Regimes of pain: The geopolitics of cancer palliation in Pakistan.

This article examines how militarized regimes of narcotics and price control sustain unpalliated cancer pain in Pakistan. It shows how these regimes of control-reimagined as "regimes of pain"-render morphine, a cheap, effective opiate analgesic, scarce in hospitals. Meanwhile, heroin, morphine's illegal derivative, proliferates in illicit circuits. The article highlights a devastating consequence of the global wars against drugs and "terror": the consignment of cancer patients to agonizing end-of-life pain. Widening the analytic lens upon palliation beyond bodies and their clinical encounters, the article offers a geopolitics of palliation. It shows how narcovigilance targeting illicit drugs has the perverse effect of throttling morphine's licit supply. It shows further how unviably low price ceilings, purported to ensure a poor population's access to morphine, render it scarce on the official market. These mutually reinforcing regimes of control thus thwart their own purported objectives, consigning cancer patients to preventable, yet unpalliated, pain.

Points of departure and developing good practices for responsible internationalization in a rapidly changing world.

Responsible internationalization is a term increasingly used to promote relationship building in a world shaped by the growing impact of global challenges and geopolitical competition. In these changing global conditions, researchers and universities have learned that they need to adhere to an expanded set of research norms. Today these norms include aspects well known to researchers, such as research integrity, academic freedom, openness, research excellence, and research ethics, but also newer aspects related to societal impact, research security, and science diplomacy. However, managing these aspects is complicated by the fact that they are quite contradictory in tandem. Hence the term responsible internationalization has been used to raise awareness of the changing conditions for academic research and induce more responsible research practices. Nonetheless, the term presently lacks systemization and agreed definitions driving clear narratives, well-articulated goals, or structured responses and behavioral changes. This paper seeks to clarify some of the underlying premises and strategies in working with responsible internationalization and a way forward to the development of clearer guidelines.

Rethinking Queer (Asian) Studies: Geopolitics, Covid-19, and Post-Covid Queer Theories and Mobilities.

This paper considers queer studies in the global geopolitical hotspot of Asia, as well as how we can reimagine queer theories through both the Covid-19 pandemic and the intensified regional and global superpower competition and geopolitical tensions. It argues for a rethinking of queer studies through today's international relations and geopolitical complications in a sociological political economy. The aim is to connect critical studies with analyses of economic and social class structures, an approach that has been substantiated by the current crises, and to present an expanded queer mobility theory with two brief case studies (mini-critiques) of the current socioeconomic conditions facing marginalized people under Covid-19 and the changing geopolitical landscape. In so doing, this paper actively explores what queer studies can do and can be through the current historical turning point of the pandemic and geopolitical rivalry toward potential post-Covid socioeconomic revival and recovery.

Geopsychiatry and geography: A response.

BACKGROUND: This contribution responds to three articles (we refer to all three as 'editorials') concerning something called 'geopsychiatry'. AIMS: To evaluate claims made in these editorials for 'geopsychiatry' as a new field of inquiry at the interface between geography and psychiatry. METHOD: Close critical reading of two editorials in the International Journal of Social Psychiatry - entitled 'Geographical determinants of mental health' and 'Political determinants of mental health' - and one in the International Review of Psychiatry - entitled 'What is geopsychiatry?' RESULTS: While this geopsychiatry initiative is to be applauded, disquiet can be expressed about the almost complete neglect of a pre-existing domain of inquiry - 'mental health geography' or 'the geography of mental health' - that has long been researched by academic geographers and cognate scholars. Key trajectories in this field can be identified and related to the proposed foci for geopsychiatry. CONCLUSIONS: The hope is voiced that future developments in geopsychiatry will proceed in dialogue with the literature and practitioners of mental health geography.

