ABSTRACT
Brazilian coastal archaeology is renowned for its numerous and large shellmounds (sambaquis), which had been continuously occupied from at least 8000 to 1000 years cal BP. However, changes in their structure and material culture in the late Holocene have led to different hypotheses concerning their ecological and cultural changes. The archaeological site Galheta IV (ca. 1300 to 500 years cal BP) offers new insights into the complexity of the late coastal occupation in southern Brazil. Our attempt was to determine whether Galheta IV can be classified as a sambaqui site, or if it belongs to a Southern proto-Jê settlement. Here, we reassessed Galheta's collections and applied a multi-proxy approach using: new 14C dates, zooarchaeology, δ13C and δ15N isotopes in bulk collagen and 87Sr/86Srenamel isotopic ratios from eight human individuals, ceramics analysis, and FTIR. The results indicate an intense exploitation of marine resources, with an area designated for processing animals located at the opposite side of the funerary areas. Bone tools and specific species of animals were found as burial accompaniments. No evidence of human cremations was detected. 87Sr/86Sr results indicate that the eight human individuals always lived on the coast, and did not come from the inland. The pottery analysis confirms the association with Itararé-Taquara, but contrary to what was assumed by previous studies, the pottery seems related to other coastal sites, and not to the highlands. In light of these findings, we propose that Galheta IV can be considered a funerary mound resulting from long and continuous interactions between shellmound and Southern proto-Jê populations. This study not only enhances our understanding of the late coastal occupation dynamics in southern Brazil but also underscores its importance in reshaping current interpretations of shellmound cultural changes over time.
Subject(s)
Archaeology , Strontium Isotopes , Humans , Animals , Brazil , Archaeology/methodsABSTRACT
Satellite survey is widely used for archaeological site discovery, but the efficacy of the method has received little systematic investigation. In this analysis, twelve study participants of different experience levels performed an unstructured remote survey of 197 km2 in the Sama and Moquegua valleys of south central Peru where previous pedestrian surveys recorded 546 archaeological sites. Results indicate an average site discovery rate of 9.3% (0-18%, 95% range). The most experienced participants detect up to 20% (17-22%) of known archaeological sites. These detection rates can be used to derive reliable site frequency estimates on the Andean coast, which can be used in planning and budgeting for field efforts and estimating demographic patterns at large spatial scales that are difficult to achieve through pedestrian survey. More generally, this analysis offers a method for deriving correction terms specific to other parts of the world. Additionally, the results can serve as a baseline for evaluating the effectiveness of emerging artificial intelligence routines for archaeological site detection.
Subject(s)
Archaeology , Artificial Intelligence , Humans , Peru , Archaeology/methodsABSTRACT
The timing of Tiwanaku's collapse remains contested. Here we present a generational-scale chronology of Tiwanaku using Bayesian models of 102 radiocarbon dates, including 45 unpublished dates. This chronology tracks four community practices: residing short- vs. long-term, constructing monuments, discarding decorated ceramics, and leaving human burials. Tiwanaku was founded around AD 100 and around AD 600, it became the region's principal destination for migrants. It grew into one of the Andes' first cities and became famous for its decorated ceramics, carved monoliths, and large monuments. Our Bayesian models show that monument building ended ~AD 720 (the median of the ending boundary). Around ~AD 910, burials in tombs ceased as violent deaths began, which we document for the first time in this paper. Ritualized murders are limited to the century leading up to ~AD 1020. Our clearest proxy for social networks breaking down is a precise estimate for the end of permanent residence, ~AD 1010 (970-1050, 95%). This major inflection point was followed by visitors who used the same ceramics until ~AD 1040. Temporary camps lasted until roughly ~AD 1050. These four events suggest a rapid, city-wide collapse at ~AD 1010-1050, lasting just ~20 years (0-70 years, 95%). These results suggest a cascading breakdown of community practices and social networks that were physically anchored at Tiwanaku, though visitors continued to leave informal burials for centuries. This generation-scale chronology suggests that collapse 1) took place well before reduced precipitation, hence this was not a drought-induced societal change and 2) a few resilient communities sustained some traditions at other sites, hence the chronology for the site of Tiwanaku cannot be transposed to all sites with similar material culture.
