Legislating Inequity: Structural Racism In Groups Of State Laws And Associations With Premature Mortality Rates.

Most evaluations of health equity policy have focused on the effects of individual laws. However, multiple laws' combined effects better reflect the crosscutting nature of structurally racist legal regimes. To measure the combined effects of multiple laws, we used latent class analysis, a method for detecting unobserved "subgroups" in a population, to identify clusters of US states based on thirteen structural racism-related legal domains in 2013. We identified three classes of states: one with predominantly harmful laws ([Formula: see text]), another with predominantly protective laws ([Formula: see text]), and a third with a mix of both ([Formula: see text]). Premature mortality rates overall-defined as deaths before age seventy-five per 100,000 population-were highest in states with predominantly harmful laws, which included eighteen states with past Jim Crow laws. This study offers a new method for measuring structural racism on the basis of how groups of laws are associated with premature mortality rates.

"I Feel Like That Was the Only Option I Had:" A Qualitative Study of Structural Inequities in Obstetric Hospital Choice in Trenton, New Jersey.

In the United States, more than 1.1 million women of childbearing age live in an urban maternity care desert. Trenton, New Jersey no longer has a hospital obstetrics (OB) unit within the bounds of the city. We sought to understand where pregnant people in Trenton gave birth, what their experiences were like, and what barriers to quality care exist for this population. In 2019, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 21 women living in Trenton who gave birth after 2011, when the city's last high-volume OB unit closed. A combination of deductive and inductive analysis was used to describe birth experiences, accessibility, and quality of care. Respondents were largely publicly insured and lacked choices for prenatal care or delivery hospital. Increased travel distance, institutional mistrust, and added impediments to emotional support at the time of delivery were chief barriers to entry into care and a quality care experience.

Relationship of political ideology of US federal and state elected officials and key COVID pandemic outcomes following vaccine rollout to adults: April 2021-March 2022.

Background: Scant research, including in the United States, has quantified relationships between the political ideologies of elected representatives and COVID-19 outcomes among their constituents. Methods: We analyzed observational cross-sectional data on COVID-19 mortality rates (age-standardized) and stress on hospital intensive care unit (ICU) capacity for all 435 US Congressional Districts (CDs) in a period of adult vaccine availability (April 2021-March 2022). Political metrics comprised: (1) ideological scores based on each US Representative's and Senator's concurrent overall voting record and their specific COVID-19 votes, and (2) state trifectas (Governor, State House, and State Senate under the same political party control). Analyses controlled for CD social metrics, population density, vaccination rates, the prevalence of diabetes and obesity, and voter political lean. Findings: During the study period, the higher the exposure to conservatism across several political metrics, the higher the COVID-19 age-standardized mortality rates, even after taking into account the CD's social characteristics; similar patterns occurred for stress on hospital ICU capacity for Republican trifectas and US Senator political ideology scores. For example, in models mutually adjusting for CD political and social metrics and vaccination rates, Republican trifecta and conservative voter political lean independently remained significantly associated with an 11%-26% higher COVID-19 mortality rate. Interpretation: Associations between the political ideologies of US federal elected officials and state concentrations of political party power with population health warrant greater consideration in public health analyses and monitoring dashboards. Funding: This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Clinician's experiences with involuntary commitment for substance use disorder: A qualitative study of moral distress.

BACKGROUND: Petitions for involuntary commitment of people living with a substance use disorder (SUD) have almost doubled since 2011 in Massachusetts through the policy Section 35. However, the efficacy of this controversial policy remains unclear, and clinicians differ on whether it ought to be used. This study examines how clinicians decide whether to use Section 35 and their experiences of moral distress, the negative feeling that occurs when a clinician is required to pursue a treatment option against their moral judgement due to institutional constraints, associated with its use. METHODS: Qualitative semi-structured interviews with clinicians in Massachusetts were conducted between December 2019 and February 2020 and continued until thematic saturation. Thematic and narrative analysis was conducted with recorded and transcribed interviews. RESULTS: Among 21 clinicians, most (77%) experienced some or high moral distress when utilizing Section 35 for involuntary commitment, with clinicians working in emergency departments experiencing less distress than those working in SUD clinics. Clinicians with low moral distress referenced successful patient anecdotes and held an abstinence-based view of SUD, while clinicians with high moral distress were concerned by systemic treatment failures and understood SUD through a nuanced and harm reduction-oriented view. Clinicians across professional settings were concerned by the involvement of law enforcement and criminal justice settings in the Section 35 process. Clinicians employed a variety of strategies to cope with moral distress, including team-based decision-making and viewing the petition as a last resort. Barriers to utilizing Section 35 included restrictive court hours and lack of post-section aftercare services. CONCLUSION: Widespread distress associated with use of involuntary commitment and inconsistent approaches to its use highlight the need for better care coordination and guidance on best practices for utilization of this policy.

