The Role of Social Support in Perinatal Mental Health and Psychosocial Stimulation.

Social support refers to the help someone receives emotionally or instrumentally from their social network. Poor social support in the perinatal period has been associated with increased risk for symptoms of common mental disorders, including depression and posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTS), which may impact parenting behavior. Whether social support impacts parenting behaviors, independent of mental health symptomatology, remains unclear. Among N=309 participants of the Scaling Up Maternal Mental healthcare by Increasing access to Treatment (SUMMIT Trial), a large perinatal depression and anxiety treatment trial, we explored the relations between perceived social support, perinatal depressive and PTS symptoms, and psychosocial stimulation provided by the parent in their home environment. Social support was measured at baseline using the Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS). Perinatal depressive symptoms were measured by the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) and PTS symptoms were measured by the Abbreviated PTSD Checklist (PCL-6) at baseline, 3-, and 6-months post-randomization. Psychosocial stimulation was assessed by the Home Observation Measurement of the Environment (HOME) when the infant was between 6 to 24 months. Using stepwise hierarchical regressions, we found: (1) perceived social support at baseline significantly predicted both depressive and PTS symptoms at 3-months post-randomization, even when controlling for baseline depressive and PTS symptoms; and (2) while neither depressive nor PTS symptoms were significantly associated with psychosocial stimulation, perceived social support at baseline was a significant predictor. Clinical implications regarding treatment of perinatal patients are discussed.

The effectiveness of maternal regulatory attempts in the development of infant emotion regulation.

Caregivers are instrumental in the development of infant emotion regulation; however, few studies have focused on delineating the real-time effectiveness of strategies that caregivers use to reduce infant distress. It is also unclear whether certain caregiver traits facilitate engagement in more successful regulation strategies. This study addressed these gaps by: (1) examining the differential effectiveness of maternal regulatory attempts (MRAs; behavioral strategies initiated by mothers to assist infants with regulating emotional states) in reducing 12- to 24-month-old infants' frustration during a toy removal task; and (2) assessing whether maternal mind-mindedness (mothers' attunement to their infant's mental state) predicted mothers' selection of MRAs. Multilevel modeling revealed that distraction and control were the most effective MRAs in reducing infant negative affect across 5-s intervals (N = 82 dyads; M infant age = 18 months; 45 females). Greater use of non-attuned mind-related speech predicted less engagement in effective MRAs, supporting a link between caregivers' socio-cognitive skills and provision of in-the-moment regulation support. These findings highlight the value of considering caregiver regulatory behaviors as a target for elucidating how maternal socialization of emotion regulation occurs in real-time. They also underscore mothers' important role as socializing agents in the development of this foundational developmental ability.

The importance of internal and external features in recognizing faces that vary in familiarity and race.

Familiar and unfamiliar faces are recognized in fundamentally different ways. One way in which recognition differs is in terms of the features that facilitate recognition: previous studies have shown that familiar face recognition depends more on internal facial features (i.e., eyes, nose and mouth), whereas unfamiliar face recognition depends more on external facial features (i.e., hair, ears and contour). However, very few studies have examined the recognition of faces that vary in both familiarity and race, and the reliance on different facial features, whilst also using faces that incorporate natural within-person variability. In the current study, we used an online version of the card sorting task to assess adults' (n = 258) recognition of faces that varied in familiarity and race when presented with either the whole face, internal features only, or external features only. Adults better recognized familiar faces than unfamiliar faces in both the whole face and the internal features only conditions, but not in the external features only condition. Reasons why adults did not show an own-race advantage in recognition are discussed.

Multi-cultural cities reduce disadvantages in recognizing naturalistic images of other-race faces: evidence from a novel face learning task.

People often find it more difficult to recognize other- than own-race faces. This other-race effect is robust across numerous ethnic groups. Yet, it remains unclear how this effect changes in people who live in a multiracial environment, and in immigrants whose lifetime perceptual experience changes over time. In the present study, we developed a novel face recognition test that approximates face recognition in the real world. We tested five groups of White and East Asian adults (n = 120) living in racially homogeneous versus heterogeneous cities and East Asians who immigrated to a multiracial city between infancy and adulthood. Multiracial cities reduce the other-race effect. The magnitude of the other-race effect changes as a function of experience, mirroring the racial diversity in perceivers' living environment. Our study highlights the challenge of forming reliable face representations across naturalistic facial variability and suggests a facilitative role of multiracial environments in eliminating the other-race effect.