Subject(s)
Burial , Ceramics , Humans , Bayes Theorem , Homicide , Archaeology/methodsABSTRACT
PURPOSE: Herein lies a brief historical review of the practice of artificial cranial deformation (ACD) in Tiwanaku, Bolivia, a pre-Columbian archeological ruin once regarded as one of the most powerful pre-Inca regions whose influence extended into present-day Peru and Chile from 600 to 1000 AD. We describe the history, purpose, and implications of ACD from both a neuroanatomical and cultural perspective. METHODS: A literature review was conducted through PubMed on the history of artificial cranial deformation in South America, concentrating on the Tiwanaku region. The authors searched all available data with no specific time reference, using the mentioned keywords: ACD, neuroanatomical implications of ACD, cultural and social functions of ACD, Tiwanaku society, and Andean civilization. RESULTS: Early Andean civilization was hierarchical and stratified. In Tiwanaku, the practice of ACD served to delineate one's social class, caste, lineage, and vocation. This was especially useful for warriors, who distinguished their fellow combatants from insurgents by differences in their cranial structure. ACD was usually conducted within the first few months of an infant's life before morphogenetic features became permanent. Two popular cranial styles-tabular and annular-were achieved by applying various mechanical apparatus and resulted in several cranial shapes (conical, box-like, flattened, etc.). Neuroanatomically, each deformation technique and the duration for which mechanical stress was applied influenced the solidification of cranial bones and shaped the frontal, occipital, parietal, and temporal bones differently. Cognitive deficits and plagiocephalic defects were recorded in limitation and may have been overlooked as the era's occupational demands were more labor-intensive than knowledge-driven. CONCLUSION: In Tiwanaku, the custom of ACD was used to demonstrate group identity, with alterations of the cranial shape corresponding to a particular headdress. ACD was used to distinguish an individual's social identity, separating different groups of society into castes, classes, and slaves (Brain, 1979). The custom has also been used to mark territory and emphasize ethnic differences among groups, with potential cognitive implications that were largely unrecorded.
Subject(s)
Archaeology , Temporal Bone , Infant , Humans , Bolivia , South America , Peru , Archaeology/methodsABSTRACT
Pueblo Bonito is the iconic pre- Columbian structure in Chaco Culture National Historical Park, a World Heritage Site in northwestern New Mexico, USA. The structure, dating to about 850-1150 Current Era, and built of quarried sandstones, wooden timbers and a mud mortar, has been the subject of archaeological investigations for over a century. The present study is based on the examination of historical photographs of Pueblo Bonito dating from 1887 to the 1920s. It is a retrospective assessment to determine if structural damages, depicted on the photographs, could be attributed to identifiable agents that might have been present at the time of Pueblo Bonito occupancy. A likely causal agent of deterioration at Pueblo Bonito was the inability of Ancestral Puebloan engineers to manage the impacts from the annual precipitation, presently measured at about 220 mm. A resulting time-dependent event was rot to wetted roof and ceiling timbers, lintels, and wall support beams which required decades of incubation by wood decay fungi to reduce wood tensile strength to levels leading to roof and wall collapse. Important time- independent events that could occur any time after construction include water action on the mud mortar which resulted in unstable gravity load paths in stone walls, ponding of water in walls which when frozen would lead to the blowout of wall segments, and the occasional flood that disrupted foundations. Pueblo Bonito may have been an occupation site for centuries but the lifetime of individually constructed rooms may have only been decades, resulting in several build- repair- or abandon cycles being part of the history of that Great House.
Subject(s)
Archaeology , Parks, Recreational , Archaeology/methods , New Mexico , Retrospective Studies , WaterABSTRACT
Megafauna paintings have accompanied the earliest archaeological contexts across the continents, revealing a fundamental inter-relationship between early humans and megafauna during the global human expansion as unfamiliar landscapes were humanized and identities built into new territories. However, the identification of extinct megafauna from rock art is controversial. Here, we examine potential megafauna depictions in the rock art of Serranía de la Lindosa, Colombian Amazon, that includes a giant sloth, a gomphothere, a camelid, horses and three-toed ungulates with trunks. We argue that they are Ice Age rock art based on the (i) naturalistic appearance and diagnostic morphological features of the animal images, (ii) late Pleistocene archaeological dates from La Lindosa confirming the contemporaneity of humans and megafauna, (iii) recovery of ochre pigments in late Pleistocene archaeological strata, (iv) the presence of most megafauna identified in the region during the late Pleistocene as attested by archaeological and palaeontological records, and (v) widespread depiction of extinct megafauna in rock art across the Americas. Our findings contribute to the emerging picture of considerable geographical and stylistic variation of geometric and figurative rock art from early human occupations across South America. Lastly, we discuss the implications of our findings for understanding the early human history of tropical South America. This article is part of the theme issue 'Tropical forests in the deep human past'.