A mercantilização anunciada da Pesquisa na Espanha dos anos 2000 / The announced commodification of Research in Spain in the 2000s

Resumo: Este artigo problematiza o processo de mercantilização universitária na Espanha, relacionando-o às tendências globais, mediante realização de pesquisa bibliográfica. Destaca o papel crucial desempenhado pela Agência Nacional de Avaliação da Qualidade e Acreditação (ANECA) e a imposição progressiva de fatores de impacto em periódicos científicos como expressão do fortalecimento do denominado capitalismo acadêmico e do trabalho digital nas universidades, no âmbito das reformas universitárias dos anos 2000.

Abstract: This article problematizes the process of university commodification in Spain, relating it to global trends, through bibliographic research. It highlights the crucial role played by the National Agency for Quality Evaluation and Accreditation (ANECA) and the progressive imposition of impact factors in scientific journals as an expression of the strengthening of academic capitalism and digital work in universities, within the framework of the university reforms of the 2000s.

Turkey's quest to become a regional energy hub: Challenges and opportunities.

Despite its relatively modest domestic energy resources, Turkey plays a central role in the global geopolitics of energy. Situated between energy-rich areas of the Middle East and energy-consuming Europe, it is no surprise that Turkey has become a crucial transit route for fossil fuels, especially natural gas. Furthermore, in recent decades, Turkey's leadership has pursued an ambitious plan to transform the country into a regional energy hub. This vision encompasses Turkey as a place where energy resources are not only transited but also sold and bought by international sellers and buyers. The study offers a historical overview of major transboundary oil and natural gas energy projects in Turkey, including both successful and failed endeavors and those in prospect. It delves into Turkey's aspirations to establish itself as a regional energy trade spot, a crucial component of its foreign policy agenda aimed at bolstering its influence on the regional and global stage. The paper also assesses the strengths and weaknesses of Turkey's ambition to become a regional energy nexus and its feasibility. The study highlights Turkey's potentially significant role in enhancing energy security for Europe, especially in the wake of the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the European Union's efforts to reduce its dependence on energy from Russia.

[The nontrivial approach or how physicians-bolsheviks treated kings. The Soviet medicine in the Arabian peninsula in 1920-1930s].

In the late 1920s, the USSR intensified its international activities in the Arabian Peninsula. The rapprochement with Arab monarchies provided opportunity to study political, economic and ethno-cultural characteristics of region by organizing transit of pilgrims to Mecca through the Soviet territory and providing medical care in first-aid posts at diplomatic missions. The Soviet physicians, in atypical situation of Arab monarchies, played important role as intermediaries between royal courts and the Soviet government, serving as agents of "soft power". The article considers causes of Moscow geopolitical interest to this region in 1920s-1930s. The distinctions of interaction between Soviet physicians and ruling circles of Hijaz and Yemen were explored. The humanitarian, cultural and geopolitical significance of these activities were examined. The article considers and explains, through optics of geopolitical approach, situational rationality that was applied by medical men when approaching treatment of royal personages despite ideological mismatch of this work with Bolshevism dogmas. The article consistently demonstrates, noting non-triviality of both locus itself and approaches to organization of medical care, how professionalism of Soviet physicians gained confidence of monarchs of Hijaz and Yemen in complicated conditions of competition with highly qualified physicians from Western Europe. It is emphasized that in conditions of Arabia, ideological attitudes had secondary importance, while such qualities as personal charisma and medical professionalism, which created solid reputation foundation for Soviet physicians, came to foreground.

The (Re-)Emergence and Spread of Viral Zoonotic Disease: A Perfect Storm of Human Ingenuity and Stupidity.

Diseases that are transmitted from vertebrate animals to humans are referred to as zoonotic diseases. Although microbial agents such as bacteria and parasites are linked to zoonotic events, viruses account for a high percentage of zoonotic diseases that have emerged. Worryingly, the 21st century has seen a drastic increase in the emergence and re-emergence of viral zoonotic disease. Even though humans and animals have coexisted for millennia, anthropogenic factors have severely increased interactions between the two populations, thereby increasing the risk of disease spill-over. While drivers such as climate shifts, land exploitation and wildlife trade can directly affect the (re-)emergence of viral zoonotic disease, globalisation, geopolitics and social perceptions can directly facilitate the spread of these (re-)emerging diseases. This opinion paper discusses the "intelligent" nature of viruses and their exploitation of the anthropogenic factors driving the (re-)emergence and spread of viral zoonotic disease in a modernised and connected world.

