RESUMEN
Stay-at-home orders and the removal of care and domestic supports during the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic substantially disrupted US parents' work and family lives. Although much is known about changes in US parents' paid labor arrangements, the evidence regarding changes in unpaid domestic labor has been largely anecdotal. This study uses novel data from 1,025 US parents in different-sex partnerships to provide a descriptive overview of changes in mothers' and fathers' participation in, and division of, housework and childcare from March 2020 to the early days of the pandemic (late April 2020). Findings show an overall increase in domestic responsibilities for mothers who were already doing most of the household labor. Still, both mothers and fathers report a general shift toward more egalitarian divisions of household labor, driven by increases in fathers' contributions. The shift toward more egalitarian sharing of domestic labor is observed across demographic groups and across types of domestic tasks. Consistent with findings from other countries, egalitarian divisions of domestic labor increased among U.S. parents during the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic. Mothers, nonetheless, report retaining primary responsibility for domestic labor in the majority of families.
RESUMEN
Using data from the 2012 International Social Survey Program (n = 8,269), this study investigated how couples integrate and manage their income across 20 countries with varying degrees of gender inequality. Couples were more likely to report that one person managed the shared pot of money in countries with high gender inequality compared with couples in more gender equal countries. This pattern was not moderated by within-couple earnings equality. We found a cohabitation-marriage gap in income arrangements that is largest where national-level gender equality is high. In more gender equal contexts, married couples were more likely to pool and manage their money together, whereas a larger proportion of married couples assigned one money manager in countries with less gender equality. Cohabiting couples were more likely to keep some money separate than to take-up a pooled, jointly managed approach in more gender equal countries. Findings demonstrate the need to consider both management and pooling dimensions of couples' treatment of money to understand the influence of contextual factors on couples' income arrangements.
RESUMEN
Over 40 percent of American children rely primarily on their mothers' earnings for financial support in cross-sectional surveys. Yet these data understate mothers' role as their family's primary earner. Using longitudinal Survey of Income and Program Participation panels beginning in 2014, we create multistate life table estimates of mothers' duration as primary earner as well as single-decrement life table estimates of their chance of ever being the primary earner over the first 18 years of motherhood. Using a threshold of 60 percent of household earnings to determine primary earning status, mothers average 4.19 years as their families' primary earner in the 18 years following first birth. Mothers with some college but no degree spent the most years as primary earners, about 5.09 years on average, as did mothers with nonmarital first births, about 5.69 years. Around 70 percent of American mothers can reasonably expect to be their household's primary earner at some point during their first 18 years of motherhood.
RESUMEN
Assumptions that single mothers are "time poor" compared with married mothers are ubiquitous. We tested theorized associations derived from the time poverty thesis and the gender perspective using the 2003-2012 American Time Use Surveys (ATUS). We found marital status differentiated housework, leisure, and sleep time, but did not influence the amount of time that mothers provided childcare. Net of the number of employment hours, married mothers did more housework and slept less than never-married and divorced mothers, counter to expectations of the time poverty thesis. Never-married and cohabiting mothers reported more total and more sedentary leisure time than married mothers. We assessed the influence of demographic differences among mothers to account for variation in their time use by marital status. Compositional differences explained more than two-thirds of the variance in sedentary leisure time between married and never-married mothers, but only one-third of the variance between married and cohabiting mothers. The larger unexplained gap in leisure quality between cohabiting and married mothers is consistent with the gender perspective.
