Route of exposure to veterinary products in bees: Unraveling pasture's impact on avermectin exposure and tolerance in stingless bees.

Deforestation rapidly increases in tropical regions, primarily driven by converting natural habitats into pastures for extensive cattle ranching. This landscape transformation, coupled with pesticide use, are key drivers of bee population decline. Here, we investigate the impact of pasture-dominated landscapes on colony performance, pesticide exposure, and insecticide sensitivity of the stingless bee Tetragonisca angustula. We monitored 16 colonies located in landscapes with varying proportions of pasture. We collected bee bread for pesticide and palynological analysis. We found a positive correlation between pollen diversity and colony growth, with no effect of the proportion of pasture in the landscape. In contrast, we detected prevalent and hazardous concentrations of the insecticide abamectin (9.6-1,856 µg/kg) in bee bread, which significantly increased with a higher proportion of pasture. Despite the abamectin exposure, the bee colonies displayed no adverse effects on their growth, indicating a potential tolerance response. Further investigations revealed that bees from sites with higher proportions of pasture showed significantly reduced mortality when exposed to a lethal concentration of abamectin (0.021 µg/µL) after 48 h. Since abamectin is scarcely used in the study area, we designed an experiment to track ivermectin, a closely related antiparasitic drug used in cattle. Our findings uncovered a new exposure route of bees to pesticides, wherein ivermectin excreted by cattle is absorbed and biotransformed into abamectin within flowering plants in the pastures. These results highlight that unexplained exposure routes of bees to pesticides remain to be described while also revealing that bees adapt to changing landscapes.

The pest control and pollinator protection dilemma: The case of thiamethoxam prophylactic applications in squash crops.

A major challenge in sustainable agriculture is finding solutions to manage crop-damaging pests such as herbivores while protecting beneficial organisms such as pollinators. Squash is a highly pollinator-dependent crop that is also attractive to herbivores like the striped cucumber beetle. While synthetic insecticides can provide control of insect pests, they can also affect non-target organisms such as pollinators. Thus, growers need to balance pest management with pollinator protection to ensure optimal yield. Thiamethoxam is a commonly used systemic insecticide that translocates throughout plants, leaving residues in nectar and pollen. The aim of this study was to evaluate whether there are uses of this insecticide that provides efficient pest control while minimizing pesticide pollinator exposure. Specifically, we tested how different prophylactic application methods (seed treatments, in-furrow applications, and early foliar sprays) of commercially available thiamethoxam products impact pest control, bee visitation, yield, and pesticide residues in flowers of squash crops. We found that among the different methods of thiamethoxam application, in-furrow application best prevented defoliation and resulted in the highest fruit weight and number. However, it also produced the most frequent and highest concentrations of thiamethoxam in nectar and pollen, reaching lethal levels for squash bees. Our study provides evidence that under current application methods, thiamethoxam does not provide a sustainable solution for squash growers and further research is required on more efficient pesticide delivery methods, as well as non-pesticide pest control measurements.

Agrochemical pesticide production, trade, and hazard: Narrowing the information gap in Colombia.

Pesticides are a major tool for the intensification of agriculture, and helped to increase food, feed and biofuel production. Yet, there are persistent concerns about the negative effects of pesticides in human health and the environment, particularly in low and middle income countries (LMICs). Given the lack of information on pesticide exposure and hazard, Colombia exemplifies the need to narrow the information gap on pesticide risk in LMICs. We assessed pesticide hazard in Colombia based on the official toxicity categorization, compared it to more integral international standards, and identified main actions to narrow this information gap. Results showed that Colombia has been a relevant regional actor in pesticide production and trade, reaching almost 75 million kilogrammes and liters sold in 2016. Based on acute toxicity for humans, a quarter of the amount of pesticides sales and imports, and a third of the exports in 2016 ranged from moderately to extremenly toxic. The top-selling agrochemicals in 2016 (glyphosate with 14% of the total sales, chlorpyrifos 7.5% and mancozeb 6.9%) are also commonly used in other countries, reflecting a homogenized global industry. Compared to integral international categorizations, we found that for that year 63% of the pesticides sold with slightly acute toxicity are actually considered highly hazardous pesticides (HHP) for humans or the environment, evidencing the need to use a more integral hazard categorization in the country. Narrowing the information gap in pesticide use and associated risks demands a transparent process of knowledge creation and sharing, including funtional information and monitoring systems. This should be part of an integral assessment and regulation that better defines HHP, their production and trade to reduce pesticide risk while informing a transition towards sustainable food systems.

