Out-of-State Travel for Abortion among Texas Residents following an Executive Order Suspending In-State Services during the Coronavirus Pandemic.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, existing and new abortion restrictions constrained people's access to abortion care. We assessed Texas abortion patients' out-of-state travel patterns before and during implementation of a state executive order that prohibited most abortions for 30 days in 2020. We received data on Texans who obtained abortions between February and May 2020 at 25 facilities in six nearby states. We estimated weekly trends in the number of out-of-state abortions related to the order using segmented regression models. We compared the distribution of out-of-state abortions by county-level economic deprivation and distance traveled. The number of Texas out-of-state abortions increased 14% the week after (versus before) the order was implemented (incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 1.14; 95% CI: 0.49, 2.63), and increased weekly while the order remained in effect (IRR = 1.64; 95% CI: 1.23, 2.18). Residents of the most economically disadvantaged counties accounted for 52% and 12% of out-of-state abortions before and during the order, respectively (p < 0.001). Before the order, 38% of Texans traveled ≥250 miles one way, whereas during the order 81% traveled ≥250 miles (p < 0.001). Texans' long-distance travel for out-of-state abortion care and the socioeconomic composition of those less likely to travel reflect potential burdens imposed by future abortion bans.

Comparing preference for and use of medication abortion in Texas after policy changes in 2014 and 2018.

OBJECTIVES: Assess preferences for and use of medication abortion in Texas after implementation of two policy changes: a 2013 state law restricting medication abortion and the FDA label change for mifepristone in 2016 nullifying some of this restriction. STUDY DESIGN: We analyzed surveys conducted in 2014 and 2018 with abortion patients at 10 Texas abortion facilities. We calculated the percentage of all respondents with an initial preference for medication abortion by survey year, and the type of abortion obtained or planned to obtain among those who were at <10 weeks of gestation. We used multivariable-adjusted mixed-effects Poisson regression models to assess factors associated with medication abortion preference and actual/planned use. RESULTS: Overall, 156 (41%) of 376 respondents in 2014 and 247 (55%) of 448 respondents in 2018 reported initial preference for medication abortion (Prevalence ratio [PR]: 1.28; 95% CI 1.03-1.59). Among those who were <10 weeks of gestation and initially preferred medication abortion, 39 of 124 (31%) obtained or were planning to obtain the method in 2014, compared with 188 of 223 (84%) in 2018 (PR: 2.65; 95% CI: 1.69-4.15). After multivariable adjustment, respondents who initially preferred medication abortion and were 7 to 9 weeks of gestation at the time of their ultrasonography (vs <7 weeks) were less likely to obtain or plan to obtain the method (PR: 0.69; 95% CI: 0.57-0.84). CONCLUSIONS: Abortion patients were more likely to prefer and obtain or plan to obtain their preferred medication abortion after legal restrictions in Texas were nullified. IMPLICATIONS: State policies can affect people's ability to obtain their preferred abortion method. Efforts to provide both abortion options whenever possible, and inform people where each can be obtained, remains an important component of person-centered care despite increasing state abortion restrictions and bans following the reversal of Roe v Wade.

Association of Texas' 2021 Ban on Abortion in Early Pregnancy With the Number of Facility-Based Abortions in Texas and Surrounding States.

