For whom is patriotism blind? Examining the roles of moral intuitions and system justification.

Patriotism defines one's attachment and identification to a broad political community. We examine how levels of patriotism are shaped by beliefs about the fairness of institutions, termed system justification, and people's moral intuitions. Using data from a 2021 YouGov survey, we find that system justification and "binding" moral intuitions that prioritize the cohesion of social groups both lead to greater patriotism. Notably, we found a moderating effect of moral intuitions on system justification. Strong binding intuitions reduced the effect of system justification, indicative of blind patriotism, where some people are patriotic even if they perceive the system as unfair. Strong "individualizing" intuitions, which prioritize fairness and protection from harm, increased the effect of system justification. This is consistent with the notion of constructive patriotism, where patriotism among people with strong individualizing intuitions is affected by whether they believe the country is living up to its fairness ideals. We extend prior research on patriotism and system justification by showing the vitally important way that moral intuitions moderate the effects of system justification.

Moral intuitions and attitudes towards affirmative action in college admissions.

Affirmative action has long been a contentious issue in the United States. Using data from a 2021 national YouGov sample of 1125 U.S. adults, we are the first to examine the effect of moral intuitions on people's support for affirmative action in college admissions. We find that those with strong individualizing moral intuitions-a heightened general concern with avoiding harm and mistreatment of people-are more likely to support affirmative action. We find that its effect is mediated in large part by beliefs in the extent of systemic racism, as those with strong individualizing moral intuitions are more likely to also believe that systemic racism is pervasive, and also partly by low levels of racial resentment. Conversely, those with strong binding moral intuitions-a heightened concern with the cohesion of social groups-are less likely to support affirmative action. This effect is also mediated by belief in the extent of systemic racism and racial resentment, as those with strong binding moral intuitions are more likely to believe both that the system is fair and have higher levels of racial resentment. Our study suggests that future work should consider the role of moral intuitions in shaping people's views of contentious social policies.

The Prevalence of Hardship by Race and Ethnicity in the USA, 1992-2019.

Racial and ethnic inequality continues to be the subject of considerable public interest. We shed light on this issue by examining racial disparities in the prevalence of several types of hardship, such as trouble paying bills and housing problems, in the USA over the 1992-2019 period. Using data from several panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation, we find that hardships were considerably higher-sometimes double, depending on the measure-among blacks and Hispanics than whites and Asians. Nevertheless, these disparities generally narrowed over time. We find that the decline in these disparities-as indicated by a summary hardship index-exceeded that of the official income poverty ratio. We also find that while Asians were more likely to be poor than whites, they were not more likely to experience hardship. Notably, we also see variation in the experiences of different types of hardship. Specifically, there was little decline in the racial disparity of two of the hardships that tend to be responsive to short-term fluctuations in income-bill-paying and health hardship, as well as fear of crime-but substantial declines in disparities with most other measures. Overall, our findings indicate significant racial differences in the experience of hardship, though with a narrowing of many gaps over time.

Hardship Among Immigrants and the Native-born in the United States.

This study examines the prevalence of several types of hardship (e.g., bill paying and housing hardships) among immigrants by race and ethnicity in the United States using data from the 2008 and 2014 panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation and logistic regressions. I find that Blacks, and to some extent Hispanics, are more likely to report hardships than Whites and Asians, who are about equally likely to report hardships. Exploring results by nativity and citizenship status, I find that immigrants who became U.S. citizens are less likely than the native-born population to report some kinds of hardship. Undocumented immigrants, however, are more likely to report some kinds of hardships, particularly in the 2008 panel conducted at the time of the Great Recession, which hit immigrants especially hard; this relationship, however, is explained by the lower incomes of undocumented immigrant households in the 2008 panel. Results within racial and ethnic groups are generally in the same direction but are less frequently statistically significant. Overall, these findings suggest that immigrants are not particularly prone to hardship, especially when other characteristics are controlled for. In fact, the lower likelihood of some hardships among foreign-born citizens suggests that they are positively selected: they may have unobserved characteristics that are protective, such as better health, stronger social networks, or money management skills. Because the foreign-born are less likely to be disadvantaged vis-à-vis the native-born when hardship rather than the official income poverty measure is used, this study highlights the importance of using multiple measures when assessing the well-being of immigrants.

