Structural heteropatriarchy and maternal cardiovascular morbidities.

The United States has some of the poorest maternal health outcomes of any developed nation. Existing research on maternal cardiovascular morbidities has focused predominantly on individual- and clinic-level drivers, but we know little about community- and structural-level factors that shape these outcomes. We use a composite measure of "structural heteropatriarchy" which includes measures of structural sexism and structural LGB-stigma to examine the relationship between structural heteropatriarchy and three cardiovascular-related maternal morbidities using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (n = 3928). Results using multivariate regressions show that structural heteropatriarchy is associated with increased risk of reporting maternal morbidities. Our findings provide further evidence that sexuality- and gender-based stigma operate together to shape health disparities, including maternal health.

Health consequences of structural sexism: Conceptual foundations, empirical evidence and priorities for future research.

A nascent body of work has begun exploring the health consequences of structural sexism. This article provides an overview of the concept of structural sexism and an elaboration of the potential pathways connecting it to health. Next, it reviews existing measurement approaches and the current state of empirical evidence on the relationship between structural sexism and health in the United States. Finally, it highlights key priorities for future research, which include: expanding and refining measures, increasing public data availability, broadening the scope of inquiry to include a wider range of outcomes, exploring mechanisms, incorporating intersectionality, and applying a life course lens.

Structural Racism and Health Stratification: Connecting Theory to Measurement.

Less than 1% of studies on racialized health inequities have empirically examined their root cause: structural racism. Moreover, there has been a disconnect between the conceptualization and measurement of structural racism. This study advances the field by (1) distilling central tenets of theories of structural racism to inform measurement approaches, (2) conceptualizing U.S. states as racializing institutional actors shaping health, (3) developing a novel latent measure of structural racism in states, (4) using multilevel models to quantify the association between structural racism and five individual-level health outcomes among respondents from the Health and Retirement Study (N = 9,020) and the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (N = 308,029), and (5) making our measure of structural racism publicly available to catalyze research. Results show that structural racism is consistently associated with worse health for Black people but not White people. We conclude by highlighting this study's contributions (theoretical, methodological, and substantive) and important avenues for future research on the topic.

Structural Sexism and Preventive Health Care Use in the United States.

Preventive health care use can reduce the risk of disease, disability, and death. Thus, it is critical to understand factors that shape preventive care use. A growing body of research identifies structural sexism as a driver of population health, but it remains unknown if structural sexism is linked to preventive care use and, if so, whether the relationship differs for women and men. Gender performance and gendered power and resource allocation perspectives lead to competing hypotheses regarding these questions. This study explores the relationship between structural sexism and preventive care in gender-stratified, multilevel models that combine data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System with state-level data (N = 425,454). We find that in states with more structural sexism, both men and women were less likely to seek preventive care. These findings support the gender performance hypothesis for men and the gendered power and resource allocation hypothesis for men and women.

Racialized Health Inequities: Quantifying Socioeconomic and Stress Pathways Using Moderated Mediation.

Racism drives population health inequities by shaping the unequal distribution of key social determinants of health, such as socioeconomic resources and exposure to stressors. Research on interrelationships among race, socioeconomic resources, stressors, and health has proceeded along two lines that have largely remained separate: one examining differential effects of socioeconomic resources and stressors on health across racialized groups (moderation processes), and the other examining the role of socioeconomic resources and stressors in contributing to racial inequities in health (mediation processes). We conceptually and analytically integrate these areas using race theory and a novel moderated mediation approach to path analysis to formally quantify the extent to which an array of socioeconomic resources and stressors-collectively and individually-mediate racialized health inequities among a sample of older adults from the Health and Retirement Study. Our results yield theoretical contributions by showing how the socioeconomic status-health gradient and stress processes are racialized (24% of associations examined varied by race), substantive contributions by quantifying the extent of moderated mediation of racial inequities (approximately 70%) and the relative importance of various social factors, and methodological contributions by showing how commonly used simple mediation approaches that ignore racialized moderation processes overestimate-by between 5% and 30%-the collective roles of socioeconomic status and stressors in accounting for racial inequities in health.

The Future of Social Determinants of Health: Looking Upstream to Structural Drivers.

