Benefit-Cost Analysis of the HHS COVID-19 Campaign: April 2021-March 2022.

INTRODUCTION: This study estimated the benefits and costs of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' We Can Do This COVID-19 public education campaign (the Campaign) and associated vaccination-related impacts. METHODS: Weekly media market and national Campaign expenditures were used to estimate weekly first-dose vaccinations that would not have occurred absent the Campaign, weekly Campaign-attributed complete vaccinations, and corresponding COVID-19 cases, hospitalizations, and deaths averted. Benefits were valued using estimated morbidity and mortality reductions and associated values of a statistical life and a statistical case. Costs were estimated using Campaign paid media expenditures and corresponding vaccination costs. The net Campaign and vaccination benefit and return on investment were calculated. Analyses were conducted from 2022 to 2024. RESULTS: Between April 2021 and March 2022, an estimated 55.9 million doses of COVID-19 vaccines would not have been administered absent the Campaign. Campaign-attributed vaccinations resulted in 2,576,133 fewer mild COVID-19 cases, 243,979 fewer nonfatal COVID-19 hospitalizations, and 51,675 lives saved from COVID-19. The total Campaign benefit was $740.2 billion, and Campaign and vaccination costs totaled $8.3 billion, with net benefits of approximately $732.0 billion. For every $1 spent, the Campaign and corresponding vaccination costs resulted in benefits of approximately $89.54. CONCLUSIONS: The We Can Do This COVID-19 public education campaign saved more than 50,000 lives and prevented hundreds of thousands of hospitalizations and millions of COVID-19 cases, representing hundreds of billions of dollars in benefits in less than one year. Findings suggest that public education campaigns are a cost-effective approach to reducing COVID-19 morbidity and mortality.

Differences in social media use by COVID-19 vaccination status.

The near-ubiquitous use of social media in the United States (U.S.) highlights the utility of social media for encouraging vaccination. Vaccination campaigns have used social media to reach audiences, yet research linking the use of specific social media platforms and vaccination uptake is nascent. This descriptive study assesses differences in social media use by COVID-19 vaccination status among adults overall and those who reported baseline vaccine hesitancy. We used data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey of U.S. adults administered between January 2021-August 2022 (n = 2,908). Results indicated a positive association between frequent Instagram and/or Twitter use and vaccination status (p <.05). Among baseline vaccine hesitant adults, results indicated a positive association between frequent TikTok, Instagram, and/or Twitter use and vaccination status (p <.05). Findings have implications for research that examines the content of social media platforms and their environment on vaccine attitudes and uptake.

Association between vaccination beliefs and COVID-19 vaccine uptake in a longitudinal panel survey of adults in the United States, 2021-2022.

COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy has been a major limiting factor to the widespread uptake of COVID-19 vaccination in the United States. A range of interventions, including mass media campaigns, have been implemented to encourage COVID-19 vaccine confidence and uptake. Such interventions are often guided by theories of behavior change, which posit that behavioral factors, including beliefs, influence behaviors such as vaccination. Although previous studies have examined relationships between vaccination beliefs and COVID-19 vaccination behavior, they come with limitations, such as the use of cross-sectional study designs and, for longitudinal studies, few survey waves. To account for these limitations, we examined associations between vaccination beliefs and COVID-19 vaccine uptake using data from six waves of a nationally representative, longitudinal survey of U.S. adults (N = 3,524) administered over a nearly 2-year period (January 2021-November 2022). Survey-weighted lagged logistic regression models were used to examine the association between lagged reports of vaccination belief change and COVID-19 vaccine uptake, using five belief scales: (1) importance of COVID-19 vaccines, (2) perceived benefits of COVID-19 vaccination, (3) COVID-19 vaccine concerns and risks, (4) normative beliefs about COVID-19 vaccination, and (5) perceptions of general vaccine safety and effectiveness. Analyses controlled for confounding factors and accounted for within-respondent dependence due to repeated measures. In individual models, all vaccination belief scales were significantly associated with increased COVID-19 vaccine uptake. In a combined model, all belief scales except the benefits of COVID-19 vaccination were significant predictors of vaccine uptake. Overall, belief scales indicating the importance of COVID-19 vaccines and normative beliefs about COVID-19 vaccination were the strongest predictors of COVID-19 vaccine uptake. Findings demonstrate that changes in vaccination beliefs influence subsequent COVID-19 vaccine uptake, with implications for the development of future interventions to increase COVID-19 vaccination.