The Geopolitics of Health Science Research Comment on "The Roles of Regional Organisations in Strengthening Health Research Systems in Africa: Activities, Gaps, and Future Perspectives".

African development is defined by a number of meta-trends, including climate disruption, digitalisation, informalisation, regionalisation and most recently the impacts of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. The paper under consideration here is informed primarily by two of these: regionalism and the COVID-19 pandemic. Africa, or at least parts of it, have been severely affected by pandemics in recent decades. At the same time deepening regionalisation allows for more coordinated and effective actions to mitigate their worst effects. However, to date, regional integration efforts have not generally delivered desired results, and in the area of Health Science Research (HSciR) specifically, which is the area of focus for this paper. This important paper considers the nature of current activities in relation to health research by regional organizations on the continent. It provides a baseline study and incipient manifesto for increased effectiveness and greater contribution in the area of HSciR on the continent.

The rise of techno-geopolitical uncertainty: Implications of the United States CHIPS and Science Act.

Growing techno-geopolitical uncertainty affects international business in many ways, calling for more scholarly attention to its causes and multinational enterprise (MNE) responses. The United States CHIPS and Science Act epitomizes the country's recent embrace of techno-nationalism in its economic rivalry with China, which has major implications for IB scholarship and management practice. The Act exhibits two features that fly against America's traditional liberal policy stance of championing an open and rules-based multilateral system. First, its reliance on subsidies, export control, and investment screening signifies departure from free trade and from market-based industrial policies. Second, its use of guardrail provisions pursues the weaponization of global value chains for geopolitical and geo-economic purposes. We view the Act as a showcase of a paradigm shift from market-oriented liberalism to intervention-oriented techno-nationalism, heralding a new era of zero-sum thinking and geopolitical prioritization. By examining the broader trend of techno-nationalism, we explore the distinct features of the Act and analyze the geo-strategies that MNEs need to adopt in response to the resulting techno-geopolitical uncertainty. Our analysis highlights the paradigm shift in policymaking, identifies the root causes of this shift, and examines the potential pitfalls it may create. To navigate this uncertain landscape, we suggest four strategic responses for MNEs: geo-strategies, reconfiguration, resilience, and corporate diplomacy.

L'incertitude techno-géopolitique croissante influence de multiples façons les affaires internationales. Ceci appelle une attention accrue de la part des chercheurs sur ses causes et des réponses des entreprises multinationales. La loi américaine sur les puces et la science (The United States CHIPS and Science Act) illustre parfaitement l'adhésion récente du pays au techno-nationalisme dans le cadre de sa rivalité économique avec la Chine, ce qui a des implications majeures pour la recherche en affaires internationales et les pratiques de gestion. Cette loi présente deux caractéristiques qui vont à l'encontre de la politique libérale traditionnelle des États-Unis prônant un système multilatéral ouvert et fondé sur des règles. Premièrement, son recours aux subventions, au contrôle des exportations et au filtrage des investissements signifie que le pays s'écarte du libre-échange et des politiques industrielles basées sur le marché. Deuxièmement, son utilisation des dispositions de garde-fous poursuit la militarisation des chaînes de valeur globales à des fins géopolitiques et géoéconomiques. Nous considérons cette loi comme la vitrine d'un changement de paradigme, passant d'un libéralisme axé sur le marché à un techno-nationalisme axé sur l'intervention, annonçant une nouvelle ère de pensée à somme nulle et de priorisation géopolitique. En examinant la tendance plus large du techno-nationalisme, nous explorons les caractéristiques distinctes de cette loi, et analysons les géostratégies que les entreprises multinationales doivent adopter en réponse à l'incertitude techno-géopolitique qui en résulte. Notre analyse met en évidence le changement de paradigme dans l'élaboration des politiques, identifie les causes profondes de ce changement, et examine également les pièges potentiels qu'il peut créer. Pour naviguer dans ce paysage incertain, nous suggérons quatre réponses stratégiques aux entreprises multinationales : géostratégies, reconfiguration, résilience et diplomatie d'entreprise.