Policy Points Policies that redress oppressive social, economic, and political conditions are essential for improving population health and achieving health equity. Efforts to remedy structural oppression and its deleterious effects should account for its multilevel, multifaceted, interconnected, systemic, and intersectional nature. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services should facilitate the creation and maintenance of a national publicly available, user-friendly data infrastructure on contextual measures of structural oppression. Publicly funded research on social determinants of health should be mandated to (a) analyze health inequities in relation to relevant data on structural conditions and (b) deposit the data in the publicly available data repository.

Assessing the role of collectivism and individualism on COVID-19 beliefs and behaviors in the Southeastern United States.

America's unique response to the global COVID-19 pandemic has been both criticized and applauded across political and social spectrums. Compared to other developed nations, U.S. incidence and mortality rates were exceptionally high, due in part to inconsistent policies across local, state, and federal agencies regarding preventive behaviors like mask wearing and social distancing. Furthermore, vaccine hesitancy and conspiracy theories around COVID-19 and vaccine safety have proliferated widely, making herd immunity that much more challenging. What factors of the U.S. culture have contributed to the significant impact of the pandemic? Why have we not responded better to the challenges of COVID-19? Or would many people in the U.S. claim that we have responded perfectly well? To explore these questions, we conducted a qualitative and quantitative study of Florida State University faculty, staff, and students. This study measured their perceptions of the pandemic, their behaviors tied to safety and community, and how these practices were tied to beliefs of individualism and collectivism. We found that collectivist orientations were associated with a greater likelihood of wearing masks consistently, severe interruptions of one's social life caused by the pandemic, greater concern for infecting others, and higher levels of trust in medical professionals for behavioral guidelines surrounding the pandemic. These associations largely persist even after adjusting for political affiliation, which we find is also a strong predictor of COVID-19 beliefs and behaviors.

How social policies shape the health and well-being of sexual- and gender-minority youth: Pathways of influence, social side effects and implications for life course trajectories.

Recent research has documented the harmful health consequences of structural-level stigma that targets sexual and gender minority (SGM) individuals. In the case of sexual and gender minority youth (SGMY), life trajectories are shaped not only by targeted, SGM-focused policies, but also by social policies more broadly which may have unique impacts on SGMY given their social position. However, little work has explored the pathways that connect both targeted and universal social policies and the health and well-being of SGMY. In this study, we conducted 68 qualitative interviews with SGMY in New York City (n = 30) and community stakeholders across the US (n = 38) and used the constant comparative method to identify the pathways through which social policies affect SGMY health and well-being. We propose three pathways that are shaped by specific inter-related social policies in ways that contribute to health inequities among SGMY: 1) access to social inclusion in educational settings; 2) housing-related regulations and subsequent (in)stability; and 3) access to material resources through labor market participation. We also highlight ways that SGMY, and organizations that support them, engage in agency and resistance to promote inclusion and wellbeing. Drawing on ecosocial theory, we demonstrate how policies work across multiple domains and levels to influence cycles of vulnerability and risk for SGMY. We close by discussing the implications of our findings for future research and policy.

Income Support Policy Packages and Birth Outcomes in U.S. States: An Ecological Analysis.

Research suggests that generous social welfare programs play a role in maternal and child health. However, most studies examine a single policy in isolation. Drawing from research documenting low-income families 'packaging' of social policies, we create a novel measure summarizing the value of a collection of income support policies for the working poor. This collection includes: the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), the minimum wage, and the unemployment insurance (UI) program. Using U.S. state-level administrative data from 1996 to 2014, we estimate fixed effects regression models to examine the relationship between birth outcomes and income support policies (individually and combined). We find that increases in the combined value of the four income supports are significantly associated with reductions in preterm births and low birthweight births, but not infant mortality rates. States with the highest observed levels of combined income support had 14% fewer PTBs and 7% fewer LBWs than states with the lowest levels of income support. Of the four individual income support policies, only unemployment insurance has no significant independent effects. SNAP benefits have the largest and most consistent effects, reducing poor birth outcomes across all three indicators. An annual increase of $1000 in SNAP benefits is associated with a 3% decline in infant deaths, 5% decline in preterm births, and 2% decline in low birthweight births. These results suggest that increasing the generosity of income support policies may be a promising strategy for improving birth outcomes in the United States.

Empirical evidence on structural racism as a driver of racial inequities in COVID-19 mortality.