Obstetrical unit closures and racial and ethnic differences in severe maternal morbidity in the state of New Jersey.

BACKGROUND: In the United States, racial disparities in maternal morbidity and mortality are pronounced and persistent. Although the maternal mortality ratio and the severe maternal morbidity rates have increased over the past 30 years, the number of obstetrical units in the country has simultaneously diminished. Black women are 3 times more likely to die during childbirth than White women and twice as likely to suffer severe maternal morbidity (or a near miss). Between 2003 and 2013, 366 (10%) obstetrical units closed, and rural obstetrical unit closures were more likely in the Black communities. The state of New Jersey has the highest Black maternal mortality rate (131.8/100,000 live births) of all states reporting these data. Very few studies have examined the role that urban obstetrical unit closures play in racial and ethnic disparities in maternal health outcomes. OBJECTIVE: To analyze racial differences in severe maternal morbidity in New Jersey hospitals among women experiencing the loss of their nearest obstetrical unit during the years 2006-2015. STUDY DESIGN: This study used data on all births in New Jersey hospitals (2006-2015) by women living in ZIP code tabulation areas that lost their nearest obstetrical unit during that period. Severe maternal morbidity was measured using a composite variable for severe illness during hospitalizations (eg, acute heart failure, acute renal disease, disseminated intravascular coagulation, sepsis) identified using the International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision. Logistic regression models were used to analyze the associations between race and ethnicity on the individual likelihood of severe maternal morbidity, adjusting for annual trends, individual socioeconomic characteristics, age, preexisting conditions, and delivery hospital characteristics (ie, percentage of Black patients >25% [Black-serving hospital] and percentage of Medicaid discharges in the delivery obstetrical unit). RESULTS: There were 227,412 delivery hospitalizations among women who lived in the 124 New Jersey ZIP code tabulation areas that lost the nearest obstetrical unit from 2006 to 2015. Black women had the highest severe maternal morbidity rates, increasing from 1.2% in 2006 to 2.3% in 2015. The Black-White gap remained similar in magnitude over the period, as White women's severe maternal morbidity rates increased from 0.7% to 1.4%. However, for Hispanic women, the severe maternal morbidity increased dramatically from 0.7% in 2006 to 2.4% in 2013, followed by a decreasing trend during 2013-2015. When adjusting for individual factors, the odds of severe maternal morbidity among all women was greater if they delivered after the loss of the nearest obstetrical unit (adjusted odds ratio, 1.55; 95% confidence interval, 1.30-1.86). Hispanic women experienced the greatest increase in severe maternal morbidity, regardless of whether they delivered before or after the closure of their nearest obstetrical unit. For all women, delivering in a Black-serving obstetrical unit was associated with a greater likelihood of individual severe maternal morbidity (adjusted odds ratio, 1.36; 95% confidence interval, 1.19-1.56). CONCLUSION: Racial and ethnic disparities in severe maternal morbidity persist and might be exacerbated by nearby obstetrical unit closures. In New Jersey ZIP codes with obstetrical unit loss, the Hispanic-White gap in the severe maternal morbidity widened substantially, and the rates were also higher among women who delivered in Black-serving hospitals. Policymakers should take steps to prevent obstetrical unit closures and to ensure that the resources available at Black-serving obstetrical units are at least on par with those of other institutions.

Changes in community mental health services availability and suicide mortality in the US: a retrospective study.

BACKGROUND: Despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of mental health services are delivered in outpatient settings, the effect of changes in non-hospital-based mental health care on increased suicide rates is largely unknown. This study examines the association between changes in community mental health center (CMHC) supply and suicide mortality in the United States. METHODS: Retrospective analysis was performed using data from National Mental Health Services Survey (N-MHSS) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Wide-Ranging Online Data for Epidemiologic Research (WONDER) (2014-2017). Population-weighted multiple linear regressions were used to examine within-state associations between CMHCs per capita and suicide mortality. Models controlled for state-level characteristics (i.e., number of hospital psychiatric units per capita, number of mental health professionals per capita, age, race, and percent low-income), year and state. RESULTS: From 2014 to 2017, the number of CMHCs decreased by 14% nationally (from 3406 to 2920). Suicide increased by 9.7% (from 15.4 to 16.9 per 100,000) in the same time period. We find a small but negative association between the number of CMHCs and suicide deaths (- 0.52, 95% CI - 1.08 to 0.03; p = 0.066). Declines in the number of CMHCs from 2014 to 2017 may be associated with approximately 6% of the national increase in suicide, representing 263 additional suicide deaths. CONCLUSIONS: State governments should avoid the declining number of CMHCs and the services these facilities provide, which may be an important component of suicide prevention efforts.

