Implicature priming, salience, and context adaptation.

Recent experimental research has observed two kinds of priming effects on quantity implicatures. One is the Strong-Weak contrast, where more quantity implicatures are observed after prime trials forcing interpretations with quantity implicatures ('Strong primes') than after prime trials forcing interpretations without quantity implicatures ('Weak primes'). The other effect is the Alternative-Weak contrast, where prime trials mentioning alternative expressions ('Alternative primes') similarly lead to more quantity implicatures. It has been claimed that both of these effects should be understood in terms of increased salience of alternative expressions used to compute quantity implicatures. We present experimental evidence that speaks against this hypothesis. With the help of novel baseline conditions, which were absent in previous studies on implicature priming, we observe that the results in the priming paradigm commonly used in the literature are inverse preference effects in the sense that robust priming effects are observed towards interpretations that are normally unexpected, and depending on the baseline expectation, each of the three prime types mentioned above may have priming effects. We furthermore investigated different types of alternative priming for so-called ad hoc implicatures and found that for these implicatures, presenting an alternative expression in a simple sentence does not have a priming effect on the implicature of a similarly simple sentence, but presenting it in a more complex conjunctive construction does. Our results also show that conjunctions of similar but irrelevant expressions have a similarly robust priming effect and that conjunctive sentences with two conjuncts do not give rise to priming effects on the interpretation of sentences of the same syntactic complexity, but those with three conjuncts do. To make sense of these observations, we propose that what crucially matters for priming implicatures is incremental change in one's probabilistic expectations about the current conversational context brought about by a process we call context adaptation.

A corpus-based examination of scalar diversity.

The phenomenon of scalar diversity refers to the well-replicated finding that different scalar expressions give rise to scalar implicatures (SIs) at different rates. Previous work has shown that part of the scalar diversity effect can be explained by theoretically motivated factors. Although the effect has been established only in controlled experiments using manually constructed stimuli, there has been a tendency to assume that the marked differences in inference rates that have been observed reflect differences to be found in naturally occurring discourse. We explore whether this is the case by sampling actual language usage involving a wide range of scalar expressions. Adopting the approach in Degen (2015), we investigated the scalar diversity effect in a corpus of Twitter data we constructed. We find that the phenomenon of scalar diversity attenuates significantly when measured in a corpus-based paraphrase task. Although the degree of "scalar diversity" varies, we find that factors derived from theories of SI can explain nearly two-thirds of the variation. This remains the case whether the variation is observed in controlled experiments or in the context of natural language use. As for the remaining variation, we hypothesize that it may be due to a high level of uncertainty about whether adjectival scalar expressions should undergo scalar enrichment. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Representing Polar Questions.

Although the linguistic properties of polar questions have been extensively studied, comparatively little is known about how polar questions are processed in real time. In this paper, we report on three eye-tracking experiments on the processing of positive and negative polar questions in English and French. Our results show that in the early stages, participants pay attention to both positive and negative states of affairs for both positive and negative questions. In the late stages, positive and certain negative polar questions were associated with a bias for the positive state, and this bias appears to be pragmatic in nature. We suggest that different biases in mental representations reflect the hearer's reasoning about the speaker's purposes of enquiry.

Verifying Negative Sentences.

In the long history of psycholinguistic research on verifying negative sentences, an often-reported finding is that participants take longer to correctly judge negative sentences true than false, while being faster to judge their positive counterparts true (e.g. Clark & Chase, Cogn Psychol 3(3):472-517, 1972; Carpenter & Just, Psychol Rev 82(1):45-73, 1975). While many linguists and psycholinguists have strongly advocated the idea that the costs and complexity of negation can be explained by appeal to context, context-based approaches have not been able to provide a satisfying account of this polarity*truth-value interaction. By contrast, the alternative theory of negation processing, which says that negation is processed by separately representing the positive, does provide a plausible account. Our proposals provide a means for reconciliation between the two views since we argue that negation is a strong cue to a positive context. Here we present our account of why and when negation is often apparently processed via the positive. We review many of the factors that are seen to be at play in sentence verification involving negation. We present evidence that participants' adoption of the positive-first procedure in sentence-picture verification tasks is conditioned by context.

Adolescents are delayed at inferring complex social intentions in others, but not basic (false) beliefs: An eye-movement investigation.