Association Between the "We Can Do This" Campaign and COVID-19 Booster Uptake, U.S., 2021-2022.

Introduction: Monovalent COVID-19 boosters lower the risk of COVID-19 disease, infection, hospitalization, and death. This study examined associations between exposure to a booster public education campaign (the booster campaign) and the increases in booster uptake and reduced length of time until booster uptake among U.S. adults. Methods: Data included a national survey panel of U.S. adults and booster campaign paid media (i.e., digital impressions and TV gross rating points) from September 2021 to May 2022. Multilevel logistic regression models examined the association between exposure to the booster campaign and the likelihood of booster uptake. A Cox proportional hazard model evaluated the association between the booster campaign and booster uptake timing. Interaction terms between the booster campaign media variables and first-dose COVID-19 vaccine date examined differential effects of the booster campaign based on when individuals received their first dose. Results: Interactions between first-dose vaccination date and the booster campaign were statistically significant for cumulative digital impressions (ß=4.75e-08; 95% CIs=5.93e-09, 8.90e-08) and TV gross rating points (ß = 4.62e-05; 95% CIs=5.09e-06, 8.73e-05), suggesting that booster uptake was strongest among those who received their first-dose COVID-19 vaccine later. Booster campaign cumulative digital impressions and TV gross rating points were associated with accelerated booster uptake among those with later first-dose vaccination dates (digital: ß=9.98e-08; 95% CIs=2.70e-08, 1.73e-07; TV: ß=0.0001; 95% CIs=2.80e-05, 0.0002), relative to those with earlier first-dose vaccination dates. Conclusions: The booster campaign may have increased monovalent booster uptake and reduced how long individuals waited until getting their booster. Public education campaigns show promise in stemming the tide of pandemic fatigue and increasing booster confidence.

Trends in primary, booster, and updated COVID-19 vaccine readiness in the United States, January 2021-April 2023: Implications for 2023-2024 updated COVID-19 vaccines.

OBJECTIVE: COVID-19 vaccines have mitigated the severity of COVID-19 and its sequelae. The emergence of new SARS-CoV-2 variants and waning immunity conferred by COVID-19 vaccination have necessitated booster and updated COVID-19 vaccines. This study examined trends in vaccine readiness-a composite measure of intention and uptake-for the primary, booster, and 2022-2023 updated (bivalent) COVID-19 vaccines among U.S. adults. METHODS: Data from the nationally-representative U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' COVID-19 Monthly Outcome Survey from January 2021 to April 2023 were analyzed (N = 140,180). We conducted pairwise comparisons (weighted t-tests) to assess for significant between-month differences in the proportion of participants in each vaccine-readiness category (vaccine ready, wait and see, and no vaccine intention) for the following outcomes: (1) primary; (2) booster; and (3) updated COVID-19 vaccine readiness. RESULTS: From January 2021 to April 2023, significant increases in the primary vaccine ready group were accompanied by decreases in the wait and see and no vaccine intention groups (p < 0.001). From January to September 2022, the no booster intention group notably increased (p < 0.001), whereas the booster ready group decreased (p < 0.001), and the wait and see group remained stable (p = 0.116). From October 2022 to April 2023, the no updated vaccine intention group increased (p < 0.001), the wait and see group decreased (p < 0.01), and the updated vaccine ready group remained unchanged (p = 0.357). CONCLUSIONS: Findings show decreased vaccine readiness for the booster and 2022-2023 updated (bivalent) COVID-19 vaccines relative to the primary COVID-19 vaccines. Implications for the 2023-2024 updated COVID-19 vaccines are discussed.