Subject(s)
Archaeology , Hominidae , Animals , Archaeology/methods , Colombia , Humans , Mammals , PaleontologyABSTRACT
The Lake Titicaca basin was one of the major centers for cultural development in the ancient world. This lacustrine environment is unique in the high, dry Andean altiplano, and its aquatic and terrestrial resources are thought to have contributed to the florescence of complex societies in this region. Nevertheless, it remains unclear to what extent local aquatic resources, particularly fish, and the introduced crop, maize, which can be grown in regions along the lakeshores, contributed to facilitating sustained food production and population growth, which underpinned increasing social political complexity starting in the Formative Period (1400 BCE to 500 CE) and culminating with the Tiwanaku state (500 to 1100 CE). Here, we present direct dietary evidence from stable isotope analysis of human skeletal remains spanning over two millennia, together with faunal and floral reference materials, to reconstruct foodways and ecological interactions in southern Lake Titicaca over time. Bulk stable isotope analysis, coupled with compound-specific amino acid stable isotope analysis, allows better discrimination between resources consumed across aquatic and terrestrial environments. Together, this evidence demonstrates that human diets predominantly relied on C3 plants, particularly quinoa and tubers, along with terrestrial animals, notably domestic camelids. Surprisingly, fish were not a significant source of animal protein, but a slight increase in C4 plant consumption verifies the increasing importance of maize in the Middle Horizon. These results underscore the primary role of local terrestrial food resources in securing a nutritious diet that allowed for sustained population growth, even in the face of documented climate and political change across these periods.
Subject(s)
Agriculture/trends , Diet/trends , Social Conditions/trends , Agriculture/history , Animals , Anthropology, Physical , Archaeology/methods , Body Remains/chemistry , Bolivia/ethnology , Bone and Bones/chemistry , Camelids, New World , Carbon Isotopes/analysis , Chenopodium quinoa , Food , History, Ancient , History, Medieval , Humans , Lakes , Nitrogen Isotopes/analysis , Peru/ethnology , Plant Tubers , Social Conditions/history , Socioeconomic Factors/history , Solanum tuberosumABSTRACT
The application of lidar remote-sensing technology has revolutionized the practice of settlement and landscape archaeology, perhaps nowhere more so than in the Maya lowlands. This contribution presents a substantial lidar dataset from the Puuc region of Yucatan, Mexico, a cultural subregion of the ancient Maya and a distinct physiographic zone within the Yucatan peninsula. Despite the high density of known sites, no large site has been fully surveyed, and little is known about intersite demography. Lidar technology allows determination of settlement distribution for the first time, showing that population was elevated but nucleated, although without any evidence of defensive features. Population estimates suggest a region among the most densely settled within the Maya lowlands, though hinterland levels are modest. Lacking natural bodies of surface water, the ancient Puuc inhabitants relied upon various storage technologies, primarily chultuns (cisterns) and aguadas (natural or modified reservoirs for potable water). Both are visible in the lidar imagery, allowing calculation of aguada capacities by means of GIS software. The imagery also demonstrates an intensive and widespread stone working industry. Ovens visible in the imagery were probably used for the production of lime, used for construction purposes and perhaps also as a softening agent for maize. Quarries can also be discerned, including in some cases substantial portions of entire hills. With respect to agriculture, terrain classification permits identification of patches of prime cultivable land and calculation of their extents. Lidar imagery also provides the first unequivocal evidence for terracing in the Puuc, indeed in all northern Yucatan. Finally, several types of civic architecture and architectural complexes are visible, including four large acropolises probably dating to the Middle Formative period (700-450 B.C.). Later instances of civic architecture include numerous Early Puuc Civic Complexes, suggesting a common form of civic organization at the beginning of the Late Classic demographic surge, (A.D. 600-750).
