Characterizing different types of developmental dyslexias in French: The Malabi screener.

Reading is a complex process involving multiple stages. An impairment in any of these stages may cause distinct types of reading deficits- distinct types of dyslexia. We describe the Malabi, a screener to identify deficits in various orthographic, lexical, and sublexical components of the reading process in French. The Malabi utilizes stimuli that are sensitive to different forms of dyslexia, including "attentional dyslexia", as it is traditionally refered to, characterized by letter-to-word binding impairments leading to letter migrations between words (e.g., "bar cat" misread as "bat car"), and "letter-position dyslexia", resulting in letter transpositions within words (e.g., "destiny" misread as "density"). After collecting reading error norms from 138 French middle-school students, we analyzed error types of 16 students with developmental dyslexia. We identified three selective cases of attentional dyslexia and one case of letter-position dyslexia. Further tests confirmed our diagnosis and demonstrate, for the first time, how these dyslexias are manifested in French. These results underscore the significance of recognizing and discussing the existence of multiple dyslexias, both in research contexts when selecting participants for dyslexia studies, and in practical settings where educators and practitioners work with students to develop personalized support. The test and supporting materials are available on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/3pgzb/).

Two types of developmental surface dysgraphia: to bee but not to bea.

We report on two types of developmental surface dysgraphia. One type, exhibited by 8 participants, is orthographic lexicon surface dysgraphia, which involves an impairment in the orthographic output lexicon, leading to nonword phonologically-plausible misspellings. The other type, shown by 3 participants, is disconnection surface dysgraphia. In this type, the orthographic output lexicon is disconnected from the semantic system and from the phonological input lexicon, but still contributes to spelling via support to the orthographic output buffer, resulting in mainly lexical phonologically-plausible misspellings (writing be as "bee" but not "bea").The specific localization of the impairment in spelling, in the lexicon or in its connections, allowed us to examine the question of one or two orthographic lexicons; four participants who had a deficit in the orthographic output lexicon itself in writing had intact orthographic-input-lexicon in reading. They made surface errors in writing but not in reading the same words, supporting separate input and output orthographic lexicons.

Letter Migrations between Words in Reading Aloud Can Result either from an Impairment in Orthographic Input or in Phonological Output.

Letter migrations between words in reading aloud (e.g., reading "cane love" as "lane love" or "lane cove") are known to result from a deficit in the visual-orthographic analysis and characterize attentional dyslexia. In spontaneous speech, individuals with impairment in the phonological output buffer may show migrations of phonemes between words. The purpose of this study was to examine whether migrations between words in reading aloud can also result from a deficit in the phonological output buffer, to explore the characteristics of migrations resulting from orthographic input and from phonological output deficits, and to examine methods to distinguish these two sources. Using tasks of reading aloud of lists of 92-182 word pairs, we identified 18 adults and adolescents with developmental dyslexia who made between-word letter migrations in reading aloud, significantly more than age-matched controls (372 adults, 26 7th-graders and 44 4th-5th-graders). To distinguish between the orthographic input and phonological output sources for these migrations, we administered a test assessing orthographic input without spoken output (written semantic decision on 140 migratable word pairs) and a repetition test of 36 auditorily presented migratable word pairs, assessing spoken output without orthographic input (as well as nonword repetition and 3 span tests). These tests indicated that the migrations in reading aloud of 10 of the participants with dyslexia resulted from an orthographic input deficit-they made migrations not only in reading aloud but also in written word pair comprehension, but not in word pair repetition. For the other 8 participants, the migrations resulted from a phonological output deficit: they made migrations in reading aloud and in word pair repetition, but not in comprehension, and had limited spans and made errors in nonword repetition. We identified several differences between the two types of between-word errors: first, the individuals with attentional dyslexia made omissions of a letter that appeared in the same position in the two words, but the phonological output buffer group did not make such omissions. Second, the groups differed in the origin of migration: orthographic input migrations involve letters that are orthographically adjacent, whereas phonological output migrations involve phonologically adjacent phonemes: phonemes that have just been spoken or that are prepared together in the phonological buffer for production. Migrations from the line below and from 2 lines above the target occurred only in the orthographic input group. This study thus indicates that between-word migrations in reading aloud can result not only from attentional dyslexia, but also from a phonological output buffer deficit, and offers ways to distinguish between the two.

Dysnumeria in Sign Language: Impaired Construction of the Decimal Structure in Reading Multidigit Numbers in a Deaf ISL Signer.