The declining earnings gap between young women and men in the United States, 1979-2018.

We examine the dynamics of the gender earnings gap over the 1979 to 2018 period among full-time workers aged 25-29, focusing on the role of marital status and the presence of children. Using data from multiple years of the Current Population Survey, we find that the earnings gap declined among all groups of men and women, and by 2018 there was earnings parity among the those who were not married and without children. The share of people in this group also grew over the period, and comprised a majority of both men and women by 2018. We also find that while marriage was associated with lower earnings among women in 1979, by 2018 it was associated with higher earnings, suggesting greater positive selection of women with high earnings potential into marriage. The positive association between marriage and earnings among men remained stable. While we found a persistent earnings penalty for having children among women over the period, we found an emerging dampening effect of having children over time among men, which suggests that greater participation in childcare among men has led to lower earnings than in the past (i.e., a causal connection) and/or an emerging selection effect of young men more interested in childrearing over time, perhaps reflecting a cultural shift.

Racial and Ethnic Inequality in Poverty and Affluence, 1959-2015.

This paper examines patterns and trends in racial inequality in poverty and affluence over the 1959 to 2015 period. Analyzing data from decennial censuses and the American Community Survey, I find that that disparities have generally narrowed over the period. Nevertheless, considerable disparities remain, with whites least likely to be poor and Asians most likely to be affluent on the one hand, and blacks and American Indians much more likely to be poor and less likely to be affluent on the other-and Hispanics somewhat in between. Sociodemographic characteristics, such as education, family structure, and nativity explain some of the disparities-and an increasing proportion over the 1959 to 2015 period, indicative of the growing importance of disparities in human capital, the immigrant incorporation process, and the interaction between economic conditions and cultural shifts in attitudes towards marriage in explaining racial inequality in poverty and affluence. There also are still significant portions of the gaps that remain unexplained, especially for blacks and American Indians. The presence of this unexplained gap indicates that other factors are still at work in producing these disparities, though their effects have declined over time.

Black-white differences in happiness, 1972-2014.

This paper examines the extent to which the black-white gap in happiness-an important indicator of subjective well-being-has narrowed over the 1972 to 2014 period. Analyzing data from the General Social Survey, we find that that the difference in levels of happiness between whites and blacks is substantial, but declined over time. Results from a decomposition analysis shed new light on the sources of change. We find that observable differences in characteristics of whites and blacks explain a significant and growing proportion of the happiness gap. The two most important characteristics are income and marital status, as both are strongly associated with race and happiness, and the proportion of the difference in the gap that they explain has generally increased over time. Overall, the declining gap in happiness is consistent with the moderate narrowing of substantial racial disparities in other realms, such as life expectancy, residential segregation, and neighborhood conditions, suggesting small steps toward equality in some realms, even as high levels of inequality persist in others.

Black-white metropolitan segregation and self-rated health: Investigating the role of neighborhood poverty.

While black-white segregation has been consistently linked to detrimental health outcomes for blacks, whether segregation is necessarily a zero-sum arrangement in which some groups accrue health advantages at the expense of other groups and whether metropolitan segregation impacts the health of racial groups uniformly within the metropolitan area, remains unclear. Using nationally representative data from the 2008-2013 National Health Interview Survey linked to Census data, we investigate whether the association between metropolitan segregation and health is invariant within the metropolitan area or whether it is modified by neighborhood poverty for black and white Americans. In doing so, we assess the extent to which segregation involves direct health tradeoffs between blacks and whites. We conduct race-stratified multinomial and logistic regression models to assess the relationship between 1) segregation and level of neighborhood poverty and 2) segregation, neighborhood poverty, and poor health, respectively. We find that, for blacks, segregation was associated with a higher likelihood of residing in high poverty neighborhoods, net of individual-level socioeconomic characteristics. Segregation was positively associated with poor health for blacks in high poverty neighborhoods, but not for those in lower poverty neighborhoods. Hence, the self-rated health of blacks clearly suffers as a result of black-white segregation - both directly, and indirectly through exposure to high poverty neighborhoods. We do not find consistent evidence for a direct relationship between segregation and poor health for whites. However, we find some suggestive evidence that segregation may indirectly benefit whites through decreasing their exposure to high poverty environments. These findings underscore the critical role of concentrated disadvantage in the complex interconnection between metropolitan segregation and health. Weakening the link between racial segregation and concentrated poverty via local policy and planning has the potential for broad population-based health improvements and significant reductions in black-white health disparities.