Importance: Texas' 2021 ban on abortion in early pregnancy may demonstrate how patterns of abortion might change following the US Supreme Court's June 2022 decision overturning Roe v Wade. Objective: To assess changes in the number of abortions and changes in the percentage of out-of-state abortions among Texas residents performed at 12 or more weeks of gestation in the first 6 months following implementation of Texas Senate Bill 8 (SB 8), which prohibited abortions after detection of embryonic cardiac activity. Design, Setting, and Participants: Retrospective study of a sample of 50 Texas and out-of-state abortion facilities using an interrupted time series analysis to assess changes in the number of abortions, and Poisson regression to assess changes in abortions at 12 or more weeks of gestation. Data included 68 820 Texas facility-based abortions and 11 287 out-of-state abortions among Texas residents during the study period from September 1, 2020, to February 28, 2022. Exposures: Abortion care obtained after (September 2021-February 2022) vs before (September 2020-August 2021) implementation of SB 8. Main Outcomes and Measures: Primary outcomes were changes in the number of facility-based abortions for Texas residents, in Texas and out of state, in the month after implementation of SB 8 compared with the month before. The secondary outcome was the change in the percentage of out-of-state abortions among Texas residents obtained at 12 or more weeks of gestation during the 6-month period after the law's implementation. Results: Between September 2020 and August 2021, there were 55 018 abortions in Texas and 2547 out-of-state abortions among Texas residents. During the 6 months after SB 8, there were 13 802 abortions in Texas and 8740 out-of-state abortions among Texas residents. Compared with the month before implementation of SB 8, the number of Texas facility-based abortions significantly decreased from 5451 to 2169 (difference, -3282 [95% CI, -3171 to -3396]; incidence rate ratio [IRR], 0.43 [95% CI, 0.36-0.51]) in the month after SB 8 was implemented. The number of out-of-state abortions among Texas residents significantly increased from 222 to 1332 (difference, 1110 [95% CI, 1047-1177]; IRR, 5.38 [95% CI, 4.19-6.91]). Overall, the total documented number of Texas facility-based and out-of-state abortions among Texas residents significantly decreased from 5673 to 3501 (absolute change, -2172 [95% CI, -2083 to -2265]; IRR, 0.67 [95% CI, 0.56-0.79]) in the first month after SB 8 was implemented compared with the previous month. Out-of-state abortions among Texas residents obtained at 12 or more weeks of gestation increased from 17.1% (221/1291) to 31.0% (399/1289) (difference, 178 [95% CI, 153-206]) during the period between September 2021 and February 2022 (P < .001 for trend). Conclusions and Relevance: Among a sample of abortion facilities, the 2021 Texas law banning abortion in early pregnancy (SB 8) was significantly associated with a decrease in the documented total of facility-based abortions in Texas and obtained by Texas residents in surrounding states in the first month after implementation compared with the previous month. Over the 6 months following SB 8 implementation, the percentage of out-of-state abortions among Texas residents obtained at 12 or more weeks of gestation significantly increased.

Service delivery at Title X sites in Texas during the COVID-19 pandemic.

CONTEXT: The important role of Title X sites in supporting publicly funded reproductive healthcare was elevated during the COVID-19 pandemic, as many people experienced economic uncertainty and changed their fertility preferences. In this study, we assessed changes in service delivery during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic at Title X-supported sites in Texas, a large state with a high uninsured rate and a diverse Title X network. METHODS: Using surveys of Title X-funded organizations in Texas from April and November 2020, we examined the percentage of organizations reporting service modifications. With administrative data on 507,947 client encounters between March 2019 and March 2021, we assessed change in client volume at the onset of the pandemic and evaluated the association between regional COVID-19 case rates and the provision of key Title X services. RESULTS: In April 2020, most organizations (78%) limited in-person operations while implementing telehealth (74%) and contactless contraception (67%). Network-wide encounter volume declined by 26% at pandemic onset (incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 0.74, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.65, 0.84). Health departments experienced the steepest declines in encounter volume (IRR = 0.43, 95% CI = 0.36-0.50). Weekly encounters, particularly for long-acting reversible method placement/removal and sexually transmitted infection testing, decreased as COVID-19 rates increased. CONCLUSIONS: Investment in public health infrastructure, including providing robust support to health departments as well as rebuilding and expanding the Title X network, is essential to safeguarding access to publicly funded reproductive healthcare during and after the pandemic.

Financial Hardships Caused by Out-of-Pocket Abortion Costs in Texas, 2018.

Objectives. To identify financial hardships related to costs of obtaining abortion care in Texas, which has the highest uninsured rate in the United States and restricts insurance coverage for abortions. Methods. We surveyed patients seeking abortion at 12 Texas clinics in 2018 regarding costs and financial hardships related to abortion care. We compared mean out-of-pocket costs and the percentage reporting hardships across income and insurance categories. Results. Of 603 respondents, 42% were Latinx, 25% White, and 21% Black or African American, and most (62.0%) reported having low incomes (< 200% federal poverty level). Mean out-of-pocket costs were $634, which varied little across insurance groups. Patients with low incomes were more likely to obtain financial assistance from an abortion fund than were wealthier patients (12.3% vs 1.6%, respectively; P < .05). Financial hardships related to abortion costs were more common among uninsured (57.6%) and publicly insured (55.1%) patients than those with private insurance (48.2%). One in 5 (19.8%) uninsured respondents delayed buying food to pay for abortion care. Conclusions. Restrictions on insurance coverage for abortions result in high out-of-pocket costs and major financial hardships for most patients with low incomes in Texas. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(5):758-761. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306701).

Abortion at 12 or more weeks' gestation and travel for later abortion care among Mississippi residents.