Naturalistic Face Learning in Infants and Adults.

Everyday face recognition presents a difficult challenge because faces vary naturally in appearance as a result of changes in lighting, expression, viewing angle, and hairstyle. We know little about how humans develop the ability to learn faces despite natural facial variability. In the current study, we provide the first examination of attentional mechanisms underlying adults' and infants' learning of naturally varying faces. Adults (n = 48) and 6- to 12-month-old infants (n = 48) viewed videos of models reading a storybook; the facial appearance of these models was either high or low in variability. Participants then viewed the learned face paired with a novel face. Infants showed adultlike prioritization of face over nonface regions; both age groups fixated the face region more in the high- than low-variability condition. Overall, however, infants showed less ability to resist contextual distractions during learning, which potentially contributed to their lack of discrimination between the learned and novel faces. Mechanisms underlying face learning across natural variability are discussed.

Parent-Infant Interaction Tasks Adapted for Remote Testing: Strengths, Challenges, and Recommendations.

The closure of in-person laboratories and decreased safety of face-to-face interactions resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic jeopardized the ability of many developmental researchers to continue data collection during this time. Disruptions in data collection are particularly damaging to longitudinal studies, in which the testing of different age groups occurs on a continuous basis, and data loss at one time point can have cascading effects across subsequent time points and threaten the viability of the study. In an effort to continue collecting data for a longitudinal study on emotion development started in-person pre-pandemic, we adapted two parent-infant interaction tasks (free-play task and toy removal task) for a remote testing framework. Our procedure for pivoting these tasks to a supervised, remote online testing framework is outlined and the associated strengths and challenges of testing in this format (e.g., feasibility and implementation, testing environment and task setup validity, and accessibility, recruitment, and diversity) are critically evaluated. Considerations for applying this framework to other behavioral tasks are discussed and recommendations are provided.

Are our samples representative? Understanding whether temperament influences infant dropout rates at 3 and 7 months.

In this study, we examined whether infant temperament predicted study dropout at 3.5 and 7 months and whether dropout was stable across time. Dropout was measured across four experimental tasks (free-play, ERP, still-face, and eye tracking). Temperament was not related to dropout at either timepoint. Dropout was not stable across time, nor was it stable across tasks. These findings suggest that individual differences in temperament are not systematically related to study completion across experimental tasks with varied requirements. These findings additionally suggest that dropout is not consistent across tasks, which may support the utility of multi-study data collection methods.

What drives the attentional bias for fearful faces? An eye-tracking investigation of 7-month-old infants' visual scanning patterns.

Seven-month-old infants display a robust attentional bias for fearful faces; however, the mechanisms driving this bias remain unclear. The objective of the current study was to replicate the attentional bias for fearful faces and to investigate how infants' online scanning patterns relate to this preference. Infants' visual scanning patterns toward fearful and happy faces were captured using eye tracking in a paired-preference task, specifically exploring if the fear preference is driven by increased attention to particular facial features. Infants allocated increased attention toward the fearful face compared to the happy face overall, thus successfully replicating the attentional bias, and greater attention toward the fearful eyes was associated with a greater magnitude of the fear preference. The current findings suggest that the fearful eyes are a salient facial feature in capturing infants' attention toward the fearful face and that increased scanning of the fearful eyes may be one mechanism driving the overall fear preference. In addition, scanning patterns, and attention to critical features specifically, are highlighted as a strategy for examining the mechanisms underlying the development of emotion recognition abilities in infancy.

Dynamic Advances in Emotion Processing: Differential Attention towards the Critical Features of Dynamic Emotional Expressions in 7-Month-Old Infants.