La creciente incertidumbre tecno-geopolítica afecta a los negocios internacionales de muchas maneras, lo que convoca a una mayor atención académica a sus causas y a las respuestas de las empresas multinacionales (EMN). La Ley CHIPS y Ciencia de Estados Unidos ejemplifica la reciente adopción por parte del país del tecno-nacionalismo en su rivalidad económica con China, lo que tiene importantes implicaciones para los estudios de negocios internacionales y la práctica gerencial. La Ley presenta dos características que van en contra de la postura política liberal tradicional de Estados Unidos, que defiende un sistema multilateral abierto y basado en normas. En primer lugar, su dependencia de las subvenciones, el control de las exportaciones y el control de las inversiones supone un alejamiento del libre comercio y de las políticas industriales basadas en el mercado. En segundo lugar, su uso de disposiciones de protección persigue la militarización de las cadenas de valor mundiales con fines geopolíticos y geoeconómicos. En nuestra opinión, la Ley es una exhibición de un cambio de paradigma, del liberalismo orientado al mercado al tecno-nacionalismo orientado a la intervención, que anuncia una nueva era de pensamiento de suma cero y priorización geopolítica. Al examinar la tendencia más amplia del tecno-nacionalismo, exploramos las características distintivas de la Ley y analizamos las geoestrategias que las EMN deben adoptar en respuesta a la incertidumbre tecno-geopolítica resultante. Nuestro análisis destaca el cambio de paradigma en la formulación de políticas, identifica las causas fundamentales de este cambio y examina los posibles atolladeros que puede crear. Para navegar por este panorama incierto, sugerimos cuatro respuestas estratégicas para las EMN: geoestrategias, reconfiguración, resiliencia y diplomacia corporativa.

Crescente incerteza tecnogeopolítica afeta os negócios internacionais de várias maneiras, exigindo mais atenção acadêmica para suas causas e respostas de empresas multinacionais (MNE). A Lei de CHIPS e Ciência dos Estados Unidos simboliza a recente adoção do nacionalismo tecnológico em sua rivalidade econômica com a China, que tem grandes implicações para a pesquisa em IB e práticas gerenciais. A Lei exibe duas características que vão contra a tradicional postura política liberal dos Estados Unidos de defender um sistema multilateral aberto e baseado em regras. Primeiro, sua dependência em subsídios, controle de exportação e triagem de investimentos significa afastamento do livre comércio e de políticas industriais baseadas no mercado. Em segundo lugar, o uso de provisões de proteção busca o uso de cadeias de valor globais como armas para fins geopolíticos e geoeconômicos. Enxergamos a Lei como uma vitrine de uma mudança de paradigma do liberalismo orientado para o mercado para o tecnonacionalismo orientado para a intervenção, anunciando uma nova era de pensamento de soma zero e priorização geopolítica. Ao examinar a ampla tendência do tecnonacionalismo, exploramos as características distintas da Lei e analisamos as geoestratégias que MNEs precisam adotar em resposta à incerteza tecnogeopolítica resultante. Nossa análise destaca a mudança de paradigma na formulação de políticas, identifica as causas originais dessa mudança e examina as possíveis armadilhas que ela pode criar. Para navegar nesse cenário incerto, sugerimos quatro respostas estratégicas para MNEs: geoestratégias, reconfiguração, resiliência e diplomacia corporativa.

Unwitting Agents: Representations of Chinese International Students in US-China Geopolitics.

