Understanding perceptions of schistosomiasis and its control among highly endemic lakeshore communities in Mayuge, Uganda.

BACKGROUND: Schistosomiasis is a neglected tropical disease and a serious global-health problem with over 230 million people requiring treatment, of which the majority live in Africa. In Uganda, over 4 million people are infected. Extensive parasitological data exist on infection prevalence, intensities and the impact of repeated praziquantel mass drug administration (MDA). However, how perceptions of schistosomiasis shape prevention and treatment practices and their implications for control measures are much less well understood. METHODS: Rapid ethnographic appraisals were performed for six weeks in each of three Schistosoma mansoni high endemicity communities on the shores of Lake Victoria, Mayuge District, Uganda. Data were collected between September 2017 and April 2018. Data were collected through structured observations, transect walks, and participant observation, and sixty in-depth interviews and 19 focus group discussions with purposively recruited participants. Data were analyzed thematically using iterative categorization, looking at five key areas: perceptions of 1) the symptoms of schistosomiasis; 2) the treatment of schistosomiasis; 3) how schistosomiasis is contracted; 4) how schistosomiasis is transmitted onwards and responsibilities associated with this; and 5) how people can prevent infection and/or onward transmission. RESULTS: Observations revealed open defecation is a common practice in all communities, low latrine coverage compared to the population, and all communities largely depend on lake water and contact it on a daily basis. Perceptions that a swollen stomach was a sign/symptom of 'ekidada' (caused by witchcraft) resulted in some people rejecting free praziquantel in favour of herbal treatment from traditional healers at a fee. Others rejected praziquantel because of its perceived side effects. People who perceived that schistosomiasis is caught from drinking unboiled lake water did not seek to minimize skin contact with infected water sources. Community members had varied perceptions about how one can catch and transmit schistosomiasis and these perceptions affect prevention and treatment practices. Open defecation and urinating in the lake were considered the main route of transmission, all communities attributed blame for transmission to the fishermen which was acknowledged by some fishermen. And, lastly, schistosomiasis was considered hard to prevent due to lack of access to safe water. CONCLUSION: Despite over 15 years of MDA and associated education, common misconceptions surrounding schistosomiasis exist. Perceptions people have about schistosomiasis profoundly shape not only prevention but also treatment practices, greatly reducing intervention uptake. Therefore, we advocate for a contextualized health education programme, alongside MDA, implementation of improved access to safe-water and sanitation and continued research.

Schistosomiasis messaging in endemic communities: Lessons and implications for interventions from rural Uganda, a rapid ethnographic assessment study.

BACKGROUND: Over 240 million people are infected with schistosomiasis, the majority in sub-Saharan Africa. In Uganda, high infection rates exist in communities on the shores of Lake Victoria. Praziquantel mass drug administration (MDA) delivered by village health teams is the mainstay of schistosomiasis control. However, treatment uptake remains suboptimal, with many people unaware of treatment or thinking it is only for children. Furthermore, people are often rapidly reinfected post-treatment due to continued exposure. In three Schistosoma mansoni high endemicity lake-shore communities in Mayuge district, Eastern Uganda, we investigated the sources of schistosomiasis information, remembered content of information, and the perception of information and related practices towards the control of schistosomiasis. METHODS AND PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Data were collected from September 2017 to March 2018 using a rapid ethnographic assessment that included transect walks, observations, individual in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Data were analysed thematically using iterative categorisation. We found that the main sources of schistosomiasis information included health workers at government facilities, village health teams, teachers, and radio programmes produced by the Ministry of Health. These messages described the symptoms of schistosomiasis, but did not mention the side effects of praziquantel treatment. Despite this messaging, the main cause of the disease and transmission was unclear to most participants. The translation of schistosomiasis on the radio into the local language 'ekidada'-meaning swollen stomach-increased, rather than reduced, confusion about the cause(s) of schistosomiasis, due to believed links between ekidada and witchcraft, and prompted a reluctance to engage with treatment or preventative efforts. CONCLUSION AND SIGNIFICANCE: This study highlights gaps in schistosomiasis messaging. We recommend MDA is complemented by effective, evidence-based messaging on schistosomiasis transmission, prevention, and treatment, that is sensitive to local language and context issues, resulting in clear, concise, and consistent messages, to increase effectiveness.

Non-monetary numeraires: Varying the payment vehicle in a choice experiment for health interventions in Uganda.

Schistosomiasis is a serious health problem in many parts of Africa which is linked to poor water quality and limited sanitation resources. We administered a discrete choice experiment on water access and health education in rural Uganda, focussing on interventions designed to reduce cases of the disease. Unlike previous studies, we included a payment vehicle of both labour hours supplied per week and money paid per month within each choice set. We were thus able to elicit both willingness to pay and willingness to work for alternative interventions. Respondents exhibit high demand for new water sources. From the random parameter model, only households with knowledge about water-borne parasites are price sensitive and exhibit willingness to pay values. Through a latent class model specification, higher income respondents exhibit higher willingness to pay values for all programme attributes; however, lower income participants have higher willingness to work values for certain new water sources. We found a shadow wage rate of labour that is between 15 and 55% of the market wage rate.