We report on the first in-depth analysis of a specific type of dysnumeria, number-reading deficit, in sign language. The participant, Nomi, is a 45-year-old signer of Israeli Sign Language (ISL). In reading multidigit numbers (reading-then-signing written numbers, the counterpart of reading aloud in spoken language), Nomi made mainly decimal, number-structure errors- reading the correct digits in an incorrect (smaller) decimal class, mainly in longer numbers of 5-6-digits. A unique property of ISL allowed us to rule out the numeric-visual analysis as the source of Nomi's dysnumeria: In ISL, when the multidigit number signifies the number of objects, it is signed with a decimal structure, which is marked morphologically (e.g., 84 → Eight-Tens Four); but a parallel system exists (e.g., for height, age, bus numbers), in which multidigit numbers are signed non-decimally, as a sequence of number-signs (e.g., 84 → Eight, Four). When Nomi read and signed the exact same numbers, but this time non-decimally, she performed significantly better. Additional tests supported the conclusion that her early numeric-visual abilities are intact: she showed flawless detection of differences in length, digit-order, or identity in same-different tasks. Her decimal errors did not result from a number-structure deficit in the phonological-sign output either (no decimal errors in repeating the same numbers, nor in signing multidigit numbers written as Hebrew words). Nomi had similar errors of conversion to the decimal structure in number comprehension (number-size comparison tasks), suggesting that her deficit is in a component shared by reading and comprehension. We also compared Nomi's number reading to her reading and signing of 406 Hebrew words. Nomi's word reading was in the high range of the normal performance of hearing controls and of deaf signers and significantly better than her multidigit number reading, demonstrating a dissociation between number reading, which was impaired, and word reading, which was spared. These results point to a specific type of dysnumeria in the number-frame generation for written multidigit numbers, whereby the conversion from written multidigit numbers to the abstract decimal structure is impaired, affecting both reading and comprehension. The results support abstract, non-verbal decimal structure generation that is shared by reading and comprehension, and also suggest the existence of a non-decimal number-reading route.

Vowel dyslexia in Turkish: A window to the complex structure of the sublexical route.

We report on developmental vowel dyslexia, a type of dyslexia that selectively affects the reading aloud of vowel letters. We identified this dyslexia in 55 Turkish-readers aged 9-10, and made an in-depth multiple-case analysis of the reading of 17 participants whose vowel dyslexia was relatively selective. These participants made significantly more vowel errors (vowel substitution, omission, migration, and addition) than age-matched controls, and significantly more errors in vowel letters than in consonants. Vowel harmony, a pivotal property of Turkish phonology, was intact and the majority of their vowel errors yielded harmonic responses. The transparent character of Turkish orthography indicates that vowel dyslexia is not related to ambiguity in vowel conversion. The dyslexia did not result from a deficit in the phonological-output stage, as the participants did not make vowel errors in nonword repetition or in repeating words they had read with a vowel error. The locus of the deficit was not in the orthographic-visual-analyzer either, as their same-different decision on words differing in vowels was intact, and so was their written-word comprehension. They made significantly more errors on nonwords than on words, indicating that their deficit was in vowel processing in the sublexical route. Given that their single-vowels conversion was intact, and that they showed an effect of the number of vowels, we conclude that their deficit is in a vowel-specific buffer in the sublexical route. They did not make vowel errors within suffixes, indicating that suffixes are converted as wholes in a separate sublexical sub-route. These results have theoretical implications for the dual-route model: they indicate that the sublexical route converts vowels and consonants separately, that the sublexical route includes a vowel buffer, and a separate morphological conversion route. The results also indicate that types of dyslexia can be detected in transparent languages given detailed error-analysis and dyslexia-relevant stimuli.

Coconuts and curtain cakes: The production of wh-questions in ASD.