Most developmental research on Theory of Mind (ToM)-our ability to infer the beliefs, intentions, and desires of others-has focused on the preschool years. This is unsurprising as it was previously thought that ToM skills are developed between the ages of 2 and 7 years. Over the last couple of decades however, studies have provided evidence for significant structural and functional changes in the brain areas involved in ToM (the "social brain") not only during childhood but also during adolescence. Importantly, some of these findings suggest that the use of ToM shows a prolonged development through middle childhood and adolescence. Although evidence from previous studies suggests a protracted development of ToM, the factors that constrain performance during middle childhood and adolescence are only just beginning to be explored. In this article, we report two visual-world eye-tracking studies that focus on the timecourse of predictive inferences. We establish that when the complexity of ToM inferences are at a level which is comparable with standard change-of-location false-belief tasks, then adolescents and adults generate predictions for other agents' behaviour in the same timecourse. However, when inferences are socially more complex, requiring inferences about higher order mental states, adolescents generate predictive gaze bias at a marked delay relative to adults. Importantly, our results demonstrate that these developmental differences go beyond differences in executive functions (inhibitory control or working memory) and point to distinct expectations between groups and greater uncertainty when predicting actions based on conflicting desires.

Removing shared information improves 3- and 4-year-olds' performance on a change-of-location explicit false belief task.

The classic change-of-location explicit false belief task ends with a test question of the form "Where will the [agent] look for the [object]?" It has been proposed that by including mention of the target object, the question creates unwanted attention to the actual object location. A standard explanation is that children are biased to answer according to their own knowledge of reality. We proposed that mention of the target object brings attention to the reality location via memory-based processes that are biased to retrieve previous shared information. We manipulated whether the experimenter who asked the test question had witnessed the change of location with the children. For the experimental group (age range = 3.00-4.17 years, Mage = 3.61 years, SD = 0.36), a second experimenter took the place of the first after the object location was changed. Performance was compared with a control group (age range = 3.00-4.25 years, Mage = 3.66 years, SD = 0.34) in which one experimenter conducted the whole procedure. Participants also undertook the Bear/Dragon task, a test of conflict inhibitory control. In the control group, 6 of 19 children (32%) passed, similar to previous results. In the experimental group, 12 of 19 (63%) passed. The groups did not differ significantly on their inhibitory control scores, and a logistic regression analysis revealed that only condition significantly predicted performance. We conclude that a bias toward shared information is a relevant factor in understanding children's difficulty with the standard test question used in the change-of-location explicit false belief task.

A Link Between Local Enrichment and Scalar Diversity.

Several recent studies have shown that different scalar terms are liable to give rise to scalar inferences at different rates (Doran et al., 2009, 2012; van Tiel et al., 2016). A number of potential factors have been explored to account for such Scalar Diversity. These factors can be seen as methodological in origin, or as motivated by widely discussed analyses of scalar inferences. Such factors allow us to explain some of the variation, but they leave much of it unexplained. In this paper, we explore two new potential factors. One is methodologically motivated, related to the choice of items in previous studies. The second is motivated by theoretical approaches which go beyond the standard Gricean approach to pragmatic effects. In particular, we consider dual route theories which allow for scalar inferences to be explained either using 'global' pragmatic derivations, like those set out in standard Gricean theory, or using local adjustments to interpretation. We focus on one such theory, based on the Bayesian Rational Speech Act approach (RSA-LU, Bergen et al., 2016). We show that RSA-LU predicts that a scalar term's liability to certain kinds of local enrichment will explain some Scalar Diversity. In three experiments, we show that both proposed factors are active in the scalar diversity effect. We conclude with a discussion of the grammatical approach to local effects and show that our results provide better evidence for dual route approaches to scalar effects.

Development of online use of theory of mind during adolescence: An eye-tracking study.

We investigated the development of theory of mind use through eye-tracking in children (9-13years old, n=14), adolescents (14-17.9years old, n=28), and adults (19-29years old, n=23). Participants performed a computerized task in which a director instructed them to move objects placed on a set of shelves. Some of the objects were blocked off from the director's point of view; therefore, participants needed to take into consideration the director's ignorance of these objects when following the director's instructions. In a control condition, participants performed the same task in the absence of the director and were told that the instructions would refer only to items in slots without a back panel, controlling for general cognitive demands of the task. Participants also performed two inhibitory control tasks. We replicated previous findings, namely that in the director-present condition, but not in the control condition, children and adolescents made more errors than adults, suggesting that theory of mind use improves between adolescence and adulthood. Inhibitory control partly accounted for errors on the director task, indicating that it is a factor of developmental change in perspective taking. Eye-tracking data revealed early eye gaze differences between trials where the director's perspective was taken into account and those where it was not. Once differences in accuracy rates were considered, all age groups engaged in the same kind of online processing during perspective taking but differed in how often they engaged in perspective taking. When perspective is correctly taken, all age groups' gaze data point to an early influence of perspective information.

