More than language is needed to represent and combine different core knowledge components.

We question Spelke's key claim that the medium, in which contents from different core knowledge systems can be represented and combined, is language-based. Recalling an episodic memory, playing chess, and conducting mental rotation are tasks where core knowledge information is represented and combined. Although these tasks can be described by means of language, these tasks are not inherently language-based. Hence, language may be an important subset of an abstraction medium - not the medium as such.

6-, 10-, and 12-month-olds remember complex dynamic events across 2 weeks.

Whereas infants' ability to remember simple static material (e.g., pictures) has been documented extensively, we know surprisingly little about infants' memory of dynamic events (i.e., events unfolding in time) in the first year after birth. Although there is evidence to suggest that infants show some kind of sensitivity toward complex dynamic events (i.e., events involving agents and a storyline) as indicated by visual engagement in the first year after birth, 16- to 18-month-olds are hitherto the youngest infants documented to remember such material. Using a visual paired-comparison (VPC) task, in Experiment 1 we examined 6-, 10-, and 12-month-olds' (N = 108) ability to encode and remember cartoons involving complex dynamic events across 2 weeks. Results showed that all age groups remembered these cartoons. To investigate further the role of a complex storyline, in Experiment 2 we assessed the memory of 107 infants of the same age groups for similar cartoons but without coherent storyline information by scrambling the temporal presentation of the information in the cartoons. The results showed that the two youngest age groups did not remember this version. To our knowledge, this is the first experiment to document memory for such complex material in young infants using VPC.

To ask or not to ask: strategic recall, but not spontaneous recall, decreases by the passage of time in 46-month-olds' memory of a unique event.

Children's ability to intentionally recall events lessens with temporal distance to the occurrence. However, little is known about the effects of retention time on memories that emerge spontaneously. We examined spontaneous and strategic retrieval in eighty-one 46-month-olds' memory of a lab event after 1 week (the 1-week Condition) versus 43 weeks (the 43-week Condition) in a between-subjects design, using well-established procedures (Krøjgaard et al., in Consciousness and Cognition 55(91): 105, 2017). While spontaneous recall showed no significant effect of retention, the children's strategic recall was negatively affected: even though the children overall still remembered the event, the children in the 43-week Condition showed reduced voluntary recall compared to the children in the 1-week Condition. To our knowledge, this is the first study to assess spontaneous recall after such a long retention interval. The findings add to existing evidence of two modes of retrieval in early childhood and are of both theoretical and forensic relevance.

On the importance of contextual cues for spontaneous recall in 35- and 46-month-old children.

Recent evidence shows that returning to the same distinct lab setting after 1 week triggers spontaneous memories in 35- and 46-month-old children. However, it remains unclarified which specific cues are triggering spontaneous recall. We report two experiments in which distinct contextual cues were altered between encoding and test. In Experiment 1 (N = 76), the color of the box containing the event props was changed. Despite this change, the children still showed spontaneous recall. In Experiment 2 (N = 77), a more radical change was employed as the children returned to a completely differently furnished, and novel room. The children still engaged in spontaneous recall, although less frequently. Importantly, when comparing the number of children having spontaneous recollections, only about half as many children in Experiment 2 as in Experiment 1 exhibited spontaneous memories. These results underscore the importance of an encoding-retrieval match for spontaneous episodic memory in young children.

Distinct environmental cues trigger spontaneous recall of past events in 3- and 4-year-old children even after long delays.

Verbally reported long-term memory for past events typically improves with age. However, such findings are based exclusively on studies, where children are directly asked to recall. The present study showed that when 3- (n = 113, 59 girls) and 4-year-olds (n = 113, 62 girls), predominantly White, were brought back to a distinct laboratory-setting after either 1-, 4.5-, or 13-weeks, children-regardless of age and delay-spontaneously recalled the distinct event experienced at their first visit (all Cohen's ds > 1.00). Meanwhile, the oldest children outperformed the youngest when being asked directly to retrieve the event ( η p 2 > . 088 ). These findings suggest that spontaneous retrieval facilitated by distinct environmental cues provides a short-cut to young children's event memories.