ORIGEN GEOGRÁFICO Y BOTÁNICO DE MIELES DE Apis mellifera (APIDAE) EN CUATRO DEPARTAMENTOS DE COLOMBIA / Geographical and Botanical Origin of Apis mellifera (APIDAE) Honey in four Colombian Departments

El objetivo de este trabajo fue determinar marcadores palinológicos que permitieran caracterizar el origen geográfico y botánico de mieles provenientes de los departamentos de Boyacá, Cundinamarca, Santander y Magdalena. Se realizaron análisis melisopalinológicos de 184 muestras de miel procedentes de 131 apiarios. Se determinaron diferencias significativas entre tipos de mieles mediante un análisis discriminante y comparando la composición de especies entre las muestras. En total se encontraron 297 especies distribuidas en 69 familias, dentro de las cuales las más representativas fueron Mimosa sp., Cecropiasp., Eucalyptus sp., Piper sp. y Quercus humboldtii . Las familias más importantes fueron Fabaceae, Asteraceae,Myrtaceae, Rubiaceae, Fagaceae, y Melastomataceae. Se lograron determinar seis grupos de mieles diferenciadas por su origen geográfico: altiplano Cundiboyacense, Medio Chicamocha, Sumapaz, Bajo Chicamocha, Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta y provincia Comunera; también se encontraron diferencias entre las mieles de las regiones andinas y subandinas. Dentro de los tipos de mieles diferenciadas por origen botánico predominaron las mieles monoflorales de Trifolium Pratense, Coffeaarabica, Eucalyptus sp., Inga sp. y Heliocarpus americanus, mieles oligoflorales de asteráceas y mezclas de mielato de Q. humboldtii y néctar floral (Eucalyptus sp. tipo Brassicaceae, asteráceas). La información de este trabajo junto con la obtenida en análisis fisicoquímicos y sensoriales servirá de base para que los apicultores puedan solicitar la denominación de origen de estas mieles.

The aim of this work was to find palynological markers which permit differentiate honeys from the departments of Boyacá, Cundinamarca, Santander and Magdalena, by its geographical and botanical origin. Melissopalynological analyses were made of 184 honey samples obtained from 131 localities. A discriminant analysis and comparisons between the species composition of honey samples were made to find geographical and botanical origin differences. A total of 297 pollen species distributed in 69 families was found, being Mimosa sp., Cecropiasp., Eucalyptus sp., Piper sp. and Quercus humboldtii the most representatives. The major families were Fabaceae, Asteraceae, Myrtaceae, Rubiaceae, Fagaceae and Melastomataceae. Six honey groups differentiated by its geographical origin were found: Altiplano Cundiboyacense, Medio Chicamocha, Sumapaz, Bajo Chicamocha, Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and Comunera Province. In a broader scale, honeys from the Andean and sub-Andean regions could be differentiated as well. Between the honey types differentiated by its botanical origin, the most important were monofloral honeys of Trifolium Pratense, Coffeaarabica, Eucalyptus sp., Inga sp. and Heliocarpus americanus, Asteraceae oligofloral honeys and mixtures of Q. humboldtii honeydew and floral nectar (Eucalyptus sp., Brassicaceae Type, Asteraceae). This information in addition to the obtained by physicochemical and sensorial analysis, may be the basis to acquire honeys´ origin denomination.

The anti-leprosy campaign in Colombia: the rhetoric of hygiene and science, 1920-1940.