Taking the epistemic step: toward a model of on-line access to conversational implicatures.

There is a growing body of evidence showing that conversational implicatures are rapidly accessed in incremental utterance interpretation. To date, studies showing incremental access have focussed on implicatures related to linguistic triggers, such as 'some' and 'or'. We discuss three kinds of on-line model that can account for this data. A model built around the notion of linguistic alternatives stored in the lexicon would only account for linguistically triggered implicatures of the kind already studied and not so-called 'particularised' implicatures that are not associated with specific linguistic items. A second model built around the idea of focus alternatives could handle both linguistically triggered implicatures and so-called particularised implicatures but would be insensitive to the role that information about the speaker's mental state plays in deriving implicatures. A third more fully 'Gricean' model takes account of the speaker's mental state in accessing these implications. In this paper we present a visual world study using a new interactive paradigm where two communicators (one confederate) describe visually-presented events to each other as their eye movements are monitored. In this way, we directly compare the suitability of these three kinds of model. We show hearers can access contextually specific particularised implicatures in on-line comprehension. Moreover, we show that in doing so, hearers are sensitive to the relevant mental states of the speaker. We conclude with a discussion of how a more 'Gricean' model may be developed and of how our findings inform a long-standing debate on the immediacy of on-line perspective taking in language comprehension.

Eye movements reveal the time-course of anticipating behaviour based on complex, conflicting desires.

The time-course of representing others' perspectives is inconclusive across the currently available models of ToM processing. We report two visual-world studies investigating how knowledge about a character's basic preferences (e.g. Tom's favourite colour is pink) and higher-order desires (his wish to keep this preference secret) compete to influence online expectations about subsequent behaviour. Participants' eye movements around a visual scene were tracked while they listened to auditory narratives. While clear differences in anticipatory visual biases emerged between conditions in Experiment 1, post-hoc analyses testing the strength of the relevant biases suggested a discrepancy in the time-course of predicting appropriate referents within the different contexts. Specifically, predictions to the target emerged very early when there was no conflict between the character's basic preferences and higher-order desires, but appeared to be relatively delayed when comprehenders were provided with conflicting information about that character's desire to keep a secret. However, a second experiment demonstrated that this apparent 'cognitive cost' in inferring behaviour based on higher-order desires was in fact driven by low-level features between the context sentence and visual scene. Taken together, these results suggest that healthy adults are able to make complex higher-order ToM inferences without the need to call on costly cognitive processes. Results are discussed relative to previous accounts of ToM and language processing.

Why we simulate negated information: a dynamic pragmatic account.

A well-established finding in the simulation literature is that participants simulate the positive argument of negation soon after reading a negative sentence, prior to simulating a scene consistent with the negated sentence (Kaup, Ludtke, & Zwaan, 2006; Kaup, Yaxley, Madden, Zwaan, & Ludtke, 2007). One interpretation of this finding is that negation requires two steps to process: first represent what is being negated then "reject" that in favour of a representation of a negation-consistent state of affairs (Kaup et al., 2007). In this paper we argue that this finding with negative sentences could be a by-product of the dynamic way that language is interpreted relative to a common ground and not the way that negation is represented. We present a study based on Kaup et al. (2007) that tests the competing accounts. Our results suggest that some negative sentences are not processed in two steps, but provide support for the alternative, dynamic account.

Are generalised scalar implicatures generated by default? An on-line investigation into the role of context in generating pragmatic inferences.

Recent research in semantics and pragmatics has revived the debate about whether there are two cognitively distinct categories of conversational implicatures: generalised and particularised. Generalised conversational implicatures are so-called because they seem to arise more or less independently of contextual support. Particularised implicatures are more context-bound. The Default view is that generalised implicatures are default inferences and that their computation is relatively autonomous--being computed by some default mechanism and only being open to cancellation at a second stage when contextual assumptions are taken into consideration (i.a.). It is at that second stage where contextual assumptions are considered that particularised implications are computed. By contrast, Context-Driven theorists claim that both generalised and particularised implicatures are generated by the same process and only where there is contextual support (Chierchia, 2004; Horn, 1984; Levinson, 2000 i.a.). In this paper, we present three on-line studies of the prototypical cases of generalised implicatures: the scalar implicatures 'some of the Fs' > 'not all the Fs' and 'X or Y' > 'either X or Y but not both'. These studies were designed to test the context-dependence and autonomy of the implicatures. Our results suggest that these scalar implicatures are dependent on the conversational context and that they show none of the autonomy predicted by the Default view. We conclude with a discussion of the degree to which such implicatures are purely context-driven and whether an interactionist default position may also be plausible.