Noting a difference: change in social context prompts spontaneous recall in 46-month-olds, but not in 35-month-olds.

An experimental paradigm has shown that it is possible to activate spontaneous memories in children by having them re-visit the setting in which they were introduced to a memorable event. Nevertheless, the most important cues for spontaneous recall remain undetermined. In response, we investigated the importance of the experimenter by introducing 35-month-olds (n = 62) and 46-month-olds (n = 62) to the same or a new person after one week. We expected that altering the experimenter would result in fewer recollections through reducing the overlap of cues between encoding and testing. In contrast, the manipulation affected the two age groups differently: no effect of condition was seen in the 35-month-olds, whereas the 46-month-olds performed better, when the experimenter had changed, suggesting a sensitivity to change and an ability to update their knowledge of the event. We replicated previous findings demonstrating that both age groups exhibited spontaneous recollections.

Gender and parental involvement in parent-child reminiscing in a Scandinavian sample.

Despite the extensive bulk of literature on maternal reminiscing style, only a handful of reminiscing studies have investigated gender differences in parental reminiscing style, with none of these studies having explored the possible relationship between parental involvement level and parental reminiscing style. The current study investigated gender differences in parental reminiscing style across positive and negative event types in an egalitarian Scandinavian context while exploring the potential relationship between parental reminiscing style and parental involvement level. Mothers and fathers from N = 88 families reminisced about shared happy and sad events, respectively, with their 4-year-old children. Overall, parental involvement level was not related to parental reminiscing style. However, mothers' elaborations and positive evaluations were associated with their level of involvement level in the sad event conversations. Although mothers and fathers did not differ in their reminiscing style overall, gender differences appeared in the consistency of parental reminiscing style across event types.

Eight-year-olds, but not six-year-olds, perform just as well as adults when playing Concentration: Resolving the enigma?

Anecdotal reports suggest that children often outperform adults when playing Concentration. This is surprising as cognitive processes tend to develop progressively throughout childhood. To date, very few studies have examined this apparent paradox, and with mixed results. In the present study, the ability of 6-year-olds (n = 34), 8-year-olds (n = 48), and adults (n = 38) to play Concentration was examined in a controlled computer-based setup involving eye tracking. The main dependent variables were the number of moves and time in seconds to finish the first nine (out of 12) matching pairs. The results revealed that while 6-year-olds were outperformed by older children and adults, 8-year-olds performed just as well as adults. It is suggested that Concentration may represent a cognitive challenge rarely encountered in the real world, and when playing Concentration, adults seem to use strategies that are effective in real life situations, but may be less appropriate when playing the game.

Thirty-five-month-old children have spontaneous memories despite change of context for retrieval.

Many parents have experienced incidents in which their preschool child spontaneously (i.e., without prompting of any kind) recall a previously experienced event. Until recently, such spontaneous memories had only been examined in non-controlled settings (e.g., diary studies). Using a novel experimental paradigm, a previous study has shown that when young children are brought back to a highly distinct setting (same room, same experimenter, same furnishing), in which they previously experienced an interesting event (a Teddy or a Game event), spontaneous memories can be triggered. However, exactly which cues (or combination of cues) are effective for the children's memory, remains unknown. Here, we used this novel paradigm to examine the possible impact of contextual cues at the time of retrieval. We manipulated whether the 35-month-old children returned to the same room (n = 40) or to a different, but similarly furnished, room (n = 40) after one week. The results revealed that although the children returning to a new room produced fewer spontaneous memories than the children returning to the same room, the difference was not significant. Interestingly, despite changing rooms, the children still produced spontaneous memories. Taken together the results may shed new light on the mechanisms underlying childhood amnesia.

Meaningful Memory? Eighteen-Month-Olds Only Remember Cartoons With a Meaningful Storyline.