Since the 1920s, the medical community realized that the strategy of leprosy control based on segregation and persecution of patients was inefficient and expensive. In the 1930s the new liberal government incorporated leprosy within the general sanitary institutions, by merging the Bureau of Lazarettos and the National Department of Hygiene. The disease-apart approach started to be replaced by a more general public health strategy, which involved controlling other illnesses. Prevention and research played a more influential role, and the new sanitary officials saw leprosy in the light of the economic rationality of expenditures, placing more emphasis on therapies and making them mandatory for all patients. Improvements in leprosy treatment became widely known and available. However, the image of leprosy as a special condition and the practice of segregation were deeply entrenched within the Colombian culture and institutions. The rhetoric changed, but to break with several decades of persecution was a difficult task.

The anti-leprosy campaign in Colombia: the rhetoric of hygiene and science, 1920-1940

Desde a década de 1920, a comunidade médica percebeu que o controle da hanseníase baseada na segregaçäo dos pacientes era ineficaz e dispendiosa. Na década de 1930, o novo governo, mais liberal, incorporou a hanseníase às instituiçöes sanitárias gerais, ao fundir o Serviço de Leprosários ao Departamento Nacional de Higiene. O isolamento começou a ser substituído por uma estratégia geral de saúde pública, que envolviq outras doenças...

The State, physicians and leprosy in modern Colombia

It delves into statistical exaggerations of leprosy´s impact and the generalized sense of national elites and the medical profession that the disease was an obstacle to their civilizing and modernizing project.(AU)

The anti-leprosy campaign in Colombia: the rhetoric of hygiene and science, 1920-1940

Desde a década de 1920, a comunidade médica percebeu que o controle da hanseníase baseada na segregaçäo dos pacientes era ineficaz e dispendiosa. Na década de 1930, o novo governo, mais liberal, incorporou a hanseníase às instituiçöes sanitárias gerais, ao fundir o Serviço de Leprosários ao Departamento Nacional de Higiene. O isolamento começou a ser substituído por uma estratégia geral de saúde pública, que envolviq outras doenças...(AU)

The anti-leprosy compaign in Colômbia: the rhetoric of higiene and science, 1920-1940

Desde a década de 1920, a comunidade médica percebeu que o controle da hanseníase baseada na segregação dos pacientes erea ineficaz e dispendiosa. Na década de 1930, o novo governo, mais liberal, incorporou a hanseníase às instituições sanitárias gerais, ao fundir o Serviço de Leprosários ao Departamento Nacional de Higiene. O isolamento começou a ser substituído por uma estratégia geral de saúde pública, que envolvia outras doenças. Prevenção e pesquisa foram valorizados, e as autoridades passaram a ver a hanseníase à luz da racionalidade econômica, enfatizando as terapias e tornando-as obrigatórias. Os avanços no tratamento tornaram-se largamente disponíveis. Entretanto, a imagem da hanseníase como doença especial e a segregação de seus doentes estavam profundamente arraigados na cultura e nas instituições colombianas. A retórica mudou, mas acabar com várias décadas de perseguição não foi tarefa fácil

Médicos, prostitución y enfermedades venéreas en Colombia: (1886-1951) / Physicians, prostitution, and venereal disease in Colombia: (1886-1951)

Examina la lucha del cuerpo médico colombiano contra las enfermedades "venéreas" entre 1886 y 1951. En este período, Colombia sufrió procesos de urbanización, crecimiento de población, nacimiento de la industria y aparición de una clase media y de un proletariado urbano. Los médicos encontraron una conexión estrecha entre la difusión del contagio de la sífilis y la gonorrea, y el aumento del ejercicio de la prostitución en las ciudades. A finales del siglo XIX, los médicos y los organismos de higiene asumieron la prostitución como inevitable; en 1907 consiguieron reglamentarla y fundaron dispensarios para aplicar los tratamientos de mercurio y compuestos arsenicales. Hacia los años 1930 y 1940, la curación de las enfermedades venéreas se asumió como un deber estatal de defensa de la raza y a favor de la civilización y del progreso. Hacia 1950, el uso eficaz de la penicilina hizo que la cuestión de la prostitución se volviera a plantear en términos más morales y estéticos, y se impuso la abolición de las normas que regulaban su ejercicio, por lo menos en Bogotá.