Background and aims: Children with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) have been found to exhibit difficulties in wh-question production. It is unclear whether these difficulties are pragmatic or syntactic in nature. The current study used a question elicitation task to assess the production of subject and object wh-questions of children with ASD in two different languages (Hebrew and French) wherein the syntactic structure of wh-questions is different, a fact that may contribute to better understanding of the underlying deficits affecting wh-question production. Crucially, beyond the general correct/error rate we also performed an in-depth analysis of error types, comparing syntactic to pragmatic errors and comparing the distribution of errors in the ASD group to that of children with typical development (TD) and children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD). Results: Correct production rates were found to be similar for the ASD and DLD groups, but error analysis revealed important differences between the ASD groups in the two languages and the DLD group. The Hebrew- and French ASD groups were found to produce pragmatic errors, which were not found in children with DLD. The pragmatic errors were similar in the two ASD groups. Syntactic errors were affected by the structure of each language. Conclusions: Our results have shown that although the two ASD groups come from different countries and speak different languages, the correct production rates and more importantly, the error types were very similar in the two ASD groups, and very different compared to TD children and children with DLD.Implications: Our results highlight the importance of creating research tasks that test different linguistic functions independently and strengthen the need for conducting fine-grained error analysis to differentiate between groups and gain insights into the deficits underlying each of them.

Single-cell activity in human STG during perception of phonemes is organized according to manner of articulation.

One of the central tasks of the human auditory system is to extract sound features from incoming acoustic signals that are most critical for speech perception. Specifically, phonological features and phonemes are the building blocks for more complex linguistic entities, such as syllables, words and sentences. Previous ECoG and EEG studies showed that various regions in the superior temporal gyrus (STG) exhibit selective responses to specific phonological features. However, electrical activity recorded by ECoG or EEG grids reflects average responses of large neuronal populations and is therefore limited in providing insights into activity patterns of single neurons. Here, we recorded spiking activity from 45 units in the STG from six neurosurgical patients who performed a listening task with phoneme stimuli. Fourteen units showed significant responsiveness to the stimuli. Using a Naïve-Bayes model, we find that single-cell responses to phonemes are governed by manner-of-articulation features and are organized according to sonority with two main clusters for sonorants and obstruents. We further find that 'neural similarity' (i.e. the similarity of evoked spiking activity between pairs of phonemes) is comparable to the 'perceptual similarity' (i.e. to what extent two phonemes are judged as sounding similar) based on perceptual confusion, assessed behaviorally in healthy subjects. Thus, phonemes that were perceptually similar also had similar neural responses. Taken together, our findings indicate that manner-of-articulation is the dominant organization dimension of phoneme representations at the single-cell level, suggesting a remarkable consistency across levels of analyses, from the single neuron level to that of large neuronal populations and behavior.

Professional or Amateur? The Phonological Output Buffer as a Working Memory Operator.

The Phonological Output Buffer (POB) is thought to be the stage in language production where phonemes are held in working memory and assembled into words. The neural implementation of the POB remains unclear despite a wealth of phenomenological data. Individuals with POB impairment make phonological errors when they produce words and non-words, including phoneme omissions, insertions, transpositions, substitutions and perseverations. Errors can apply to different kinds and sizes of units, such as phonemes, number words, morphological affixes, and function words, and evidence from POB impairments suggests that units tend to substituted with units of the same kind-e.g., numbers with numbers and whole morphological affixes with other affixes. This suggests that different units are processed and stored in the POB in the same stage, but perhaps separately in different mini-stores. Further, similar impairments can affect the buffer used to produce Sign Language, which raises the question of whether it is instantiated in a distinct device with the same design. However, what appear as separate buffers may be distinct regions in the activity space of a single extended POB network, connected with a lexicon network. The self-consistency of this idea can be assessed by studying an autoassociative Potts network, as a model of memory storage distributed over several cortical areas, and testing whether the network can represent both units of word and signs, reflecting the types and patterns of errors made by individuals with POB impairment.

The Effect of Syntactic Impairment on Errors in Reading Aloud: Text Reading and Comprehension of Deaf and Hard of Hearing Children.

Deaf and Hard of Hearing (DHH) children show difficulties in reading aloud and comprehension of texts. Here, we examined the hypothesis that these reading difficulties are tightly related to the syntactic deficit displayed by DHH children. We first assessed the syntactic abilities of 32 DHH children communicating in spoken language (Hebrew) aged 9;1-12;2. We classified them into two groups of DHH children-with and without a syntactic deficit according to their performance in six syntactic tests assessing their comprehension and production of sentences with syntactic movement. We also assessed their reading at the single word level using a reading aloud test of words, nonwords, and word pairs, designed to detect the various types of dyslexia, and established, for each participant, whether they had dyslexia and of what type. Following this procedure, 14 of the children were identified with a syntactic deficit, and 15 with typical syntax (3 marginally impaired); 22 of the children had typical reading at the word level, and 4 had dyslexia (3 demonstrated sublexical reading). The main experiment examined reading aloud and comprehension of 6 texts with syntactic movement (which contained, e.g., relative clauses and topicalized sentences), in comparison to 6 parallel texts without movement. The results indicated a close connection between syntactic difficulties and errors in reading aloud and in comprehension of texts. The DHH children with syntactic deficit made significantly more errors in reading aloud and more comprehension errors than the DHH children with intact syntax (and than the hearing controls), even though most of them did not have dyslexia at the word level. The DHH children with syntactic deficit made significantly more reading errors when they read texts with syntactic movement than on matched texts without movement. These results indicate that difficulties in text reading, manifesting both in errors in reading aloud and in impaired comprehension, may stem from a syntactic deficit and may occur even when reading at the word level is completely intact.