Examining Christian views toward the Affordable Care Act: The importance of race and denomination.

While the majority of U.S. Christians opposed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2010, opinion was deeply divided by race/ethnicity and denominational group. Using national data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we analyzed variation in ACA support across Christian denominational groups and offered explanations for these differences. We found overwhelming support among African Americans, less unified but majority support from Hispanics, and majority opposition from non-Hispanic White Christians. Among White Catholics and Protestants, ACA support varied considerably, and views toward abortion policy statistically explained much of the difference in likelihood to support the ACA across denominational categories (comparing White mainline versus Evangelical Protestants, and white moderate versus devout Catholics). Differences in anti-Black racial resentment were substantial between White Evangelical and mainline Protestants, and helped explain some of the gaps in ACA support between these groups. We conclude that differences in ACA views by denomination can be explained by firmly held group beliefs that may be difficult to sway, even if the program is a technical success.

Sexual Orientation Identity, Race/Ethnicity, and Lifetime HIV Testing in a National Probability Sample of U.S. Women and Men: An Intersectional Approach.

Purpose: We examined differences in lifetime human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) testing in relation to both sexual orientation identity and race/ethnicity among U.S. women and men. Methods: We used 2013-2017 National Health Interview Survey data and multivariable logistic regression to assess the distribution of lifetime HIV testing across and within sexual orientation identity and racial/ethnic groups of U.S. women (n = 60,867) and men (n = 52,201) aged 18-64 years. Results: Among women, Black lesbian (74.1%) and bisexual (74.0%) women had the highest prevalence whereas Asian lesbian women (32.5%) had the lowest prevalence of lifetime HIV testing. Among men, the prevalence of lifetime HIV testing was the highest among Latino gay men (92.6%) and the lowest among Asian heterosexual men (32.0%). In most cases, Black women and Black and Latino men had significantly higher adjusted odds whereas Asian women and men had lower adjusted odds of lifetime HIV testing compared with their White counterparts within sexual orientation identity groups. In many instances, bisexual women and gay men had significantly higher adjusted odds of lifetime HIV testing relative to their heterosexual counterparts within racial/ethnic groups. Compared with White heterosexual individuals, most sexual orientation identity and racial/ethnic subgroups had significantly higher adjusted odds whereas Asian heterosexual, bisexual, and lesbian women and Asian heterosexual and bisexual men may have lower adjusted odds of lifetime HIV testing. Conclusion: Culturally relevant, linguistically appropriate, and structurally competent programs and practices are needed to facilitate lifetime HIV testing among diverse sexual orientation identity and racial/ethnic subgroups of women and men, including multiply marginalized subgroups that are undertested or disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS.

Do elections matter for private-sector healthcare management in Brazil? An analysis of municipal health policy.

BACKGROUND: This study analyzed several political determinants of increased private-sector management in Brazilian health care. In Brazil, the poor depend almost exclusively on the public Unified Health System (the SUS), which remains severely underfunded. Given the overhead costs associated with privately contracted health services, increased private management is one driver of higher expenditures in the system. Although left parties campaign most vocally in support of greater public control of the SUS, the extent to which their stated positions translate into health care policy remains untested. METHODS: Drawing on multiple publicly available data sources, we used linear regression to analyze how political party-in-power and existing private sector health care contracting affect the share of privately managed health care services and outsourcing in municipalities. Data from two election periods-2004 to 2008 and 2008 to 2012-were analyzed. RESULTS: Our findings showed that although private sector contracting varies greatly across municipalities, this variation is not systematically associated with political party in power. This suggests that electoral politics plays a relatively minor role in municipal-level health care administration. Existing levels of private sector management appear to have a greater effect on the public-private makeup of the Brazilian healthcare system, suggesting a strong role of path dependence in the evolution of Brazilian health care delivery. CONCLUSION: Despite campaign rhetoric asserting distinct positions on privatization in the SUS, factors other than political party in power have a greater effect on private-sector health system management at the municipal-level in Brazil. Given the limited effect of elections on this issue, strengthening participatory bodies such as municipal health councils may better enfranchise citizens in the fundamental debate over public and private roles in the health care sector.