Nonsemantic word graphs of texts spanning ∼ 4500 years, including pre-literate Amerindian oral narratives.

Non-semantic word graphs obtained from oral reports are useful to describe cognitive decline in psychiatric conditions such as Schizophrenia, as well as education-related gains in discourse structure during typical development. Here we provide non-semantic word graph attributes of texts spanning approximately 4500 years of history, and pre-literate Amerindian oral narratives. The dataset assessed comprises 707 literary texts representative of 9 different Afro-Eurasian traditions (Syro-Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Hinduist, Persian, Judeo-Christian, Greek-Roman, Medieval, Modern and Contemporary), and Amerindian narratives (N = 39) obtained from a single ethnic group from South America (Kalapalo, N = 18), or from a mixed ethnic group from South, Central and North America (non-Kalapalo, N = 21). The present article provides detailed information about each text or narrative, including measurements of four graph attributes of interest: number of nodes (lexical diversity), repeated edges (short-range recurrence), largest strongly connected component (long-range recurrence), and average shortest path (graph length).

The History of Writing Reflects the Effects of Education on Discourse Structure: Implications for Literacy, Orality, Psychosis and the Axial Age.

BACKGROUND: Graph analysis detects psychosis and literacy acquisition. Bronze Age literature has been proposed to contain childish or psychotic features, which would only have matured during the Axial Age (∼800-200 BC), a putative boundary for contemporary mentality. METHOD: Graph analysis of literary texts spanning ∼4,500 years shows remarkable asymptotic changes over time. RESULTS: While lexical diversity, long-range recurrence and graph length increase away from randomness, short-range recurrence declines towards random levels. Bronze Age texts are structurally similar to oral reports from literate typical children and literate psychotic adults, but distinct from poetry, and from narratives by preliterate preschoolers or Amerindians. Text structure reconstitutes the "arrow-of-time", converging to educated adult levels at the Axial Age onset. CONCLUSION: The educational pathways of oral and literate traditions are structurally divergent, with a decreasing range of recurrence in the former, and an increasing range of recurrence in the latter. Education is seemingly the driving force underlying discourse maturation.

Processes of social flourishing and their liminal collapse: elements to a genealogy of globalization.

This article aims at exploring a long-term historical perspective on which contemporary globalization can be more meaningfully situated. A central problem with established approaches to globalization is that they are even more presentist than the literature on modernization was. Presentism not only means the ignoring of history, but also the unreflective application to history of concepts taken from the study of the modern world. In contrast, it is argued that contemporary globalization is not a unique development, but rather is a concrete case of a historical type. Taking as its point of departure the spirit, rather than the word, of Max Weber, this article extends the scope of sociological investigation into archaeological evidence. Having a genealogical design and introducing the concept of 'liminality', the article approaches the modern process of globalization through reconstructing the internal dynamics of another type of historical change called 'social flourishing'. Taking up the Weberian approach continued by Eisenstadt in his writings on 'axial age', it moves away from situations of crisis as reference point, shifting attention to periods of revival by introducing the term 'epiphany'. Through the case of early Mesopotamia, it shows how social flourishing can be transmogrified into globalizing growth, gaining a new perspective concerning the kind of 'animating spirit' that might have driven the shift from Renaissance to Reformation, the rise of modern colonialism, or contemporary globalization. More generally, it will retrieve the long-term historical background of the axial age and demonstrate the usefulness and importance of archaeological evidence for sociology.

The Axial Age and the Problems of the Twentieth Century: Du Bois, Jaspers, and Universal History.

The axial age debate has put big questions of social and cultural change back on the agenda of sociology. This paper takes this development as an occasion to reflect on how social thought works with (and against) nineteenth-century intellectual traditions in its efforts to understand history on a macro scale. Karl Jaspers, who initially formulated the axial age thesis in The Origin and Goal of History, revised the Hegelian account of world history by broadening the scope of the narrative to encompass all civilizations participating in the events of the first millennium BCE that saw the rise of major philosophical and religious traditions. However, his account, like the earlier philosophical accounts he seeks to improve upon, privileges cognitive developments over material practices and social interactions, and as such offers little to those seeking to make sense of how cultural patterns interact with others and spread. Here another social theorist engaging with Hegel, W. E. B. Du Bois, provides a helpful contrast. His account of the development of double-consciousness in "Of Our Spiritual Strivings," the opening chapter of The Souls of Black Folk, helps us to understand experiences of encounter and the perduring historical effects they may have. Du Bois' relational theory reminds us of the importance of unpacking abstractions and understanding processes in terms of social interactions.

What changed during the axial age: Cognitive styles or reward systems?

The 'Axial Age' (500-300 BCE) refers to the period during which most of the main religious and spiritual traditions emerged in Eurasian societies. Although the Axial Age has recently been the focus of increasing interest,(1-5) its existence is still very much in dispute. The main reason for questioning the existence of the Axial Age is that its nature, as well as its spatial and temporal boundaries, remain very much unclear. The standard approach to the Axial Age defines it as a change of cognitive style, from a narrative and analogical style to a more analytical and reflective style, probably due to the increasing use of external memory tools. Our recent research suggests an alternative hypothesis, namely a change in reward orientation, from a short-term materialistic orientation to a long-term spiritual one.(6) Here, we briefly discuss these 2 alternative definitions of the Axial Age.