Non-word writing does not require the phonological output buffer: Neuropsychological evidence for a direct phonological-orthographic route.

What is the route that is used for writing non-words to dictation? Does it have to pass through phonological output? Two possibilities are found in the literature. In one, writing non-words requires access from the phonological input buffer to the phonological output buffer and from there, via phoneme-to-grapheme conversion, to the orthographic output buffer. The second approach maintains that writing non-words can proceed directly from the phonological input buffer to the orthographic output buffer. In this study, we discriminate between these two options using a cognitive neuropsychological approach. Specifically, we present a multiple case study of 24 individuals with a developmental impairment to the phonological output buffer, who nevertheless show unimpaired non-word writing. These data lead to the conclusion that the phonological output buffer is not necessary when writing non-words and that writing non-words to dictation can proceed directly from the phonological input buffer to the orthographic output buffer. We suggest that the cognitive assumption that non-word writing proceeds through the phonological output buffer may have resulted from graphic conventions and the depiction of the lexical processing model: in the common depiction of the model drawing a line through the phonological output buffer is visually simpler than a direct line (which would require lines to cross or long bypass lines).

Developmental Letter Position Dyslexia in Turkish, a Morphologically Rich and Orthographically Transparent Language.

We present the first report of a specific type of developmental dyslexia in Turkish, letter position dyslexia (LPD). LPD affects the encoding of letter positions, leading to letter migrations within words. In a multiple case study of 24 Turkish-speaking children with developmental LPD, we examined in detail the characteristics of this dyslexia and explored its manifestation in Turkish. We used migratable words, in which a migration creates another existing word (e.g., signer-singer), which exposed the migration errors of the participants. In sharp contrast with the common assumption that dyslexics in transparent languages, including Turkish, do not make reading errors, we have shown that right stimuli can detect even up to 30% reading errors. The participants made migrations in reading aloud, comprehension, lexical decision, and same-different tasks, in both words and non-words. This indicates that their deficit is in the orthographic-visual analysis stage, a stage that precedes the orthographic input lexicon and is shared by the lexical and non-lexical routes. Their repetition of non-words and migratable words was normal, indicating that their phonological output stages are intact. They did not make digit migrations in reading numbers, indicating that the orthographic-visual analyzer deficit is orthographic-specific. The properties of Turkish allowed us to examine two issues that bear on the cognitive model of reading: consonant-consonant transpositions were far more frequent than consonant-vowel and vowel-vowel migrations. This indicates that the orthographic-visual analyzer already classifies letters into consonants and vowels, before or together with letter position encoding. Furthermore, Turkish is very rich morphologically, which has allowed us to examine the effect of the morphological structure of the target word on migrations. We found that there was no morphological effect on migrations: morphologically complex words did not yield more (nor fewer) migrations than monomorphemic ones, migrations crossed morpheme boundaries and did not preserve the morphological structure of the target word. This suggests that morphological analysis follows the letter-position encoding stage.

Separate mechanisms for number reading and word reading: Evidence from selective impairments.

Do number reading and word reading use the same cognitive mechanisms? We examined this question through the looking glass of dissociations between impairments in number and word reading. We report two women with selective deficits in number reading, who read words normally. An examination of their impairment pattern indicated that the specific locus of their number reading deficits is in processes that handle the number's structure: both were impaired in parsing a digit string into triplets, and one of them was also impaired in generating the number's verbal structure. In contrast to their structural deficits in number reading, their word reading was completely intact, including the structural processes in word reading (morphological analysis and assembly). We present this dissociation in the framework of a broader effort to examine dissociations between specific components in number and word reading. We went beyond general word-number dissociations: we used detailed cognitive models for word reading and for number reading, and analyzed them in order to identify which components of the number reading process are homologous to which components of words reading. We then show that even these homologous processes are dissociable: an examination of previously-reported dissociations, completed by the case studies presented here, indicated that each of the specific homologous sub-processes of word/number reading can be selectively impaired. We conclude that although the word and number reading pathways show much similarity, they are almost entirely separate.