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Remote Sensing Technology/methods , Civilization , Geography , History, Ancient , Lasers , MexicoABSTRACT
Strontium isotope (87Sr/86Sr) analysis of human skeletal remains is an important method in archaeology to examine past human mobility and landscape use. 87Sr/86Sr signatures of a given location are largely determined by the underlying bedrock, and these geology specific isotope signatures are incorporated into skeletal tissue through food and water, often permitting the differentiation of local and non-local individuals in past human populations. This study presents the results of a systematic survey of modern flora and fauna (n = 100) from 14 locations to map the bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr signatures of the Conchucos region, an area where the extent of geologic variability was previously unknown. We illustrate the necessity to examine the variation in 87Sr/86Sr values of the different geological formations available to human land use to document the range of possible local 87Sr/86Sr values. Within the Conchucos region we found significant variation in environmental 87Sr/86Sr values (0.7078-0.7214). The resulting isoscape represents the largest regionally specific bioavailable 87Sr/86Sr map (3,840 km2) to date for the Andes, and will serve as a baseline for future archaeological studies of human mobility in this part of the Peruvian highlands.
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Strontium Isotopes/analysis , Environmental Monitoring/methods , Geology/methods , Humans , PeruABSTRACT
The study of South American camelids and their domestication is a highly debated topic in zooarchaeology. Identifying the domestic species (alpaca and llama) in archaeological sites based solely on morphological data is challenging due to their similarity with respect to their wild ancestors. Using genetic methods also presents challenges due to the hybridization history of the domestic species, which are thought to have extensively hybridized following the Spanish conquest of South America that resulted in camelids slaughtered en masse. In this study, we generated mitochondrial genomes for 61 ancient South American camelids dated between 3,500 and 2,400 years before the present (Early Formative period) from two archaeological sites in Northern Chile (Tulán-54 and Tulán-85), as well as 66 modern camelid mitogenomes and 815 modern mitochondrial control region sequences from across South America. In addition, we performed osteometric analyses to differentiate big and small body size camelids. A comparative analysis of these data suggests that a substantial proportion of the ancient vicuña genetic variation has been lost since the Early Formative period, as it is not present in modern specimens. Moreover, we propose a domestication hypothesis that includes an ancient guanaco population that no longer exists. Finally, we find evidence that interbreeding practices were widespread during the domestication process by the early camelid herders in the Atacama during the Early Formative period and predating the Spanish conquest.
Subject(s)
Camelids, New World/genetics , DNA, Ancient/analysis , Domestication , Animals , Animals, Domestic/genetics , Animals, Wild/genetics , Archaeology/methods , Chile , DNA, Mitochondrial/genetics , Genetic Variation , Genome, Mitochondrial , Hybridization, GeneticABSTRACT
Current archaeological paradigm proposes that the first peopling of the Americas does not exceed the Last Glacial Maximum period. In this context, the acceptance of the anthropogenic character of the earliest stone artefacts generally rests on the presence of projectile points considered no more as typocentric but as typognomonic, since it allows, by itself, to certify the human character of the other associated artefacts. In other words, without this presence, nothing is certain. Archaeological research at Piauí (Brazil) attests to a Pleistocene human presence between 41 and 14 cal kyr BP, without any record of lithic projectile points. Here, we report the discovery and interpretation of an unusual stone artefact in the Vale da Pedra Furada site, in a context dating back to 24 cal kyr BP. The knapping stigmata and macroscopic use-wear traces reveal a conception centred on the configuration of double bevels and the production in the same specimen of at least two successive artefacts with probably different functions. This piece unambiguously presents an anthropic character and reveals a technical novelty during the Pleistocene occupation of South America.