In two studies we investigated the importance of a storyline for remembering cartoons across a delay of 2 weeks in 18-month-old infants by means of the visual paired-comparison (VPC) paradigm. In Study 1 seventy-one 18-month-olds were tested using similar cartoons as in a recent study from our lab while varying the richness of the storyline information. In a VPC task half of the infants watched uncompromised versions of the cartoons used in the recent study (Storyline Condition), whereas the other half watched Pixelized versions of the cartoons (number of pixels reduced by 98% covering up the narrative, but leaving perceptual details, e.g., colors, movements, the same, and Pixelized Condition). Two weeks later they were presented with the familiar cartoon and a novel cartoon from the same version (Storyline or Pixelized) simultaneously, while being eye-tracked. Results showed that only the infants in the Storyline Condition remembered the target cartoon, thus suggesting that the storyline is important for memory. However, an alternative interpretation of the results could be that what made the infants in the Storyline Condition remember the target cartoon was not the storyline, but the static conceptual information of the objects and agents present in the cartoon (which was not visible in the Pixelized version). To test this possibility, a control study was created. In Study 2 thirty-six infants were therefore presented with a version of the cartoon in which we broke down the temporal presentation into 1 s segments and presented these out of order. This was done to preserve the static conceptual information (e.g., objects and agents) while still disturbing the storyline. Results showed that the infants in this condition still did not remember the target cartoon, suggesting that the meaningfulness of the storyline - and not only static conceptual information - is important for later memory.

By-passing strategic retrieval: Experimentally induced spontaneous episodic memories in 35- and 46-month-old children.

Most parents have experienced their preschool child having spontaneous episodic memories, that is, verbally reported memories of past events that come to the child almost out of the blue. Until recently such memories had only been observed outside the lab. By means of a new paradigm we report experimentally induced spontaneous memories of a unique event experienced one week earlier in 35- and 46-month-old children (N=110). At the first visit, half of the children experienced a Teddy event and the other half experienced a Game event. At the second visit the children's spontaneous utterances were recorded while waiting. The results revealed that the children talked spontaneously about the unique event experienced previously. Age showed no systematic effect on spontaneous episodic recollection, but there was a clear effect of age on subsequent control questions requiring strategic retrieval. The results support the idea of involuntary episodic remembering being a developmentally early achievement.

Bound to remember: Infants show superior memory for objects presented at event boundaries.

Following Event Segmentation Theory (EST) adult memory is enhanced at event boundaries (EB). The present study set out to explore this in infancy. Sixty-eight 21-month-olds watched a cartoon with one of two objects (counterbalanced) inserted for 3s either at EB or between EB. Ten minutes later they watched both objects (familiar and novel) in a 10s Visual Paired Comparison (VPC) test while being eye-tracked. Furthermore, they were asked to point to the previous object. Based on EST, we hypothesized that objects inserted at EB would be processed more fully, resulting in improved memory compared to objects inserted between EB. Only infants with objects at EB exhibited memory evidenced by a transient familiarity preference for the first 3s of the test. Only 18 infants completed the pointing test, but all infants presented with objects at EB (10/10) pointed to the correct (familiar) object, which was not the case for the infants presented with objects between EB (5/8).

Occlusions at event boundaries during encoding have a negative effect on infant memory.

The present study investigated the importance of Event Boundaries for 16- and 20-month-olds' (n=80) memory for cartoons. The infants watched one out of two cartoons with ellipses inserted covering the screen for 3s either at Event Boundaries or at Non-Boundaries. After a two-week delay both cartoons (one familiar and one novel) were presented simultaneously without ellipses while eye-tracking the infants. According to recent evidence a familiarity preference was expected. However, following Event Segmentation Theory ellipses at Event Boundaries were expected to cause greater disturbance of the encoding and hence a weaker memory trace evidenced by reduced familiarity preference, relative to ellipses at Non-Boundaries. The results suggest that overall this was the case, documenting the importance of Boundaries for infant memory. Furthermore, planned analyses revealed that whereas the same pattern was found when looking at the 20-month-old infants, no significant difference was found between the two conditions in the youngest age-group.

The magic shrinking machine revisited: The presence of props at recall facilitates memory in 3-year-olds.