Vowel letter dyslexia.

This research describes vowel letter dyslexia, a new type of dyslexia characterized by impaired reading of vowel letters. We report a multiple case study of 23 Hebrew readers with vowel letter dyslexia (1 acquired, 22 developmental). They made vowel-letter migrations, omissions, and additions in reading, with significantly fewer errors on consonants, and without vowel errors in speech production. Based on 24 tests that examined various components and the analysis of errors in reading 33,483 words, we ruled out deficits in the orthographic-visual analysis and phonological-output stages, as well as visual, morphological, and auditory deficits. We concluded that vowel letter dyslexia results from a selective deficit in a vowel-letter tier in the sublexical route. Indeed, vowel errors occurred predominantly when the participants read via the sublexical route. Thus, vowel letter dyslexia provides cognitive neuropsychological evidence for the separate processing of vowels and consonants in the sublexical reading route.

ASD Is Not DLI: Individuals With Autism and Individuals With Syntactic DLI Show Similar Performance Level in Syntactic Tasks, but Different Error Patterns.

Do individuals with autism have a developmental syntactic impairment, DLI (formerly known as SLI)? In this study we directly compared the performance of 18 individuals with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) aged 9;0-18;0 years with that of 93 individuals with Syntactic-Developmental Language Impairment (SyDLI) aged 8;8-14;6 (and with 166 typically-developing children aged 5;2-18;1). We tested them using three syntactic tests assessing the comprehension and production of syntactic structures that are known to be sensitive to syntactic impairment: elicitation of subject and object relative clauses, reading and paraphrasing of object relatives, and repetition of complex syntactic structures including Wh questions, relative clauses, topicalized sentences, sentences with verb movement, sentences with A-movement, and embedded sentences. The results were consistent across the three tasks: the overall rate of correct performance on the syntactic tasks is similar for the children with ASD and those with SyDLI. However, once we look closer, they are very different. The types of errors of the ASD group differ from those of the SyDLI group-the children with ASD provide various types of pragmatically infelicitous responses that are not evinced in the SyDLI or in the age equivalent typically-developing groups. The two groups (ASD and SyDLI) also differ in the pattern of performance-the children with SyDLI show a syntactically-principled pattern of impairment, with selective difficulty in specific sentence types (such as sentences derived by movement of the object across the subject), and normal performance on other structures (such as simple sentences). In contrast, the ASD participants showed generalized low performance on the various sentence structures. Syntactic performance was far from consistent within the ASD group. Whereas all ASD participants had errors that can originate in pragmatic/discourse difficulties, seven of them had completely normal syntax in the structures we tested, and were able to produce, understand, and repeat relative clauses, Wh questions, and topicalized sentences. Only one ASD participant showed a syntactically-principled deficit similar to that of individuals with SyDLI. We conclude that not all individuals with ASD have syntactic difficulties, and that even when they fail in a syntactic task, this does not necessarily originate in a syntactic impairment. This shows that looking only at the total score in a syntactic test may be insufficient, and a fuller picture emerges once the performance on different structures and the types of erroneous responses are analyzed.

A cognitive model for multidigit number reading: Inferences from individuals with selective impairments.

We propose a detailed cognitive model of multi-digit number reading. The model postulates separate processes for visual analysis of the digit string and for oral production of the verbal number. Within visual analysis, separate sub-processes encode the digit identities and the digit order, and additional sub-processes encode the number's decimal structure: its length, the positions of 0, and the way it is parsed into triplets (e.g., 314987 → 314,987). Verbal production consists of a process that generates the verbal structure of the number, and another process that retrieves the phonological forms of each number word. The verbal number structure is first encoded in a tree-like structure, similarly to syntactic trees of sentences, and then linearized to a sequence of number-word specifiers. This model is based on an investigation of the number processing abilities of seven individuals with different selective deficits in number reading. We report participants with impairment in specific sub-processes of the visual analysis of digit strings - in encoding the digit order, in encoding the number length, or in parsing the digit string to triplets. Other participants were impaired in verbal production, making errors in the number structure (shifts of digits to another decimal position, e.g., 3,040 â†’ 30,004). Their selective deficits yielded several dissociations: first, we found a double dissociation between visual analysis deficits and verbal production deficits. Second, several dissociations were found within visual analysis: a double dissociation between errors in digit order and errors in the number length; a dissociation between order/length errors and errors in parsing the digit string into triplets; and a dissociation between the processing of different digits - impaired order encoding of the digits 2-9, without errors in the 0 position. Third, within verbal production, a dissociation was found between digit shifts and substitutions of number words. A selective deficit in any of the processes described by the model would cause difficulties in number reading, which we propose to term "dysnumeria".