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Fossils/diagnostic imaging , Brazil , History, Ancient , Humans , Inventions/history , Radiometric Dating/methods , Soil/chemistryABSTRACT
The southern boundary of prehispanic farming in South America occurs in central Mendoza Province, Argentina at approximately 34 degrees south latitude. Archaeological evidence of farming includes the recovery of macrobotanical remains of cultigens and isotopic chemistry of human bone. Since the 1990s, archaeologists have also hypothesized that the llama (Lama glama), a domesticated South American camelid, was also herded near the southern boundary of prehispanic farming. The remains of a wild congeneric camelid, the guanaco (Lama guanicoe), however, are common in archaeological sites throughout Mendoza Province. It is difficult to distinguish bones of the domestic llama from wild guanaco in terms of osteological morphology, and therefore, claims that llama were in geographic areas where guanaco were also present based on osteometric analysis alone remain equivocal. A recent study, for example, claimed that twenty-five percent of the camelid remains from the high elevation Andes site of Laguna del Diamante S4 were identified based on osteometric evidence as domestic llama, but guanaco are also a likely candidate since the two species overlap in size. We test the hypothesis that domesticated camelids occurred in prehispanic, southern Mendoza through analysis of ancient DNA. We generated whole mitochondrial genome datasets from 41 samples from southern Mendoza late Holocene archaeological sites, located between 450 and 3400 meters above sea level (masl). All camelid samples from those sites were identified as guanaco; thus, we have no evidence to support the hypothesis that the domestic llama occurred in prehispanic southern Mendoza.
Subject(s)
Agriculture/history , Animals, Domestic/genetics , Animals, Wild/genetics , Camelids, New World/genetics , DNA, Ancient/analysis , Animals , Archaeology/methods , Argentina , Domestication , Genome, Mitochondrial , History, 15th Century , History, 16th Century , Whole Genome SequencingABSTRACT
Archaeological research is radically transforming the view that the Amazon basin and surrounding areas witnessed limited societal development before European contact. Nevertheless, uncertainty remains on the nature of the subsistence systems and the role that aquatic resources, terrestrial mammalian game, and plants had in supporting population growth, geographic dispersal, cultural adaptations and political complexity during the later stages of the pre-Columbian era. This is exacerbated by the general paucity of archaeological human remains enabling individual dietary reconstructions. Here we use stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of bone collagen to reconstruct the diets of human individuals from São Luís Island (Brazilian Amazon coast) dated between ca. 1800 and 1000 cal BP and associated with distinct ceramic traditions. We expanded our analysis to include previously published data from Maracá and Marajó Island, in the eastern Amazon. Quantitative estimates of the caloric contributions from food groups and their relative nutrients using a Bayesian Mixing Model revealed distinct subsistence strategies, consisting predominantly of plants and terrestrial mammals and variably complemented with aquatic resources. This study offers novel quantitative information on the extent distinct food categories of polyculture agroforestry systems fulfilled the caloric and protein requirements of Late Holocene pre-Columbian populations in the Amazon basin.
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Bone and Bones/chemistry , Carbon Isotopes/analysis , Diet/history , Nitrogen Isotopes/analysis , Animals , Bayes Theorem , Body Remains , Brazil , Collagen/chemistry , Eating , Feeding Behavior , History, 15th Century , History, 16th Century , History, 17th Century , History, Ancient , History, Medieval , Humans , Mammals , PlantsABSTRACT
Archaeological research documents major technological shifts among people who have lived in the southern tip of South America (South Patagonia) during the last thirteen millennia, including the development of marine-based economies and changes in tools and raw materials. It has been proposed that movements of people spreading culture and technology propelled some of these shifts, but these hypotheses have not been tested with ancient DNA. Here we report genome-wide data from 20 ancient individuals, and co-analyze it with previously reported data. We reveal that immigration does not explain the appearance of marine adaptations in South Patagonia. We describe partial genetic continuity since ~6600 BP and two later gene flows correlated with technological changes: one between 4700-2000 BP that affected primarily marine-based groups, and a later one impacting all <2000 BP groups. From ~2200-1200 BP, mixture among neighbors resulted in a cline correlated to geographic ordering along the coast.