As part of a larger study, this paper presents findings from my exploration of discourses about China-US geopolitics through popular discussions on Chinese international students (CIS) who are attending American universities during the ongoing global COVID-19 pandemic. The study seeks to advance scholarship for international students attending American colleges, with particular implications for Chinese students, as agents of geopolitical relations. In doing so, it investigates (a) how these students are represented in American media and (b) the criticality of international geopolitics in the mobility of international students. The findings reveal that American popular media sources assume a tone when writing about CIS that may stem from a deeper anti-Chinese sentiment that exists in the US. They also suggest that American institutions of higher education, and American companies that employ CIS after graduation, treat these students as imported subjects/objects that support America's intellectual and economic advancement. In doing so, the media perpetuates narratives of geopolitical tensions between the United States and China, while representing CIS as unwitting agents of those tensions. The study seeks to advance scholarship on international students attending US colleges, particularly those from China, during an era of rising populism and right-wing movements in the US coupled with rapidly deteriorating US-China relations. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12140-023-09409-5.

Los conflictos y sus ciclos entre la paz y la guerra

El presente artículo se encuentra enmarcado en un periodo histórico donde se ha derrotado una vez más la posibilidad de mantener la paz. El espectro del conflicto llegó a su punto máximo una guerra fratricida que nadie esperaba y peor aun cuando amenaza con un desenlace de consecuencias catastróficas para la humanidad; por tanto nos volvemos a preguntar ¿por qué la guerra? A quien o a que atribuimos la ruptura de la paz, es difícil comprender las posiciones humanas desde el psicoanálisis, o desde la filosofía de la paz hasta la vieja concepción geopolítica de la guerra. Los Estados a pesar de entender la paz, son llevados a la defensa de sus intereses aunque signifique su propia destrucción, luego el conflicto en su ciclo de la paz a la guerra no puede ser controlado. Actualmente la guerra entre Rusia y Ucrania no sólo promueve la preocupación y la reflexión, del por qué la guerra, sino que, debe llegar a posiciones consensuadas de la comunidad internacional que perpetúe la paz imperfecta.

This article is framed in a historical period where the possibility of maintaining peace has once again been defeated. The specter of conflict reached its peak with a fratricidal war that no one expected, and even worse when it threatens a catastrophic outcome for humanity; therefore we ask ourselves again, why war? It is difficult to understand human positions from psychoanalysis to the philosophy of peace to the old geopolitical conception of war, to whom or what we attribute the breakdown of peace. States, despite understanding peace, are led to defend their interests even if it means their own destruction, then the conflict in its cycle from peace to war cannot be controlled. Currently, the war between Russia and Ukraine not only promotes concern and reflection on the reasons for war, but it must also lead to agreed positions of the international community that perpetuate imperfect peace.

Este artigo está inserido em um período histórico em que a possibilidade de manter a paz foi mais uma vez derrotada. O espectro do conflito atingiu seu auge com uma guerra fratricida que ninguém esperava, e pior ainda quando ameaça um desfecho com consequências catastróficas para a humanidade; portanto, voltamos a perguntar: por que a guerra? É difícil entender as posições humanas do psicanálise à filosofia da paz à velha concepção geopolítica da guerra, a quem ou ao que atribuímos a ruptura da paz. Os Estados, apesar de entenderem a paz, são levados a defender seus interesses mesmo que isso signifique sua própria destruição, então o conflito em seu ciclo da paz à guerra não pode ser controlado. Atualmente, a guerra entre Rússia e Ucrânia não só promove a preocupação e a reflexão sobre as razões da guerra, mas também deve levar a posições consensuadas da comunidade internacional que perpetuem a paz imperfeita. politics.

Electricity system security in Jordan: A response for arab uprising.