Hispanic Segregation and Poor Health: It's Not Just Black and White.

Despite the importance of understanding the fundamental determinants of Hispanic health, few studies have investigated how metropolitan segregation shapes the health of the fastest-growing population in the United States. Using 2006-2013 data from the National Health Interview Survey, we 1) examined the relationship between Hispanic metropolitan segregation and respondent-rated health for US-born and foreign-born Hispanics and 2) assessed whether neighborhood poverty mediated this relationship. Results indicated that segregation has a consistent, detrimental effect on the health of US-born Hispanics, comparable to findings for blacks and black-white segregation. In contrast, segregation was salutary (though not always significant) for foreign-born Hispanics. We also found that neighborhood poverty mediates some, but not all, of the associations between segregation and poor health. Our finding of divergent associations between health and segregation by nativity points to the wide range of experiences within the diverse Hispanic population and suggests that socioeconomic status and structural factors, such as residential segregation, come into play in determining Hispanic health for the US-born in a way that does not occur among the foreign-born.

Understanding trends in concentrated poverty: 1980-2014.

Trends in concentrated neighborhood poverty in the United States have been volatile over the past several decades. Using data from the 1980 to 2000 decennial census and the 2010-2014 American Community Survey, we examine the association between concentrated poverty across metropolitan areas in the United States and key proximate factors, including overall changes in poverty, racial residential segregation, and income segregation. One of our unique contributions is assessing the relative contribution of each of these to long-term trends in such poverty using a decomposition analysis. We find that changes in the segregation of the poor explained the largest share of the change in concentrated poverty over most of the time period, with the exception of the 1990s, where the plunge in both black and white poverty rates had the largest role in explaining the considerable decline in concentrated poverty in that decade for both groups. The association between racial segregation and black concentrated poverty is positive but weaker, indicating that without declines in black segregation, concentrated poverty would have been higher. Overall, growing income segregation, along with weak economic performance in recent years, have put more poor people at risk for living in high-poverty communities.

Hispanic Concentrated Poverty in Traditional and New Destinations, 2010-2014.

This paper examines patterns of Hispanic concentrated poverty in traditional, new, and minor destinations. Using data from 2010 to 2014 from the American Community Survey, we find that without controlling for group characteristics, Hispanics experience a lower level of concentrated poverty in new destinations compared to traditional gateways. Metropolitan level factors explain this difference, including ethnic residential segregation, the Hispanic poverty rate, and the percentage of Hispanics who are foreign born. Overall, this study sheds new light on the Hispanic geographic dispersal in the United States and offers support for the argument that the Hispanic settlement into new destinations is associated with lower levels of concentrated poverty.

The residential segregation of detailed Hispanic and Asian groups in the United States: 1980-2010.