Subject(s)
DNA, Ancient/analysis , Fossils , Gene Flow , Genome, Human/genetics , Human Migration , Archaeology/methods , Argentina , Bone and Bones/metabolism , Chile , DNA, Mitochondrial/classification , DNA, Mitochondrial/genetics , Genetic Variation , Geography , Humans , Phylogeny , Radiometric Dating/methods , Sequence Analysis, DNA/methods , Tooth/metabolismABSTRACT
Resettlement, as a major imperial policy in the Inca empire, appears to have been a widespread mechanism for labor mobilization and the dismantling of rebellions. While multiple ethnohistorical references exist regarding resettlement in the central Andes, the extent of this policy in the imperial provinces is still unknown, especially in cases of economic intensification that might have required more labor force. The δ18O isotope is a good proxy for human mobility when comparing the childhood isotopic signature in the teeth enamel and the local water signature at the place of death. If applied to the study of an archaeological sequence, we can observe the expansion or reduction of a population's displacement within a territory, if they received foreigners, and in general, how their social interaction and networks changed over time. In a marginal provincial setting of the Inca empire, such as Copiapó valley in Chile, the study of δ18O isotope can enable us to observe if the alleged economic intensification in metallurgical production implied the massive arrival of foreign populations. Significantly, the Late Horizon does not evidence a great change in terms of mobility, compared to previous periods in Copiapó valley. Thus, the isotopic evidence can more clearly illuminate the social and political dynamics of an imperial provincial setting, where economic activities demanded by the Inca state were mainly carried out by the local labor force.
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Dental Enamel/growth & development , Dental Enamel/metabolism , Oxygen Isotopes/analysis , Refugees/statistics & numerical data , Transients and Migrants/statistics & numerical data , Adolescent , Child , Child, Preschool , Humans , Infant , Peru , Population DynamicsABSTRACT
Intestinal protozoans found in ancient human samples have been studied primarily by microscopy and immunodiagnostic assays. However, such methods are not suitable for the detection of zoonotic genotypes. The objectives of the present study were to utilize immunoenzimatic assays for coproantigen detection of Cryptosporidium sp., Giardia duodenalis, and Entamoeba histolytica/Entamoeba dispar in sixty ancient human and animal samples collected from 14 archaeological sites in South America, and to carry out a critical analysis of G. duodenalis according to results obtained from three diagnostic methodologies: microscopy, immunodiagnostic tests (immunoenzymatic and immunofluorescence), and molecular biology (PCR and sequencing). More than half (31/60) of the samples analyzed using immunoenzymatic tests were positive for at least one of the intestinal protozoans, with 46.6% (28/60) corresponding to G. duodenalis, 26.6% (16/60) to Cryptosporidium sp., and 5% (3/60) to E. histolytica/E. dispar. Cryptosporidium sp. and G. duodenalis coinfection was observed in 15% (9/60) of the samples, whereas all three protozoans were found in 5% (3/60) of samples. In the Northeast Region of Brazil, by immunoenzymatic tests there is evidence that G. duodenlais and Cryptosporidium sp. have infected humans and rodents for at least 7150 years. However, for G. duodenalis, the results from the three diagnostic tests were discordant. Specifically, despite the efficiency of the molecular biology assay in the experimental models, G. duodenalis DNA could not be amplified from the ancient samples. These results raise the following question: Are all ancient samples positive for coproantigen of G. duodenalis by immunoenzymatic tests truly positive? This scenario highlights the importance of further studies to evaluate the sensitivity and specificity of the immunoenzymatic method in the archaeological context.
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Cryptosporidium/isolation & purification , Entamoeba/isolation & purification , Feces/parasitology , Giardia lamblia/isolation & purification , Immunoenzyme Techniques/standards , Animals , Antigens, Protozoan/analysis , Antigens, Protozoan/genetics , Cryptosporidium/genetics , Cryptosporidium/immunology , Entamoeba/genetics , Entamoeba/immunology , Entamoeba histolytica/genetics , Entamoeba histolytica/immunology , Entamoeba histolytica/isolation & purification , Giardia lamblia/genetics , Giardia lamblia/immunology , Humans , Intestinal Diseases, Parasitic/parasitology , Rodentia , Sensitivity and Specificity , South AmericaABSTRACT
Over several millennia, various native plant species in South America have been used for their healing and psychoactive properties. Chemical analysis of archaeological artifacts provides an opportunity to study the use of psychoactive plants in the past and to better understand ancient botanical knowledge systems. Liquid chromatography tandem mass spectrometry (LC-MS/MS) was used to analyze organic residues from a ritual bundle, radiocarbon dated to approximately 1,000 C.E., recovered from archaeological excavations in a rock shelter located in the Lípez Altiplano of southwestern Bolivia. The site is located at an elevation of â¼3,900 m above sea level and contains evidence of intermittent human occupations during the last 4,000 years. Chemical traces of bufotenine, dimethyltryptamine, harmine, and cocaine, including its degradation product benzoylecgonine, were identified, suggesting that at least three plants containing these compounds were part of the shamanic paraphernalia dating back 1,000 years ago, the largest number of compounds recovered from a single artifact from this area of the world, to date. This is also a documented case of a ritual bundle containing both harmine and dimethyltryptamine, the two primary ingredients of ayahuasca. The presence of multiple plants that come from disparate and distant ecological areas in South America suggests that hallucinogenic plants moved across significant distances and that an intricate botanical knowledge was intrinsic to pre-Columbian ritual practices.