Jordan energy sector is characterized by the high dependency on imported energy and high growth rate of energy demands. The location of Jordan in a conflict hot spot makes the energy security of high interest for the Jordanian policy maker. This article investigates the impact of regional conflicts on Jordanian energy sector and tracks the development of electricity system security before and after the first wave of Arab uprising and the turmoil associated with it. An electricity sector security framework consisting of eleven indices is built based on Stirling four properties of energy security, which are durability, stability, robustness and resilience. The framework is used to compare the security of the system in 2018 with 2010. This article argues that the development in the security during the study period is a response of the Arab uprising based on authoritarian learning phenomena. The results are validated by comparing the expected generation costs and CO2 emissions based on actual development with development scenarios found in literature. A forecasting model is reproduced for this purpose. The results of the forecasting model support the conclusion reached by the security framework. This is due to the responsive policies followed by the Jordanian government and the grants given by Gulf countries to enhance Jordan's stability. It was concluded that even a specific conflict can have negative impacts on the energy sector in a neighboring country in short terms, it can have positive impacts in medium and long term if a rational and sustainable response plan is adopted.

A figurational approach to soft power and sport events. The case of the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022™.

Soft power' is a term often used to explain how states seek to be appealing and attractive to others to increase their geopolitical influence instead of using military force or economic threats. As part of a soft power agenda, sport events showcase the values, culture and imagery of a host nation, and through that, ideally, attract investors, tourists and attention. But there are problems with the concept, especially when it is adopted by sport events where it is used as a metaphor, as a heuristic device, and a descriptor of current affairs, to name a few. In particular, the concept does not necessarily capture the accumulation of tit-for-tat strategies and bargaining in geopolitics where sport events are involved. In contrast, by using the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022™ as key example and drawing upon Norbert Elias' figurational sociology as source of theoretical refinement, this article discusses how soft power can become more precise as an analytical category in a context of sport and geopolitics.

Does the science criterion rest on thin ice?

This paper explores whether a central plank of the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) - the science criterion - is threatened by anthropogenic climate change. It begins by situating the origins of the ATS within the context of the International Geophysical Year (IGY), and the privileged position that science obtained within first the IGY and later the ATS. This extends to science functioning as the dominant currency through which states may ascend to the level of consultative parties (CPs), the highest level of authority within the ATS. Within this model Antarctica functions as a laboratory, a metaphor with a long history in Antarctica, reinforced by the Madrid Protocol and its strong focus on maintaining environmental boundaries and by a perception that Antarctica otherwise plays a minimal role in global affairs. Much of the research in Antarctica focuses on climate change and indeed has been important in establishing its scope and magnitude. But climate change also threatens both Antarctica itself and - by extension - the many low-lying areas of the world that would be affected by rising sea levels caused by melting Antarctic ice. Given Antarctica may no longer be so removed from the rest of the world, is this sufficient reason to revisit the centrality of science to legitimate participation in Antarctic governance? The paper considers alternatives to the current system, including assigning authority within the ATS to states affected by climate change. It concludes that while the science criterion remains viable, it rests on a moral as well as practical foundation that could be undermined if the right to authority over Antarctica remains disconnected from the actions that cause changes to the continent.

The geopolitics of the European super league: A historiographical approach and a media analysis of the failed project in 2021.

Introduction: The main objective of this article is to analyse the reasons why the 2021 European Super League project failed. The authors ask whether, in addition to the popular clamour against a semi-closed competition, it was the combination of geopolitical interests of the different actors currently involved in European elite football that prevented the project from going ahead. Methods: The main methodological framework is based on a case study, which follows an Stakian approach. To do so, on the one hand, a historiographical analysis of the case has been done; on the other hand, authors have complemented this case study with an analysis of 23 pieces of news published on the website of five mainstream newspapers (from April to June 2021) from those countries with the most significant European football leagues: The United Kingdom (The Guardian), Spain (El País), France (Le Monde), Italy (La Repubblica) and Germany (Der Spiegel). To supplement the analysis of this phenomenon, authors have also considered other relevant news published in other mainstream press or news agencies (such as The New York Times, Politico, The Yorkshire Post, The Times, Marca, Bloomberg and Reuters). Results and Discussion: The authors conclude that, while financially the Super League debate has not been closed, in defending the current business and competition model of European football, UEFA has had the complicity of owners and shareholders of the founding clubs outside of their traditional historical roots, as well as governments that have made football an asset because of their geopolitical positioning, such as Qatar and the UK post-Brexit.