A Deficit in Movement-Derived Sentences in German-Speaking Hearing-Impaired Children.

Children with hearing impairment (HI) show disorders in syntax and morphology. The question is whether and how these disorders are connected to problems in the auditory domain. The aim of this paper is to examine whether moderate to severe hearing loss at a young age affects the ability of German-speaking orally trained children to understand and produce sentences. We focused on sentence structures that are derived by syntactic movement, which have been identified as a sensitive marker for syntactic impairment in other languages and in other populations with syntactic impairment. Therefore, our study tested subject and object relatives, subject and object Wh-questions, passive sentences, and topicalized sentences, as well as sentences with verb movement to second sentential position. We tested 19 HI children aged 9;5-13;6 and compared their performance with hearing children using comprehension tasks of sentence-picture matching and sentence repetition tasks. For the comprehension tasks, we included HI children who passed an auditory discrimination task; for the sentence repetition tasks, we selected children who passed a screening task of simple sentence repetition without lip-reading; this made sure that they could perceive the words in the tests, so that we could test their grammatical abilities. The results clearly showed that most of the participants with HI had considerable difficulties in the comprehension and repetition of sentences with syntactic movement: they had significant difficulties understanding object relatives, Wh-questions, and topicalized sentences, and in the repetition of object who and which questions and subject relatives, as well as in sentences with verb movement to second sentential position. Repetition of passives was only problematic for some children. Object relatives were still difficult at this age for both HI and hearing children. An additional important outcome of the study is that not all sentence structures are impaired-passive structures were not problematic for most of the HI children.

Rapid language-related plasticity: microstructural changes in the cortex after a short session of new word learning.

Human brain imaging revealed that the brain can undergo structural plasticity following new learning experiences. Most magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) uncovered morphometric alternation in cortical density after the long-term training of weeks to months. A recent diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) study has found changes in diffusion indices after 2 h of training, primarily in the hippocampus. However, whether a short learning experience can induce microstructural changes in the neocortex is still unclear. Here, we used diffusion MRI, a method sensitive to tissue microstructure, to study cortical plasticity. To attain cortical involvement, we used a short language task (under 1 h) of introducing new lexical items (flower names) to the lexicon. We have found significant changes in diffusivity in cortical regions involved in language and reading (inferior frontal gyrus, middle temporal gyrus, and inferior parietal lobule). In addition, the difference in the values of diffusivity correlated with the lexical learning rate in the task. Moreover, significant changes were found in white matter tracts near the cortex, and the extent of change correlated with behavioral measures of lexical learning rate. These findings provide first evidence of short-term cortical plasticity in the human brain after a short language learning task. It seems that short training of less than an hour of high cognitive demand can induce microstructural changes in the cortex, suggesting a rapid time scale of neuroplasticity and providing additional evidence of the power of MRI to investigate the temporal and spatial progressions of this process.

Mindful Reading: Mindfulness Meditation Helps Keep Readers with Dyslexia and ADHD on the Lexical Track.