Objective: This study contributes to the literature by empirically testing the extent to which place-based structural racism is a driver of state-level racial inequalities in COVID-19 mortality using theoretically-informed, innovative approaches. Methods: CDC data are used to measure cumulative COVID-19 death rates between January 2020 and August 2022. The outcome measure is a state-level Black-White (B/W) ratio of age-adjusted death rates. We use state-level 2019 administrative data on previously validated indicators of structural racism spanning educational, economic, political, criminal-legal and housing to identify a novel, multi-sectoral latent measure of structural racism (CFI = 0.982, TLI = 0.968, and RMSEA = 0.044). We map B/W inequalities in COVID-19 mortality as well as the latent measure of structural racism in order to understand their geographic distribution across U.S. states. Finally, we use regression analyses to estimate the extent to which structural racism contributes to Black-White inequalities in COVID-19 mortality, net of potential confounders. Results: Results reveal substantial state-level variation in the B/W ratio of COVID-19 death rates and structural racism. Notably, regression estimates indicate that the relationship between the structural racism and B/W inequality in COVID-19 mortality is positive and statistically significant (p < 0.001), both in the bivariate model (adjusted R2 = 0.37) and net of the covariates (adjusted R2 = 0.54). For example, whereas states with a structural racism value 2 standard deviation below the mean have a B/W ratio of approximately 1.12, states with a structural racism value 2 standard deviation above the mean have a ratio of just above 2.0. Discussion: Findings suggest that efficacious health equity solutions will require bold policies that dismantle structural racism across numerous societal domains.

Improving The Measurement Of Structural Racism To Achieve Antiracist Health Policy.

Antiracist health policy research requires methodological innovation that creates equity-centered and antiracist solutions to health inequities by centering the complexities and insidiousness of structural racism. The development of effective health policy and health equity interventions requires sound empirical characterization of the nature of structural racism and its impact on public health. However, there is a disconnect between the conceptualization and measurement of structural racism in the public health literature. Given that structural racism is a system of interconnected institutions that operates with a set of racialized rules that maintain White supremacy, how can anyone accurately measure its insidiousness? This article highlights methodological approaches that will move the field forward in its ability to validly measure structural racism for the purposes of achieving health equity. We identify three key areas that require scholarly attention to advance antiracist health policy research: historical context, geographical context, and theory-based novel quantitative and qualitative methods that capture the multifaceted and systemic properties of structural racism as well as other systems of oppression.

Sick And Tired Of Being Excluded: Structural Racism In Disenfranchisement As A Threat To Population Health Equity.

Theoretical research suggests that racialized felony disenfranchisement-a form of structural racism-is likely to undermine the health of Black people, yet empirical studies on the topic are scant. We used administrative data on disproportionate felony disenfranchisement of Black residents across US states, linked to geocoded individual-level health data from the 2016 Health and Retirement Study, to estimate race-specific regression models describing the relationship between racialized disenfranchisement and health among middle-aged and older adults, adjusting for other individual- and state-level factors. Results show that living in states with higher levels of racialized disenfranchisement is associated with more depressive symptoms, more functional limitations, more difficulty performing instrumental activities of daily living, and more difficulty performing activities of daily living among Black people. However, there are no statistically significant relationships between racialized disenfranchisement and health among White people. These findings suggest that policies aiming to mitigate disproportionate Black felony disenfranchisement not only are essential for political inclusion but also may be valuable tools for improving population health equity.

Structural Heteropatriarchy and Birth Outcomes in the United States.

Emerging evidence links structural sexism and structural discrimination against lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations to poor health outcomes, but studies have yet to examine the combined effects of these mutually reinforcing systems of inequality. Therefore, we developed a composite measure of structural heteropatriarchy-which includes state-level LGB policies, family planning policies, and indicators of structural sexism (e.g., women's political and economic position relative to men)-and examined its relationship to birth outcomes using data from Waves I to V of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. Multivariate regression analyses demonstrated that higher levels of heteropatriarchy were associated with an increased risk of preterm birth and decreased birth weight, net of important covariates. There was no association between clinical low birth weight and heteropatriarchy, or interactions between heteropatriarchy and individuals' race, ethnicity or sexual identity, suggesting a negative effect of heteropatriarchy on birth outcomes for all pregnant people. This study demonstrates the importance of considering gender and sexuality as mutually reinforcing systems of oppression that impact population health. Future research should examine the impact of heteropatriarchy on additional health outcomes and in conjunction with other structural inequalities such as racism and transgender oppression.

Structural Intersectionality as a New Direction for Health Disparities Research.