Racial and ethnic differences in COVID-19 vaccine readiness among adults in the United States, January 2021-April 2023.

Racial and ethnic minority groups have been disproportionately affected by COVID-19 and have experienced systemic, attitudinal, and access-related barriers to COVID-19 vaccination. We examined differences in COVID-19 vaccine readiness-a composite measure of vaccination intention and behavior-between non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, non-Hispanic Asian American/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaska Native U.S. adults. Using data from a cross-sectional survey administered to nationally representative samples of âˆ¼ 5,000 U.S. adults each month from January 2021 to April 2023 (n = 135,989), we conducted weighted ttests comparing the monthly percentage of participants from racial/ethnic groups who were "Vaccine Ready." Initial racial/ethnic disparities in vaccine readiness were attenuated within a 7-month period, after which adults from most minority racial/ethnic groups became equally or more vaccine ready compared to non-Hispanic White adults (p < 0.05). Findings suggest that barriers to vaccine readiness that were more prevalent in non-White racial/ethnic groups may have largely been addressed.

Association Between the United States Department of Health and Human Services' COVID-19 Public Education Campaign and Initial Adult COVID-19 Vaccination Uptake by Race and Ethnicity in the United States, 2020-2022.

Non-Hispanic Black (Black) and Hispanic/Latino (Latino) populations face an increased risk of COVID-19 infection, hospitalization, and death from COVID-19 relative to non-Hispanic White (White) populations. When COVID-19 vaccines became available in December 2020, Black and Latino adults were less likely than White adults to get vaccinated due to factors such as racial discrimination and structural barriers to uptake. In April 2021, the U.S. HHS COVID-19 public education campaign (the Campaign) was launched to promote vaccination through general and audience-tailored messaging. As of March 2022, Black and Latino adults had reached parity with White adults in COVID-19 vaccine uptake. This study evaluated the relationship between Campaign exposure and subsequent vaccine uptake among Black, Latino, and White adults in the United States and assessed whether participant race/ethnicity moderated the relationship between Campaign exposure and vaccine uptake. Campaign media delivery data was merged with survey data collected from a sample of U.S. adults (n = 2,923) over four waves from January 2021 to March 2022. Logistic regression analysis showed that cumulative Campaign digital impressions had a positive, statistically significant association with COVID-19 vaccine uptake, and that participant race/ethnicity moderated this association. Compared with White adults, the magnitude of the relationship between cumulative impressions and vaccination was greater among Black and Latino adults. Results from a simulation model suggested that the Campaign may have been responsible for closing 5.0% of the gap in COVID-19 vaccination by race/ethnicity from April to mid-September 2021. We discuss implications for future public education campaigns that aim to reduce health disparities.

Evaluation of the "We Can Do This" Campaign Paid Media and COVID-19 Vaccination Uptake, United States, December 2020-January 2022.

Public education campaigns are promising methods for promoting vaccine uptake. In April 2021, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services launched the We Can Do This COVID-19 public education campaign. This study is one of the first evaluations of this COVID-19 public education campaign. We tested associations between channel-specific campaign exposure (i.e. digital, TV, radio, print, and out-of-home advertising) and COVID-19 first-dose vaccinations among a nationally representative online sample of 3,278 adults. The study introduces novel ways to simultaneously evaluate short- and long-term cumulative media dose, filling an important gap in campaign evaluation literature. We observed a positive, statistically significant relationship between the short-term change in digital media dose and the likelihood of first-dose vaccination, and a positive, statistically significant relationship between long-term cumulative TV dose and the likelihood of first-dose vaccination. Results suggest that both digital and TV ads contributed to vaccination, such that digital media was associated with more immediate behavioral changes, whereas TV gradually shifted behaviors over time. As findings varied by media channel, this study suggests that public education campaigns should consider delivering campaign messages across multiple media channels to enhance campaign reach across audiences.