BACKGROUND: Racial and ethnic diversity continues to grow in communities across the United States, raising questions about the extent to which different ethnic groups will become residentially integrated. OBJECTIVE: While a number of studies have examined the residential patterns of pan-ethnic groups, our goal is to examine the segregation of several Asian and Hispanic ethnic groups - Cubans, Dominicans, Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Salvadorans, Asian Indians, Chinese, Filipinos, Japanese, Koreans, and Vietnamese. We gauge the segregation of each group from several alternative reference groups using two measures over the 1980 to 2010 period. RESULTS: We find that the dissimilarity of Hispanics and Asians from other groups generally held steady or declined, though, because most Hispanic and Asian groups are growing, interaction with Whites also often declined. Our analyses also indicate that pan-ethnic segregation indexes do not always capture the experience of specific groups. Among Hispanics, Mexicans are typically less residentially segregated (as measured using the dissimilarity index) from Whites, Blacks, Asians, and other Hispanics than are other Hispanic-origin groups. Among Asian ethnic groups, Japanese and Filipinos tend to have lower levels of dissimilarity from Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics than other Asian groups. Examining different dimensions of segregation also indicates that dissimilarity scores alone often do not capture to what extent various ethnic groups are actually sharing neighborhoods with each other. Finally, color lines vary across groups in some important ways, even as the dominant trend has been toward reduced racial and ethnic residential segregation over time. CONCLUSIONS: The overarching trend is that ethnic groups are becoming more residentially integrated, suggestive of assimilation, though there is significant variation across ethnic groups.

White Residential Segregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas: Conceptual Issues, Patterns, and Trends from the US Census, 1980 to 2010.

Racial and ethnic diversity continues to spread to communities across the United States. Rather than focus on the residential patterns of specific minority or immigrant groups, this study examines changing patterns of white residential segregation in metropolitan America. Using data from the 1980 to 2010 decennial censuses, we calculate levels of white segregation using two common measures, analyze the effect of defining the white population in different ways, and, drawing upon the group threat theoretical perspective, we examine the metropolitan correlates of white segregation. We find that white segregation from others declined significantly from 1980 to 2010, regardless of the measure of segregation or the white population used. However, we find some evidence consistent with the group threat perspective, as white dissimilarity is higher in metro areas that are more diverse, and especially those with larger black populations. Nevertheless, our findings indicate that whites having been living in increasingly integrated neighborhoods over the last few decades, suggesting some easing of the historical color line.

The residential segregation patterns of whites by socioeconomic status, 2000-2011.

In light of increasing racial and ethnic diversity, a recent housing crisis, and deep economic recession, arguments pertaining to the role of socioeconomic status (SES) in shaping patterns of racial/ethnic segregation remain salient. Using data from the 2000 decennial census and the 2007-2011 American Community Survey, we provide new evidence on the residential segregation patterns of whites from minorities by SES (income, education, and poverty). Results from our comprehensive analyses indicate that SES matters for the segregation patterns of whites from minorities. In particular, we find that whites as a whole are less segregated from higher-SES minority group members than lower-SES ones. Among whites, those of higher SES are more segregated from blacks and Hispanics as a whole and less segregated from Asians, indicating the importance of SES differentials across racial/ethnic groups in shaping residential patterns. We also find that during the 2000s, white-black segregation remained stable or declined, while whites became more segregated from Hispanics and Asians by all SES indicators. Fixed-effects models indicate that increasing white-minority SES segregation was fueled in part by increases in a metropolitan area's immigrant and elderly populations, minority poverty rate, and home values, while declining segregation was associated with rising education levels and new housing construction.

Sun belt rising: regional population change and the decline in black residential segregation, 1970-2009.

The goal of this study is to examine the extent to which population shifts over the post-Great Migration period and divergent trends in segregation across regions contributed to the overall decline in black segregation in the United States in recent decades. Using data from the 1970 to 2000 decennial censuses and the 2005-2009 American Community Survey (ACS), our analysis indicates that black dissimilarity and isolation declined more in the South and West than in the Northeast and Midwest. Nevertheless, regional population shifts account for only a modest amount (8 % to 12 %) of the decline in black-white segregation over the period and for an even smaller proportion of the decline in black-nonblack segregation, in part because the largest declines in segregation occurred in the West while the region with the largest relative increase in the black population was the South. Using more refined census divisions rather than census regions provided some additional explanatory power (shifts across divisions explained 15 %-16 % of the decline in black-white segregation): divisions with larger gains in their share of the black population tended to have larger declines in black segregation. Overall, although the effect of the regional redistribution of the black population on declines in segregation was significant, of even greater importance were other causes of substantial declines in segregation in a wide array of metropolitan areas across the country, and especially in the West, over the past 40 years.