Infants' visual processing of emotion undergoes significant development across the first year of life, yet our knowledge regarding the mechanisms underlying these advances is limited. Additionally, infant emotion processing is commonly examined using static faces, which do not accurately depict real-world emotional displays. The goal of this study was to characterize 7-month-olds' visual scanning strategies when passively viewing dynamic emotional expressions to examine whether infants modify their scanning patterns depending on the emotion. Eye-tracking measures revealed differential attention towards the critical features (eyes, mouth) of expressions. The eyes captured the greatest attention for angry and neutral faces, and the mouth captured the greatest attention for happy faces. A time-course analysis further elucidated at what point during the trial differential scanning patterns emerged. The current results suggest that 7-month-olds are sensitive to the critical features of emotional expressions and scan them differently depending on the emotion. The scanning patterns presented in this study may serve as a link to understanding how infants begin to differentiate between expressions in the context of emotion recognition.

The infant's face diet: Data on 3-month-old infant-perspective experience with faces video-recorded in their typical, daily environment.

This dataset represents face experience coded frame-by-frame from nearly 170 hours of infant-perspective head-mounted-camera video, recorded during their daily life by 40 3-month-old infants. It includes information about the identity of the face (e.g., caregiver, relative), length of time the face was in the field of view, location in which the face occurred, and descriptions of the situation in which the infant experienced the face. Demographic information (e.g., age, gender) about the infants who recorded the videos is also provided. For elaboration on data collection methodology, interpretation, analysis, and discussion of early face experience captured by this dataset, please see our paper These are the people in your neighbourhood: Consistency and persistence in infants' exposure to caregivers', relatives', and strangers' faces across contexts [1].

Three-month-old infants show enhanced behavioral and neural sensitivity to fearful faces.

An important feature of the development of emotion recognition in infants is the emergence of a robust attentional bias for fearful faces. There is some debate about when this enhanced sensitivity to fearful expressions develops. The current study explored whether 3-month-olds demonstrate differential behavioral and neural responding to happy and fearful faces. Three-month-old infants (n = 69) participated in a behavioral task that assessed whether they show a visual preference for fearful faces and an event-related potential (ERP) task that assessed their neural responses to fearful and happy faces. Infants showed a looking preference for fearful over happy faces. They also showed differential neural responding over occiptotemporal regions that have been implicated in face perception (i.e., N290, P400), but not over frontocentral regions that have been implicated in attentional processes (i.e., Nc). These findings suggest that 3-month-olds display an early perceptual sensitivity to fearful faces, which may presage the emergence of the attentional bias for fearful faces in older infants. Tracking the ontogeny of this phenomenon is necessary to understand its relationship with later developmental outcomes.

Children's recognition of emotion expressed by own-race versus other-race faces.

Adults are less accurate at recognizing emotions expressed by individuals from a different cultural background. However, the research with children is less clear; whereas some studies suggest better emotion recognition for own-race and own-culture faces, others have found no such relationship. The current study examined the influence of race on emotion recognition in children and adults who share a cultural background (i.e., Canadian). Based on previous studies, we hypothesized that participants would demonstrate better emotion recognition for own-race faces. We also hypothesized that emotion recognition would improve across the lifespan (from childhood to adulthood) and as a function of emotion, such that recognition would be better for happy faces than for the other emotions. Children (n = 69; ages 6-10 years; 41 female) and adults (n = 82; mean age = 19.94 years; 72 female) of Western European or South Asian descent were asked to complete a five-alternative forced-choice emotion recognition task (anger, fear, happiness, sadness, and neutral) in which expressions were displayed by White and South Asian faces. As predicted, adults performed better than older children, who performed better than younger children, and participants performed best on happy faces. South Asian participants, but not White participants, performed better when judging own-race faces compared with other-race faces. This finding only partially supports an own-race bias in emotion recognition and may reflect the tendency in the literature to conflate culture and race. More studies are needed to understand cross-race emotion recognition when individuals share the same culture.

These are the people in your neighbourhood: Consistency and persistence in infants' exposure to caregivers', relatives', and strangers' faces across contexts.