The effect of a fresh produce incentive paired with cooking and nutrition education on healthy eating in low-income households: a pilot study.

OBJECTIVE: This study pilot-tested combining financial incentives to purchase fruits and vegetables with nutrition education focused on cooking to increase the consumption of fruits and vegetables and improve attitudes around healthy eating on a budget among low-income adults. The goal of the pilot study was to examine implementation feasibility and fidelity, acceptability of the intervention components by participants and effectiveness. DESIGN: The study design was a pre-post individual-level comparison without a control group. The pilot intervention included two components, a scan card providing free produce up to a weekly maximum dollar amount for use over a 2-month period, and two sessions of tailored nutrition and cooking education. Outcomes included self-reported attitudes about healthy eating and daily fruit and vegetable consumption from one 24-h dietary recall collected before and after the intervention. SETTING: Greater Minneapolis/St. Paul area in Minnesota. PARTICIPANTS: Adults (n 120) were recruited from five community food pantries. RESULTS: Findings indicated that the financial incentive component of the intervention was highly feasible and acceptable to participants, but attendance at the nutrition education sessions was moderate. Participants had a statistically significant increase in the consumption of fruit, from an average of 1·00 cup/d to 1·78 cups/d (P < 0·001), but no significant change in vegetable consumption or attitudes with respect to their ability to put together a healthy meal. CONCLUSIONS: While combining financial incentives with nutrition education appears to be acceptable to low-income adult participants, barriers to attend nutrition education sessions need to be addressed in future research.

Texas Medicaid Payment Reform: Fewer Early Elective Deliveries And Increased Gestational Age And Birthweight.

Infants born at full term have better health outcomes. However, one in ten babies in the United States are born via a medically unnecessary early elective delivery: induction of labor, a cesarean section, or both before thirty-nine weeks gestation. In 2011 the Texas Medicaid program sought to reduce the rate of early elective deliveries by denying payment to providers for the procedure. We examined the impact of this policy on clinical care practice and perinatal outcomes by comparing the changes in Texas relative to comparison states. We found that early elective delivery rates fell by as much as 14 percent in Texas after this payment policy change, which led to gains of almost five days in gestational age and six ounces in birthweight among births affected by the policy. The impact on early elective delivery was larger in magnitude for minority patients. Other states may look to this Medicaid payment reform as a model for reducing early elective deliveries and disparities in infant health.

Changes to the Design of the National Health Interview Survey to Support Enhanced Monitoring of Health Reform Impacts at the State Level.

Pursuant to passage of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, the National Center for Health Statistics has enhanced the content of the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS)-the primary source of information for monitoring health and health care use of the US population at the national level-in several key areas and has positioned the NHIS as a source of population health information at the national and state levels. We review recent changes to the NHIS that support enhanced health reform monitoring, including new questions and response categories, sampling design changes to improve state-level analysis, and enhanced dissemination activities. We discuss the importance of the NHIS, the continued need for state-level analysis, and suggestions for future consideration.

"Aging Out" of Dependent Coverage and the Effects on US Labor Market and Health Insurance Choices.

OBJECTIVES: I examined how labor market and health insurance outcomes were affected by the loss of dependent coverage eligibility under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA). METHODS: I used National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data and regression discontinuity models to measure the percentage-point change in labor market and health insurance outcomes at age 26 years. My sample was restricted to unmarried individuals aged 24 to 28 years and to a period of time before the ACA's individual mandate (2011-2013). I ran models separately for men and women to determine if there were differences based on gender. RESULTS: Aging out of this provision increased employment among men, employer-sponsored health insurance offers for women, and reports that health insurance coverage was worse than it was 1 year previously (overall and for young women). Uninsured rates did not increase at age 26 years, but there was an increase in the purchase of non-group health coverage, indicating interest in remaining insured after age 26 years. CONCLUSIONS: Many young adults will turn to state and federal health insurance marketplaces for information about health coverage. Because young adults (aged 18-29 years) regularly use social media sites, these sites could be used to advertise insurance to individuals reaching their 26th birthdays.