This article advances the field by integrating insights from intersectionality perspectives with the emerging literatures on structural racism and structural sexism-which point to promising new ways to measure systems of inequality at a macro level-to introduce a structural intersectionality approach to population health. We demonstrate an application of structural intersectionality using administrative data representing macrolevel structural racism, structural sexism, and income inequality in U.S. states linked to individual data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System to estimate multilevel models (N = 420,644 individuals nested in 76 state-years) investigating how intersecting dimensions of structural oppression shape health. Analyses show that these structural inequalities: (1) vary considerably across U.S. states, (2) intersect in numerous ways but do not strongly or positively covary, (3) individually and jointly shape health, and (4) are most consistently associated with poor health for black women. We conclude by outlining an agenda for future research on structural intersectionality and health.

Gender Disparities in Life Satisfaction After Retirement: The Roles of Leisure, Family, and Finances.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: Recent research on life satisfaction in retirement explores gender differences but yields inconsistent patterns and does not consider gendered sources of satisfaction. We use a gender relations framework to examine whether women and men experience different changes in life satisfaction with retirement, and whether observed differences are a consequence of different assessments of the leisure, family, and financial situations that characterize their post-retirement lives. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: We use longitudinal data drawn from men and women in the Health and Retirement Study who transitioned into retirement between ages 62 and 72 for the first time between 2008 and 2016 (N = 593). We employ ordinary least squares regression and mediation tests to assess gender differences in overall and domain-specific life satisfaction (i.e., leisure, family, finances). RESULTS: Men reported increased life satisfaction following retirement, but women did not. No gender differences related to leisure or family life post-retirement emerged. Gender was associated with post-retirement satisfaction with finances (p < .001), with men reporting higher financial satisfaction. Mediation models confirmed a gender disparity in overall life satisfaction mediated by satisfaction with finances post-retirement (p < .01), explaining approximately one-third of the disparity. DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS: This study shows men derive greater improvements in life satisfaction in association with retirement than do women, and some of this disparity relates to women's lower satisfaction with their finances. These findings should caution policy-makers from assuming how women's increased labor force participation influences financial security in retirement, and encourage scholars to consider how gender influences subjective assessments of later life.

The Color of COVID-19: Structural Racism and the Disproportionate Impact of the Pandemic on Older Black and Latinx Adults.

OBJECTIVES: The aim of this evidence-based theoretically informed article was to provide an overview of how and why the COVID-19 outbreak is particularly detrimental for the health of older Black and Latinx adults. METHODS: We draw upon current events, academic literature, and numerous data sources to illustrate how biopsychosocial factors place older adults at higher risk for COVID-19 relative to younger adults, and how structural racism magnifies these risks for black and Latinx adults across the life course. RESULTS: We identify 3 proximate mechanisms through which structural racism operates as a fundamental cause of racial/ethnic inequalities in COVID-19 burden among older adults: (a) risk of exposure, (b) weathering processes, and (c) health care access and quality. DISCUSSION: While the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented crisis, the racial/ethnic health inequalities among older adults it has exposed are longstanding and deeply rooted in structural racism within American society. This knowledge presents both challenges and opportunities for researchers and policymakers as they seek to address the needs of older adults. It is imperative that federal, state, and local governments collect and release comprehensive data on the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases and deaths by race/ethnicity and age to better gauge the impact of the outbreak across minority communities. We conclude with a discussion of incremental steps to be taken to lessen the disproportionate burden of COVID-19 among older Black and Latinx adults, as well as the need for transformative actions that address structural racism in order to achieve population health equity.

Political gender inequality and infant mortality in the United States, 1990-2012.

Although gender inequality has been recognized as a crucial factor influencing population health in the developing world, research has not yet thoroughly documented the role it may play in shaping U.S. infant mortality rates (IMRs). This study uses administrative data with fixed-effects and random-effects models to (1) investigate the relationship between political gender inequality in state legislatures and state infant mortality rates in the United States from 1990 to 2012, and (2) project the population level costs associated with women's underrepresentation in 2012. Results indicate that higher percentages of women in state legislatures are associated with reduced IMRs, both between states and within-states over time. According to model predictions, if women were at parity with men in state legislatures, the expected number of infant deaths in the U.S. in 2012 would have been lower by approximately 14.6% (3,478 infant deaths). These findings underscore the importance of women's political representation for population health.