Médicos, prostitución y enfermedades venéreas en Colombia: (1886-1951) / Physicians, prostitution, and venereal disease in Colombia: (1886-1951)

Examina la lucha del cuerpo médico colombiano contra las enfermedades "venéreas" entre 1886 y 1951. En este período, Colombia sufrió procesos de urbanización, crecimiento de población, nacimiento de la industria y aparición de una clase media y de un proletariado urbano. Los médicos encontraron una conexión estrecha entre la difusión del contagio de la sífilis y la gonorrea, y el aumento del ejercicio de la prostitución en las ciudades. A finales del siglo XIX, los médicos y los organismos de higiene asumieron la prostitución como inevitable; en 1907 consiguieron reglamentarla y fundaron dispensarios para aplicar los tratamientos de mercurio y compuestos arsenicales. Hacia los años 1930 y 1940, la curación de las enfermedades venéreas se asumió como un deber estatal de defensa de la raza y a favor de la civilización y del progreso. Hacia 1950, el uso eficaz de la penicilina hizo que la cuestión de la prostitución se volviera a plantear en términos más morales y estéticos, y se impuso la abolición de las normas que regulaban su ejercicio, por lo menos en Bogotá. (AU)

Building national Medicine: leprosy and power in Colombia, 1870-1910

As imperialist nations rediscovered leprosy in their colonial world in the late nineteenth century, Colombian physicians found endemic leprosy in their own country. The medical community was interested in constructing a national medicine to conform to "universal" science. To medicalize leprosy, doctors provoked fears through exaggerating the number of leprosy sufferers to demonstrate that charity was incapable of dealing with the problem. The government approved laws of compulsory segregation of leprosy patients in the 1890s, while the 1897 international conference on leprosy held in Berlin gave international sanction to isolation. Lepers actively resisted segregation as a violation of their individual rights. Dr Juan de Dios Carrasquilla studied the disease, experimented with serotherapy to cure it, and claimed that the flea was its agent of transmission. He combatted segregation and proposed instead a hygienic programme to improve environmental living conditions, but his approach was defeated. When the early twentieth century saw the consolidation of the Colombian state, modernization of the country became a national priority. The government started to take control of lazarettos, enforcing segregation of lepers, who were confined within an area circumscribed by a sanitary cordon. This strategy was a failure, since patients resisted segregation. (AU)

Building National Medicine: leprosy and power in Colombia, 1870-1910

As imperialist nations rediscovered leprosy in their colonial world in the late nineteenth century, Colombian physicians found endemic leprosy in their own country. The medical community was interested in constructing a national medicine to conform to 'universal' science. To medicalize leprosy, doctors provoked fears through exaggerating the number of leprosy sufferers to demonstrate that charity was incapable of dealing with the problem. The government approved laws of compulsory segregation of leprosy patients in the 1890s, while the 1897 international conference on leprosy held in Berlin gave international sanction to isolation. Lepers actively resisted segregation as a violation of their individual rights. Dr Juan de Dios Carrasquilla studied the disease, experimented with sero-therapy to cure it, and claimed that the flea was its agent of transmission. He combatted segregation and proposed instead a hygienic programme to improve environmental living conditions, but his approach was defeated. When the early twentieth century saw the consolidation of the Colombian state, modernization of the country became a national priority. The government started to take control of lazarettos, enforcing segregation of lepers, who were confined within an area circumscribed by a sanitary cordon. This strategy was a failure, since patients resisted segregation.

[Physicians, prostitution, and venereal disease in Colombia (1886-1951)]. / Médicos, prostitución y enfermedades venéreas en Colombia (1886-1951).