New insights into projected Arctic sea road: operational risks, economic values, and policy implications.

As Arctic sea ice continues to retreat, the seasonally navigable Arctic expected by mid-century or earlier is likely to facilitate the growth of polar maritime and coastal development. Here, we systematically explore the potentials for opening of trans-Arctic sea routes across a range of emissions futures and multi-model ensembles on daily timescales. We find a new Transpolar Sea Route in the western Arctic for open water vessels starting in 2045 in addition to the central Arctic corridor over the North Pole, with its frequency comparable to the latter during the 2070s under the worst-case scenario. The emergence of this new western route could be decisive for operational and strategic outcomes. Specifically, the route redistributes transits away from the Russian-administered Northern Sea Route, lowering the navigational and financial risks and the regulatory friction. Navigational risks arise from narrow straits that are often icy choke points. Financial risks arise from the substantial interannual sea ice variability and associated uncertainty. Regulatory friction arises from Russian requirements imposed under the Polar Code and Article 234 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. These imposts are significantly reduced with shipping route regimes that enable open water transits wholly outside Russian territorial waters, and these regimes are revealed most accurately using daily ice information. The near-term navigability transition period (2025-2045) may offer an opportunity for maritime policy evaluation, revision, and action. Our user-inspired evaluation contributes towards achieving operational, economic and geopolitical objectives and serves the goal of planning a resilient, sustainable, and adaptive Arctic future. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10584-023-03505-4.

US foreign policy elites and the great rejuvenation of the ideological China threat: The role of rhetoric and the ideologization of geopolitical threats.

Since 2018, US foreign policy elites have portrayed China as the gravest threat to their country. Why was China predominantly cast as an ideological threat, even though other discursive formulations, such as a geopolitical threat, were plausible and available? Existing major IR theories on threat perpcetions struggle to address these questions. In this article, we draw from rhetoric and public legitimation scholarship to argue that the mobilization of adjacent policy debates was key to mainstream the representation of China as an ideological threat. By mobilizing debates on Russia and the soft power and sharp power concepts, a minority view in US foreign policy with a longstanding ambition to get tough on China established a seemingly natural link between liberal internationalism and an ideologically threatening China. Liberal foreign policy elites who originally opposed a realpolitik view of China could now subsume a geopolitical threat into an ideological one reminiscent of US-Soviet Cold War rivalry. This constituted a necessary catalyst to align most foreign policy elites to understand China as the gravest threat to the United States, at a time when China's capabilities and behaviour, coupled with a deep sense of insecurity regarding America's place in the world, provided the necessary backdrop.

Mapping a Country Image from Global News Reports about COVID-19 Pandemic.

The outbreak of the coronavirus disease of 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has infected hundreds of millions of people worldwide and caused millions of deaths. This study used media analysis and correlation analysis to elucidate the significant differences in the ways in which news reports from 228 countries discussed a specific country when covering the COVID-19 pandemic. Media reports analysed in this study were collected from the Global Database of Events, Language, and Tone project (GDELT). These differences were found to be deeply embedded in the economic, socio-political, and cultural contexts of different countries. The findings reinforced the hypothetical assumption in framing theory and promoted a measurable and upscaled use of framing theory into macro geography studies. This study highlights the urgent need of a geo-political examination of COVID-19 in the global context-an area with insufficient interest from interdisciplinary perspective beyond epidemiology. Further research can be of great value for the promotion of an effective international cooperation mechanism to curb the spread of COVID-19. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12061-022-09498-4.