OBJECTIVE: To assess the association between indicators of economic disadvantage and geographic accessibility of reproductive health services and abortions ≥ 12 weeks' gestation in Mississippi. STUDY DESIGN: This cross-sectional study used data on Mississippi residents who obtained abortion care from 12 of 14 facilities in Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, and Tennessee in 2018. We estimated logistic regression models to assess the association between levels of county deprivation, the number of obstetrician and/or gynecologists per 10,000 women, and one way distance to the nearest facility with having an abortion ≥ 12 weeks' gestation. We compared the median one-way distance to the facility where patients < 12 weeks', 12-15 weeks', and ≥ 16 weeks' gestation received care, using Kruskal-Wallis tests. RESULTS: Of the 4,455 Mississippi residents who obtained abortions, 73% were Black, 59% lived ≥ 50 miles from a facility, and 60% obtained care in Mississippi. Overall, 764 (17.2%) abortions were performed ≥ 12 weeks' gestation. In adjusted models, those in counties with moderate (OR, 1.47; 95% CI: 1.15-1.90) and high (OR: 1.36, 95% CI: 1.01-1.83) (vs low) levels of economic deprivation and counties with 0.1-1.4 (vs ≥ 2.5) obstetrician/gynecologists per 10,000 women (OR: 1.55; 95% CI: 1.06-2.27) had higher odds of obtaining an abortion ≥12 weeks' gestation. Mississippi residents who obtained abortions ≥ 16 weeks' gestation traveled a median 143 miles one way to the facility where they received care, compared to 69 miles and 60 miles traveled by those < 12 weeks' and 12-15 weeks' gestation, respectively (p < .001). CONCLUSIONS: Many Mississippi residents obtained abortion care ≥ 12 weeks' gestation, which is related to greater economic constraints and limited geographic access to reproductive health services. IMPLICATIONS: People's need for abortions ≥ 12 weeks' gestation may be higher in communities with limited access to reproductive health services and among those living in areas with greater economic disadvantage. State laws that narrow gestational limits would increase long-distance travel for later abortion care, and disproportionately affect those with fewer resources.

Border-state abortions increased for Texas residents after House Bill 2.

OBJECTIVES: To assess changes in Texas-resident border-state abortions, medication abortions, and abortions ≥22 weeks from last menstrual period (LMP) before and after implementation of House Bill 2 (HB2) in November 2013 and before and after the US Supreme Court's decision regarding HB2 in June 2016. STUDY DESIGN: We conducted an interrupted time series analysis using 2012-2017 data on Texas-resident abortions in Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and New Mexico. Data on procedure type and gestational age were available only for abortions in New Mexico. RESULTS: Border states reported 762 Texas-resident abortions in 2012, 1,673 in 2014, and 1,475 in 2017. Texas-resident abortions in all border states nearly doubled following HB2's implementation (incidence rate ratio [IRR]=1.92, 95% CI: 1.67-2.20). Border-state abortions then decreased by 19% after the 2016 US Supreme Court decision, compared to the period prior to the decision and after HB2's implementation (IRR=0.81, 95% CI: 0.73-0.91). From 2012 to 2014, the proportion of Texas-resident abortions in New Mexico that were medication abortion increased from 5% to 20% (p < 0.001) and the proportion that were ≥22 weeks from LMP decreased from 40% to 23% (p < p<0.001). Texas vital statistics undercounted annual out-of-state abortions, reporting only 13%-73% of abortions reported by border-state clinics during the study period. CONCLUSIONS: HB2 was associated with increases in border-state abortions for Texas residents, including in the number of those ≥22 weeks from LMP. Border-state abortions declined after the Supreme Court ruled HB2 unconstitutional yet remained higher than pre-HB2 levels. IMPLICATIONS STATEMENT: Abortion restrictions that severely curtail access may result in increases in travel out of state for care. Documenting out-of-state abortions is important for evaluating broader policy impacts and to prepare for future service disruptions. Texas residents may have more limited options for care if border states enact restrictive abortion laws.

Race/ethnicity, maternal educational attainment, and infant mortality in the United States.

This study examines patterns of and explanations for racial/ethnic-education disparities in infant mortality in the United States. Using linked birth and death data (2007-2010), we find that while education-specific infant mortality rates are similar for Mexican Americans and Whites, infants of college-educated African American women experience 3.1 more deaths per 1,000 live births (Rate Ratio = 1.46) than infants of White women with a high school degree or less. The high mortality rates among infants born to African American women of all educational attainment levels are fully accounted for by shorter gestational lengths. Supplementary analyses of data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health show that college-educated African American women exhibit similar socioeconomic, contextual, psychosocial, and health disadvantages as White women with a high school degree or less. Together, these results demonstrate African American-White infant mortality and socioeconomic, health, and contextual disparities within education levels, suggesting the role of life course socioeconomic disadvantage and stress processes in the poorer infant health outcomes of African Americans relative to Whites.