In a seminal study Simcock and Hayne (2002) showed that 3-year-olds were unable to use newly acquired words to describe a "magic" event experienced 6 or 12 months earlier. In the reference study the children's verbal recall was tested without props being present. Inspired by recent evidence, the original design was replicated, testing 33-and 39-month-olds (n = 180), but with props present at recall while controlling for potential online reasoning. The results revealed that the children did use newly acquired words to describe their preverbal memory. Thus, the present study shows that nonverbal memories can be verbalized if the recall setting provides a high level of contextual support, a finding relevant to researchers investigating the offset of childhood amnesia.

Eighteen-month-olds' memory for short movies of simple stories.

This study investigated twenty four 18-month-olds' memory for dynamic visual stimuli. During the first visit participants saw one of two brief movies (30 seconds) with a simple storyline displayed in four iterations. After 2 weeks, memory was tested in the visual paired comparison paradigm in which the familiar and the novel movie were contrasted simultaneously and displayed in two iterations for a total of 60 seconds. Eye-tracking revealed that participants fixated the familiar movie significantly more than the novel movie, thus indicating memory for the familiar movie. Furthermore, time-dependent analysis of the data revealed that individual differences in the looking-patterns for the first and second iteration of the movies were related to individual differences in productive vocabulary. We suggest that infants' vocabulary may be indicative of their ability to understand and remember the storyline of the movies, thereby affecting their subsequent memory.

"That one makes things small": Experimentally induced spontaneous memories in 3.5-year-olds.

We introduce a new method for examining spontaneous (unprompted) autobiographical memories in 3.5-year-old children, by inducing them in a laboratory setting. Thirty-eight 3.5-year-olds, who had previously participated in a study in our lab involving highly unique props, were brought back after a one-month delay to the same lab arranged as in the original study and with the same Experimenter present. While waiting for the Experimenter in front of the props, their spontaneous verbalizations about the previous unique experiment were recorded, scored, and compared to those of 29 naïve Controls of the same age. The children in the experimental group produced significantly more spontaneous verbalizations related to the to-be-remembered event measured on a variety of dimensions. The study introduces a promising new approach to investigating spontaneous memories in young children in a controlled lab setting. The findings are discussed in relation to involuntary autobiographical memories as examined in adults.

Adults' earliest memories as a function of age, gender, and education in a large stratified sample.

Childhood amnesia (i.e., a marked paucity of memories from the first 3-4 years of life) has often been examined by asking people for their earliest memory. Such studies have generally been conducted with college students, and thus been unable to examine possible effects of education and current age. We here report the first study on adults' earliest memories based on a large, stratified sample covering the adult life span from age 20 to 70 (n = 1,043). Because of the nature and size of our sample we have been able to investigate a range of factors simultaneously that typically have been studied separately in other studies. Participants with higher education reported earlier first memories than respondents with lower education. Women reported earlier memories than men. There was no interaction between gender and educational level. The current age of the respondents did not affect age of earliest memory, but older respondents had more vivid and more coherent earliest memories relative to younger respondents. Finally, the data provided some support for the claim that elaborative parents have children with earlier memories.

Warm-up questions on early childhood memories affect the reported age of earliest memories in late adolescence.

Researchers have recently used warm-up questions concerning childhood memories at specific early ages (e.g. 3 years of age) in an attempt to facilitate the retrieval process on the subsequent question regarding the earliest memory. Although this methodology may indeed facilitate the retrieval process by conducting the test in a manner resembling ordinary dialogue, the methodology might also unintentionally put further demand characteristics on the respondents. In the present study we systematically manipulated the target age (either 3 or 6 years of age) for the warm-up question preceding the 'earliest memory' question in order to test this possibility. The participants were 445 Danish high school students (M (age)=17.94). The results revealed that systematically manipulating the target age for the warm-up question had a strong impact on the age of the earliest memory reported by the adolescents. Participants who received warm-up questions with 3 years as the target age subsequently reported earlier first memories than the participants receiving warm-up questions with 6 years as the target age. These results have important implications for the methodology involved in research on childhood amnesia.