Expanding coverage to low-income childless adults in Massachusetts: implications for national health reform.

OBJECTIVE: To draw on the experiences under Massachusetts's 2006 reform, the template for the Affordable Care Act (ACA), to provide insights into the potential impacts of the ACA Medicaid expansion for low-income childless adults in other states. DATA SOURCES/STUDY SETTING: The study takes advantage of the natural experiment in Massachusetts and combined data from two surveys-the Massachusetts Health Reform Survey (MHRS) and the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS)-to estimate the impacts of reform on low-income adults. STUDY DESIGN: Difference-in-differences models of the impacts of health reform, using propensity-score reweighting to improve the match between Massachusetts and the comparison states. DATA COLLECTION/EXTRACTION METHODS: Data for low-income adults are obtained by combining data from the MHRS and the NHIS, where the MHRS provides a relatively large Massachusetts sample and the NHIS provides data for samples in other states to support the difference-in-differences model. Supplemental data on county economic and health care market characteristics are obtained from the Area Health Resource File. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: There are strong increases in coverage and access to health care for low-income adults under health reform in Massachusetts, with the greatest gains observed for childless adults, who were not eligible for public coverage prior to reform. CONCLUSIONS: In the states that implement the Medicaid provisions of the ACA, we would expect to see large increases in coverage rates and commensurate gains in access to care for low-income childless adults. Linking state and federal surveys offers a strategy for leveraging the value of state-specific survey data for stronger policy evaluations.

Survey of high-risk pool enrollees suggests that targeted transition education and outreach should begin soon.

Several provisions of the Affordable Care Act make state and federal high-risk pools unnecessary beginning in January 2014. As a result, thousands of enrollees in those pools will be transferred to Medicaid and the new state and federal insurance exchanges. Our study analyzed new survey data collected from enrollees in the country's oldest and largest state-based high-risk pool, the Minnesota Comprehensive Health Association. We estimate that approximately half of the enrollees in that pool will qualify for Medicaid or premium subsidies in the exchange. More than 60 percent of the enrollees reported being somewhat or very unfamiliar with health care reform and the resulting changes to their current coverage. Their concerns about the expected impact of health reform varied by income, geography, and level of deductible. Targeting education and outreach information to address these concerns will be critical for this population's smooth transition to new coverage.

Rescued by the safety net.

The recent recession had a significant impact on the nation and Minnesota both in terms of the number of jobs lost and the loss of employer-sponsored health insurance (ESI). In this article, we present national and Minnesota-specific data on the loss of ESI. We also explore how government-sponsored programs provided a safety net that enabled many people with low incomes to retain health insurance coverage, lessening the recession's impact in Minnesota. We conclude with general comments about the role of the safety net in a health care system in which the majority of people have health care coverage through voluntary employer-based programs.

Massachusetts health reforms: uninsurance remains low, self-reported health status improves as state prepares to tackle costs.

The Massachusetts health reform initiative enacted into law in 2006 continued to fare well in 2010, with uninsurance rates remaining quite low and employer-sponsored insurance still strong. Access to health care also remained strong, and first-time reductions in emergency department visits and hospital inpatient stays suggested improvements in the effectiveness of health care delivery in the state. There were also improvements in self-reported health status. The affordability of health care, however, remains an issue for many people, as the state, like the nation, continues to struggle with the problem of rising health care costs. And although nearly two-thirds of adults continue to support reform, among nonsupporters there has been a marked shift from a neutral position toward opposition (17.0 percent opposed to reform in 2006 compared with 26.9 percent in 2010). Taken together, Massachusetts's experience under the 2006 reform initiative, which became the template for the structure of the Affordable Care Act, highlights the potential gains and the challenges the nation now faces under federal health reform.