Faces are a frequent part of young infants' visual environments. Three-month-old infants spend approximately 25% of their time exposed to faces (Sugden, Mohamed-Ali, & Moulson, 2014; Jayaraman, Fausey, & Smith, 2015). These faces belong primarily to familiar people, like their caregivers, and are heavily weighted towards female, adult-aged, and own-race faces. To date, descriptions of infants' exposure to faces have focused on frequency-both overall frequency and relative frequency of different face types (e.g., familiar vs. unfamiliar; own-race vs. other-race). It is less clear whether faces of different types distinguish themselves in other ways that have implications for infants' learning. Here, we move beyond an evaluation of frequency to determine the dimensions by which familiar faces (i.e., caregivers and relatives, as identified by parental report) differentiate themselves from unfamiliar (i.e., stranger's) faces in the infant's early visual environment. Measuring infants' natural visual ecology with head-mounted infant-perspective cameras, we found that 3-month-olds were exposed to faces 21% of the time. The primary caregiver was the most frequent face (44% of exposure time) and non-primary caregivers were often second most frequent (17% of exposure time). Caregiver faces also distinguished themselves by their consistency across both contexts and time. For example, the primary caregiver's face was most likely to appear across contexts and locations. Primary caregiver faces were less likely to persist in the field of view, as compared to non-primary caregiver and stranger faces. Thus, the socially important faces in the infant's visual environment distinguish themselves not only through their overall frequency, but also through their consistency across contexts. This has implications for understanding how the early visual environment shapes learning about faces.

An investigation of the effect of race-based social categorization on adults' recognition of emotion.

Emotion recognition is important for social interaction and communication, yet previous research has identified a cross-cultural emotion recognition deficit: Recognition is less accurate for emotions expressed by individuals from a cultural group different than one's own. The current study examined whether social categorization based on race, in the absence of cultural differences, influences emotion recognition in a diverse context. South Asian and White Canadians in the Greater Toronto Area completed an emotion recognition task that required them to identify the seven basic emotional expressions when posed by members of the same two groups, allowing us to tease apart the contributions of culture and social group membership. Contrary to our hypothesis, there was no mutual in-group advantage in emotion recognition: Participants were not more accurate at recognizing emotions posed by their respective racial in-groups. Both groups were more accurate at recognizing expressions when posed by South Asian faces, and White participants were more accurate overall compared to South Asian participants. These results suggest that in a diverse environment, categorization based on race alone does not lead to the creation of social out-groups in a way that negatively impacts emotion recognition.

Face Experience and the Attentional Bias for Fearful Expressions in 6- and 9-Month-Old Infants.

Infants demonstrate an attentional bias toward fearful facial expressions that emerges in the first year of life. The current study investigated whether this attentional bias is influenced by experience with particular face types. Six-month-old (n = 33) and 9-month-old (n = 31) Caucasian infants' spontaneous preference for fearful facial expressions when expressed by own-race (Caucasian) or other-race (East Asian) faces was examined. Six-month-old infants showed a preference for fearful expressions when expressed by own-race faces, but not when expressed by other-race faces. Nine-month-old infants showed a preference for fearful expressions when expressed by both own-race faces and other-race faces. These results suggest that how infants deploy their attention to different emotional expressions is shaped by experience: Attentional biases might initially be restricted to faces with which infants have the most experience, and later be extended to faces with which they have less experience.

Recognizing facial expressions of emotion in infancy: A replication and extension.

Infants may recognize facial expressions of emotion more readily when familiar faces express the emotions. Studies 1 and 2 investigated whether familiarity influences two metrics of emotion processing: Categorization and spontaneous preference. In Study 1 (n = 32), we replicated previous findings showing an asymmetrical pattern of categorization of happy and fearful faces in 6.5-month-old infants, and extended these findings by demonstrating that infants' categorization did not differ when emotions were expressed by familiar (i.e., caregiver) faces. In Study 2 (n = 34), we replicated the spontaneous preference for fearful over happy expressions in 6.5-month-old infants, and extended these findings by demonstrating that the spontaneous preference for fear was also present for familiar faces. Thus, infants' performance on two metrics of emotion processing did not differ depending on face familiarity.

Hey baby, what's "up"? One- and 3-month-olds experience faces primarily upright but non-upright faces offer the best views.