This study explored the effects of a Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction (MBSR) intervention on reading, attention, and psychological well-being among people with developmental dyslexia and/or attention deficits. Various types of dyslexia exist, characterized by different error types. We examined a question that has not been tested so far: which types of errors (and dyslexias) are affected by MBSR training. To do so, we tested, using an extensive battery of reading tests, whether each participant had dyslexia, and which errors types s/he makes, and then compared the rate of each error type before and after the MBSR workshop. We used a similar approach to attention disorders: we evaluated the participants' sustained, selective, executive, and orienting of attention to assess whether they had attention-disorders, and if so, which functions were impaired. We then evaluated the effect of MBSR on each of the attention functions. Psychological measures including mindfulness, stress, reflection and rumination, lifesatisfaction, depression, anxiety, and sleep-disturbances were also evaluated. Nineteen Hebrew-readers completed a 2-month mindfulness workshop. The results showed that whereas reading errors of letter-migrations within and between words and vowelletter errors did not decrease following the workshop, most participants made fewer reading errors in general following the workshop, with a significant reduction of 19% from their original number of errors. This decrease mainly resulted from a decrease in errors that occur due to reading via the sublexical rather than the lexical route. It seems, therefore, that mindfulness helped reading by keeping the readers on the lexical route. This improvement in reading probably resulted from improved sustained attention: the reduction in sublexical reading was significant for the dyslexic participants who also had attention deficits, and there were significant correlations between reduced reading errors and decreases in impulsivity. Following the meditation workshop, the rate of commission errors decreased, indicating decreased impulsivity, and the variation in RTs in the CPT task decreased, indicating improved sustained attention. Significant improvements were obtained in participants' mindfulness, perceived-stress, rumination, depression, state-anxiety, and sleep-disturbances. Correlations were also obtained between reading improvement and increased mindfulness following the workshop. Thus, whereas mindfulness training did not affect specific types of errors and did not improve dyslexia, it did affect the reading of adults with developmental dyslexia and ADHD, by helping them to stay on the straight path of the lexical route while reading. Thus, the reading improvement induced by mindfulness sheds light on the intricate relation between attention and reading. Mindfulness reduced impulsivity and improved sustained attention, and this, in turn, improved reading of adults with developmental dyslexia and ADHD, by helping them to read via the straight path of the lexical route.

A Principled Relation between Reading and Naming in Acquired and Developmental Anomia: Surface Dyslexia Following Impairment in the Phonological Output Lexicon.

Lexical retrieval and reading aloud are often viewed as two separate processes. However, they are not completely separate-they share components. This study assessed the effect of an impairment in a shared component, the phonological output lexicon, on lexical retrieval and on reading aloud. Because the phonological output lexicon is part of the lexical route for reading, individuals with an impairment in this lexicon may be forced to read aloud via the sublexical route and therefore show a reading pattern that is typical of surface dyslexia. To examine the effect of phonological output lexicon deficit on reading, we tested the reading of 16 Hebrew-speaking individuals with phonological output lexicon anomia, eight with acquired anomia following brain damage and eight with developmental anomia. We established that they had a phonological output lexicon deficit according to the types of errors and the effects on their naming in a picture naming task, and excluded other deficit loci in the lexical retrieval process according to a line of tests assessing their picture and word comprehension, word and non-word repetition, and phonological working memory. After we have established that the participants have a phonological output lexicon deficit, we tested their reading. To assess their reading and type of reading impairment, we tested their reading aloud, lexical decision, and written word comprehension. We found that all of the participants with phonological output lexicon impairment showed, in addition to anomia, also the typical surface dyslexia errors in reading aloud of irregular words, words with ambiguous conversion to phonemes, and potentiophones (words like "now" that, when read via the sublexical route, can be sounded out as another word, "know"). Importantly, the participants performed normally on pseudohomophone lexical decision and on homophone/potentiophone reading comprehension, indicating spared orthographic input lexicon and spared access to it and from it to lexical semantics. This pattern was shown both by the adults with acquired anomia and by the participants with developmental anomia. These results thus suggest a principled relation between anomia and dyslexia, and point to a distinct type of surface dyslexia. They further show the possibility of good comprehension of written words when the phonological output stages are impaired.

Things happen: Individuals with high obsessive-compulsive tendencies omit agency in their spoken language.

The study examined the prediction that obsessive-compulsive tendencies are related to an attenuated sense of agency (SoA). As most explicit agency judgments are likely to reflect also motivation for and expectation of control, we examined agency in sentence production. Reduced agency can be expressed linguistically by omitting the agent or by using grammatical framings that detach the event from the entity that caused it. We examined the use of agentic language of participants with high vs. low scores on a measure of obsessive-compulsive (OC) symptoms, using structured linguistic tasks in which sentences are elicited in a conversation-like setting. As predicted, high OC individuals produced significantly more non-agentic sentences than low OC individuals, using various linguistic strategies. The results suggest that OC tendencies are related to attenuated SoA. We discuss the implications of these findings for explicating the SoA in OCD and the potential contribution of language analysis for understanding psychopathology.