The article examines the Colombian medical field's fight against so-called venereal diseases between 1886 and 1951, a period when the country was undergoing processes of urbanization, population growth, and the emergence both of industry as well as of a middle class and an urban proletariat. Physicians found a close connection between the spread of syphilis and gonorrhea and the rise of prostitution in cities. At the close of the 19th century, doctors and public health bodies assumed prostitution was inevitable. In 1907 they managed to have it legalized and they opened clinics to dispense mercury therapy and treatment with arsenic compounds. Starting in the 1930s amd 1940s, treatment of venereal diseases was viewed as the State's duty, necessary to protect "la raza" and safeguard progress and civilization. As of 1950, the efficient use of penicillin once again caused the question of prostitution to be posed in more moral and aesthetic terms and brought an end to the regulations groverning its practice, at least in Bogota.

Building national medicine: leprosy and power in Colombia, 1870-1910.

As imperialist nations rediscovered leprosy in their colonial world in the late nineteenth century, Colombian physicians found endemic leprosy in their own country. The medical community was interested in constructing a national medicine to conform to 'universal' science. To medicalize leprosy, doctors provoked fears through exaggerating the number of leprosy sufferers to demonstrate that charity was incapable of dealing with the problem. The government approved laws of compulsory segregation of leprosy patients in the 1890s, while the 1897 international conference on leprosy held in Berlin gave international sanction to isolation. Lepers actively resisted segregation as a violation of their individual rights. Dr Juan de Dios Carrasquilla studied the disease, experimented with sero-therapy to cure it, and claimed that the flea was its agent of transmission. He combatted segregation and proposed instead a hygienic programme to improve environmental living conditions, but his approach was defeated. When the early twentieth century saw the consolidation of the Colombian state, modernization of the country became a national priority. The government started to take control of lazarettos, enforcing segregation of lepers, who were confined within an area circumscribed by a sanitary cordon. This strategy was a failure, since patients resisted segregation.

Causas más frecuente del Crecimiento Intrauterino retardado. Hogar Materno 2001 / Most common causes of retarded intrauterine growth. Maternity Hospital.2001

Se realizó un estudio descriptivo retrospectivo, la población de trabajo estuvo constituida por las 48 gestantes ingresadas por posible crecimiento intrauterino retardado (CIUR). La muestra se obtuvo por el método aleatorio simple 24 en el período de enero-diciembre del año 2001. Con el objetivo de determinar la causa más frecuente del crecimiento intrauterino retardado teniendo en cuenta la calidad de la atención diferenciada que presta nuestra unidad en esta dirección. El estudio permitió conocer que la causa más frecuente del crecimiento intrauterino retardado fue el peso insuficiente de la gestante y su estado nutricional influyó determinantemente en el peso del Recién nacido. La mayoría de las gestantes al producirse el parto estaba a término y ocurrieron nacimientos de niños con peso menor de 2500 gr, incluyendo la muerte fetal tardía ante parto. Se elaboró una estrategia de intervención mediante actividades de educación para la salud con vista a divulgar a las mujeres que conciban lo hagan en las mejores condiciones biológicas, psicológicas y sociales con el fin de que tengan el hijo deseado en condiciones favorables y en el momento oportuno, incidir y modificar positivamente el riesgo reproductivo existente antes del embarazo (preconcepcional) para monitorear futuras investigaciones.

Building National Medicine: leprosy and power in Colombia, 1870-1910

As imperialist nations rediscovered leprosy in their colonial world in the late nineteenth century, Colombian physicians found endemic leprosy in their own country. The medical community was interested in constructing a national medicine to conform to "universal" science. To medicalize leprosy, doctors provoked fears through exaggerating the number of leprosy sufferers to demonstrate that charity was incapable of dealing with the problem. The government approved laws of compulsory segregation of leprosy patients in the 1890s, while the 1897 international conference on leprosy held in Berlin gave international sanction to isolation. Lepers actively resisted segregation as a violation of their individual rights. Dr Juan de Dios Carrasquilla studied the disease, experimented with serotherapy to cure it, and claimed that the flea was its agent of transmission. He combatted segregation and proposed instead a hygienic programme to improve environmental living conditions, but his approach was defeated. When the early twentieth century saw the consolidation of the Colombian state, modernization of the country became a national priority. The government started to take control of lazarettos, enforcing segregation of lepers, who were confined within an area circumscribed by a sanitary cordon. This strategy was a failure, since patients resisted segregation. (AU)