Experience has been theorized to shape how we process faces. Frequent face types are better discriminated and processed using expert-level holistic strategies while less frequent types are less well discriminated and processed using less mature featural strategies. Although experience is probably influencing the development of face processing, it is unclear what aspects of experience are most influential. The current study utilized infant-perspective head-mounted cameras to capture infants' daily lives at 1 and 3 months of age to measure the perceptual qualities of frequent and infrequent face types. We examined experience with upright (i.e., frequently experienced) and inverted (i.e., infrequently experienced) faces. A large majority (88%) of all face exposure was to upright faces. Most faces, regardless of orientation, were viewed near to the infant, alone in the field of view, and in a frontal viewpoint (i.e., an "ideal view"). Although they were less frequent than upright faces, proportionally more non-upright faces were viewed in an "ideal view". At this young age, nearly all faces, even non-upright faces, are seen in ways that facilitate processing.

Recruitment strategies should not be randomly selected: empirically improving recruitment success and diversity in developmental psychology research.

Psychological and developmental research have been critiqued for the lack of diversity of research samples. Because differences in culture, race, and ethnicity can influence participant behavior, limited diversity limits the generalizability of the findings. These differences may also impact how participants behave in response to recruitment attempts, which suggests that recruitment itself may be leveraged to increase sample diversity. The goal of the current study was to determine what factors, within a recruitment interaction, could be leveraged to increase success and diversity when recruiting families with children for developmental research. Study 1 found three factors influenced success: (1) recruitment was more successful when other potential participants were also interested (i.e., recruiters were busy), (2) recruiters of particular races were more successful than recruiters of other races, and (3) differences in success were related to what the recruiter said to engage the potential participant (i.e., the script). The latter two factors interacted, suggesting some recruiters were using less optimal scripts. To improve success rates, study 2 randomly assigned scripts to recruiters and encouraged them to recruit more vigorously during busy periods. Study 2 found that two factors influenced success: (1) some scripts were more successful than others and (2) we were more successful at recruiting non-White potential participants than White participants. These two interacted, with some scripts being more successful with White and other scripts being more successful with non-White families. This intervention significantly increased recruitment success rate by 8.1% and the overall number of families recruited by 15.3%. These findings reveal that empirically evaluating and tailoring recruitment efforts based on the most successful strategies is effective in boosting diversity through increased participation of children from non-White families.

Effects of early institutionalization on the development of emotion processing: a case for relative sparing?

We tested the capacity to perceive visual expressions of emotion, and to use those expressions as guides to social decisions, in three groups of 8- to 10-year-old Romanian children: children abandoned to institutions then randomly assigned to remain in 'care as usual' (institutional care); children abandoned to institutions then randomly assigned to a foster care intervention; and community children who had never been institutionalized. Experiment 1 examined children's recognition of happy, sad, fearful, and angry facial expressions that varied in intensity. Children assigned to institutional care had higher thresholds for identifying happy expressions than foster care or community children, but did not differ in their thresholds for identifying the other facial expressions. Moreover, the error rates of the three groups of children were the same for all of the facial expressions. Experiment 2 examined children's ability to use facial expressions of emotion to guide social decisions about whom to befriend and whom to help. Children assigned to institutional care were less accurate than foster care or community children at deciding whom to befriend; however, the groups did not differ in their ability to decide whom to help. Overall, although there were group differences in some abilities, all three groups of children performed well across tasks. The results are discussed in the context of theoretical accounts of the development of emotion processing.

I spy with my little eye: typical, daily exposure to faces documented from a first-person infant perspective.

Exposure to faces is known to shape and change the face processing system; however, no study has yet documented infants' natural daily first-hand exposure to faces. One- and three-month-old infants' visual experience was recorded through head-mounted cameras. The video recordings were coded for faces to determine: (1) How often are infants exposed to faces? (2) To what type of faces are they exposed? and (3) Do frequently encountered face types reflect infants' typical pattern of perceptual narrowing? As hypothesized, infants spent a large proportion of their time (25%) exposed to faces; these faces were primarily female (70%), own-race (96%), and adult-age (81%). Infants were exposed to more individual exemplars of female, own-race, and adult-age faces than to male, other-race, and child- or older-adult-age faces. Each exposure to own-race faces was longer than to other-race faces. There were no differences in exposure duration related to the gender or age of the face. Previous research has found that the face types frequently experienced by our participants are preferred over and more successfully recognized than other face types. The patterns of face exposure revealed in the current study coincide with the known trajectory of perceptual narrowing seen later in infancy.