pero hay diferentes modelos de relaciones entre estados y municipios en esta política. Esta investigación se basó en la comparación de cuatro estados - Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo y Pará - con diferentes modelos de relaciones buscando identificar sus resultados en las políticas municipales. La análisis de cuestionarios y entrevistas semi-estructuradas muestra que la cooperación tiene implicaciones en la capacidad institucional y financiera, en la coordinación de las políticas municipales y en la implementación de políticas federales.
Abstract The literature on federalism shows that the coordination of the Brazilian federal government is central to guarantee more consistency in social policies of subnational governments. This article aims to understand the role of intergovernmental relations in municipal education policies. Despite the constitutional determinations of collaboration among federal entities, there are different relationship models between states and municipalities in the education policy. This study is based on the comparison of four states — Ceará, Mato Grosso do Sul, São Paulo, and Pará — with different models of relationship seeking to identify the results in municipal policies. Questionnaires and semi-structured interviews were conducted and the analysis shows that the type of cooperation has implications in institutional and financial capacities, in the coordination of municipal policies, and in the implementation of federal policies.
Subject(s)
Public Policy , Federalism , EducationABSTRACT
Resumo A adoção de mecanismos de escolha escolar é pouco estudada no Brasil, apesar do seu crescente uso em outros países, sobretudo, nos EUA. Neste artigo, com o uso de instrumental teoria dos jogos, o sistema de matrículas escolares do município de São Paulo é analisado. Por não usar as preferências dos alunos, verifica-se que o sistema não atende a nenhum dos conceitos desejados de um mecanismo de alocação: estabilidade, não manipulação e eficiência. Alternativamente, é proposta adoção do mecanismo de Gale-Shapley. Simulações são realizadas para corroborar os resultados teóricos, indicando enorme potencial de ganhos com a mudança do sistema existente.
Resumen La adopción de mecanismos de elección escolar es poco estudiada en Brasil. En este artículo, con el uso de la teoría de los juegos, el sistema de matrices escolares del municipio de São Paulo es analizado. Por no usar las preferencias de los alumnos, verificase que el sistema de São Paulo no atiende las principales cualidades de un mecanismo de asignación: estabilidad, no manipulación y eficiencia. Alternativamente, se propone utilizar el mecanismo de Gale-Shapley. Simulaciones son realizadas para corroborar los resultados históricos, exigiendo enormes potencialidades de ganancias con el cambio del sistema existente.
Abstract School choice is an issue little studied in Brazil, despite its huge importance, especially in the USA. In this paper, using game theory, how students are allocated in municipality of São Paulo is analyzed. As students 'preferences are not taken into account, the São Paulo system does not meet the main qualities of an allocation mechanism: stability, non-manipulation and efficiency. Alternatively, the use of the Gale-Shapley mechanism is proposed. Simulations are performed confirming theoretical results and also indicating a huge potential for improvement in the system.