Ethnic Residential Segregation by Nativity in Great Britain and the United States*

This study examines patterns of ethnic residential integration in Great Britain and the United States. Using data from 2000/2001 censuses from these two countries, we compute segregation indexes for comparably-defined ethnic groups by nativity and for specific foreign-born groups. We find that blacks are much less segregated in Great Britain than in the U.S, and black segregation patterns by nativity tend to be consistent with spatial assimilation in the former country (the foreign born are more segregated than the native born) but not in the latter. Among Asian groups, however, segregation tends to be lower in the United States, and segregation patterns by nativity are more consistent with spatial assimilation in the U.S. but not in Great Britain. These findings suggest that intergenerational minority disadvantage persists among blacks in the U.S. and among Asians in Great Britain. We caution, however, that there are important differences in levels of segregation among specific foreign-born Asian groups, suggesting that assimilation trajectories likely differ by country of origin. Finally, the fact that segregation levels are considerably higher in the U.S. for a majority of groups, including white foreign-born groups, suggests that factors not solely related to race or physical appearance drive higher levels of ethnic residential segregation in the U.S.

Residential Segregation in Metropolitan Established Immigrant Gateways and New Destinations, 1990-2000.

In the 1990s, many immigrants bypassed established gateways like Los Angeles, New York, Chicago, and Miami to create new immigrant destinations across the U.S. In this paper, we examine how segregation and spatial assimilation might differ between established gateways and new destinations among the 150 largest metropolitan areas. Using data from the 1990 and 2000 censuses, we calculate levels of dissimilarity for Hispanics and Asians by nativity for these two gateway types. Our findings show that segregation levels are consistently lower in new destinations. However, Hispanics in new destinations experienced significant increases segregation during the 1990s, suggesting a convergence in residential patterns by destination type. Nevertheless, in both destinations the native-born are less segregated than the foreign born-consistent with immigrant spatial incorporation. Finally, socioeconomic indicators are generally consistent with predictions of spatial assimilation.

The residential segregation of mixed-nativity married couples.

This article examines the ways in which mixed-nativity marriage is related to spatial assimilation in metropolitan areas of the United States. Specifically, we examine the residential patterns of households with a mixed-nativity-and, in some cases, interracial-marriage to determine whether they are less segregated from the native-born than entirely foreign-born households. Using restricted-use data from the 2000 census, we find that compared with couples in which both spouses are foreign-born, mixed-nativity couples tend to be less segregated from various native-born racial and ethnic groups. Further, among both foreign-born Asians and Hispanics, those with a native-born non-Hispanic white spouse are considerably less segregated from native-born white households than from other foreign-born Asian and Hispanic households. We also find that even though nativity status matters for black couples in a manner consistent with assimilation theory, foreign-born and mixed-nativity black households still each display very high levels of segregation from all other native-born racial/ethnic groups, reaffirming the power of race in determining residential patterns. Overall, our findings provide moderate support for spatial assimilation theory and suggest that cross-nativity marriages often facilitate the residential integration of the foreign-born.

Racial and Ethnic Residential Segregation and Household Structure: A Research Note*

This study examines how patterns of racial and ethnic segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas vary by household structure. Specifically, using tract-level summary files from the 2000 decennial census, we estimated levels of metropolitan segregation for different racial and ethnic groups by household composition and poverty status. We find that when using the dissimilarity index, white households with children, and especially poor ones, are more segregated from black, Hispanic, and Asian households than are white households as a whole. Results from the interaction index provide complimentary information. In large part because nonpoor white married-couple households are more numerous than other groups in most metropolitan areas, such households tend to have relatively less interaction with other racial and ethnic groups, and black and Hispanic households in particular. In contrast, minority group members often live in neighborhoods with a high proportion of non-Hispanic white households. Among all three minority group families with children, nonpoor married householders had the highest levels of interaction with whites. These results show that household structure shapes racial and ethnic residential patterns in U.S. metropolitan areas.