Subject(s)
Plants, Medicinal/chemistry , Psychotropic Drugs/chemistry , Archaeology/methods , Banisteriopsis/chemistry , Bolivia , Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry/methods , Hallucinogens/chemistry , Humans , South America , Tandem Mass Spectrometry/methodsABSTRACT
Here we report the results of excavation and interdisciplinary study of the largest child and camelid sacrifice known from the New World. Stratigraphy, associated artifacts, and radiocarbon dating indicate that it was a single mass killing of more than 140 children and over 200 camelids directed by the Chimú state, c. AD 1450. Preliminary DNA analysis indicates that both boys and girls were chosen for sacrifice. Variability in forms of cranial modification (head shaping) and stable isotope analysis of carbon and nitrogen suggest that the children were a heterogeneous sample drawn from multiple regions and ethnic groups throughout the Chimú state. The Huanchaquito-Las Llamas mass sacrifice opens a new window on a previously unknown sacrificial ritual from fifteenth century northern coastal Peru. While the motivation for such a massive sacrifice is a subject for further research, there is archaeological evidence that it was associated with a climatic event (heavy rainfall and flooding) that could have impacted the economic, political and ideological stability of one of the most powerful states in the New World during the fifteenth century A.D.
Subject(s)
Camelids, New World/physiology , Animals , Archaeology/methods , Artifacts , Carbon/chemistry , Ceremonial Behavior , Child , Environment , Female , Humans , Male , Nitrogen/chemistry , Peru , Radiometric Dating/methodsABSTRACT
Confocal laser scanning microscopy (CLSM) was used to examine archaeoparasitological specimens from coprolites associated with La Cueva de los Muertos Chiquitos (CMC) located near present-day Durango, Mexico. The eggs for 4 different types of parasites recovered from CMC coprolites were imaged using CLSM to assist with identification efforts. While some of the parasite eggs recovered from CMC coprolites were readily identified using standard light microscopy (LM), CLSM provided useful data for more challenging identifications by highlighting subtle morphological features and enhancing visualization of parasite egg anatomy. While other advanced microscopy techniques, such as scanning electron microscopy (SEM), may also detect cryptic identifying characters, CLSM is less destructive to the specimens. Utilizing CLSM allows for subsequent examinations, such as molecular analyses, that cannot be performed following SEM sample preparation and imaging. Furthermore, CLSM detects intrinsic autofluorescence molecules, making improved identification independent of resource and time-intensive protocols. These aspects of CLSM make it an excellent method for assisting in taxonomic identification and for acquiring more detailed images of archaeoparasitological specimens.
Subject(s)
Archaeology/methods , Microscopy, Confocal/methods , Microscopy, Fluorescence/methods , Parasites/isolation & purification , Parasitology/methods , Animals , Archaeology/history , Archaeology/instrumentation , History, Medieval , Mexico , Ovum/cytology , Parasites/cytology , Parasitology/history , Parasitology/instrumentationABSTRACT
Human settlement of the Caribbean represents the only example in the Americas of peoples colonizing islands that were not visible from surrounding mainland areas or other islands. Unfortunately, many interpretive models have relied on radiocarbon determinations that do not meet standard criteria for reporting because they lack critical information or sufficient provenience, often leading to specious interpretations. We have collated 2484 radiocarbon determinations, assigned them to classes based on chronometric hygiene criteria, and constructed Bayesian colonization models of the acceptable determinations to examine patterns of initial settlement. Colonization estimates for 26 islands indicate that (i) the region was settled in two major population dispersals that likely originated from South America; (ii) colonists reached islands in the northern Antilles before the southern islands; and (iii) the results support the southward route hypothesis and refute the "stepping-stone model."