El dispositivo penitenciario de la cárcel la modelo de bogotá: desde la comunicación

Este artículo se deriva de la tesis de maestría titulada "El dispositivo penitenciario en Bogotá: un estudio sobre la cárcel La Modelo" y se orienta a revisar cómo lo comunicativo se desarrolla dentro del dispositivo penitenciario desde ciertas prácticas cotidianas. Se trabaja con el esquizométodo, que permite la integración de la perspectiva compleja con el contexto y las teorías que rodean la problemática. Se proponen tres ejes de abordaje: (a) el contexto comunicativo en La Modelo de Bogotá; (b) el dispositivo penitenciario; (c) cuerpo y resistencia en la prisión. Desde una perspectiva rizomática, no se pretende agotar el horizonte analítico, sino presentar algunas reflexiones sobre lo comunicativo en el dispositivo penitenciario, y se concluye, entre otras cosas, que las acciones comunicativas fundamentan una estructura sociológica en la que los presos despliegan estrategias comunicativas y corporales para enfrentar el dispositivo penitenciario.

This article is derived from the master's thesis entitled "Penitentiary Sites in Bogotá: A Study on the Modelo Prison", and it is oriented to review how communication is developed within this penitentiary site from certain daily practices. It works with the schizomethod, which allows for the integration of complex perspectives within the context and theories that surround the problem. Three axes of approach are proposed: (a) The communicative context in the Bogota Modelo Prison; (b) The penitentiary site; (c) Body and resistance in prison. From a rhizomatic perspective, it is not intended to exhaust the analytical horizon, but to present some reflections on the communicative within the penitentiary site, concluding, among other things, that communicative actions support a sociological structure where prisoners deploy communicative and bodily strategies to face the penitentiary site.

Doubly disadvantaged: Unemployment, young age, and electoral participation in the United Kingdom.

Previous studies examine how unemployment affects socio-political behaviour, but this literature has scarcely focused on the role of the life-course. Integrating the frameworks of unemployment scarring and political socialisation, we posit that unemployment experiences, or scars, undermine electoral participation, and that this is exacerbated at younger ages. We test these hypotheses relying on the British Household Panel Survey and Understanding Society datasets (1991-2020), employing panel data analysis approaches as Propensity Score Matching, Individual Fixed Effects, and Individual Fixed Effects with Individual Slopes. Results suggest that unemployment experiences depress electoral participation in the UK, with effect sizes around -5% of a Standard Deviation in turnout. However, this effect varies powerfully by age: the impact of unemployment on electoral participation is stronger at younger ages (-21% SD at age 20), and weaker to not significant after age 35. This is robust across the three main approaches and several robustness checks. Further analyses show that the first unemployment spell matters the most for electoral participation, and that for individuals under 35, there is a scar effect lasting up to 5 years after the first unemployment spell. The life-course emerges as central to better understand the relationship between labour market hardships and socio-political behaviour.

What Is Informal Participation?: Introduction to the Special Issue: Quietly Standing Out: Understanding Informal Forms of Political Engagement.

Far from activism in formal groups or in visible and vocal demonstrations stands a type of citizen participation observed through everyday practices and daily activities in the public sphere. Targeted citizen actions in urban spaces, dumpster diving, responsible consumption movements or small acts of everyday resistance are all examples of what we call informal modes of participation. Such initiatives are not new, nor do they pertain to a particular geographic arena. However, it is only recently that social scientists have started to pay attention to such activities: scholars from urban studies, development studies, political sociology, and critical geography have started to address this phenomenon. After discussing the existing literature on this topic, this introduction proceeds to define and operationalize the concept of informal participation, while also providing a common analytical framework for dialogue among the six contributions to this special issue briefly described in the last section below.

Elite mobility and continuity during a regime change.

How does a regime change influence elite mobility? By collecting data on elites after the Meiji Restoration in Japan in 1868, through which Japan transitioned from a feudal regime to a modern regime, we provide new evidence that the impact of the regime change on elite mobility varies across the stages of the regime change. We analyze the impact of the regime change from two aspects: (1) the composition of elites or elite membership and (2) the internal hierarchy within them. The regime change opened an opportunity for commoners to join the elite group. After the Meiji Restoration, the share of elites whose fathers were commoners in the former regime increased, as did the influence of meritocracy on elite ranks. However, once the new regime was established, the elite hierarchy started to reflect the social stratum of the former regime and the influence of meritocracy declined.

Recalibrating populism measurement tools: Methodological inconsistencies and challenges to our understanding of the relationship between the supply- and demand-side of populism.

The analysis of the congruence between the demand- and supply-side of populism is key to understand the relationship between citizens and populist parties, and to what extent this is mainly a "pull" or "push" phenomenon. Although the study of populism has experienced an unprecedented growth across social sciences during the last decade, research directly addressing this connection remains scarce. Moreover, most existing tools used to measure populism have not been created paying much consideration to their compatibility with those applied in the other side of this demand-supply divide. This article critically revisits the influential Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) Module 5 dataset to illustrate shortcomings regarding current efforts to measure the demand- and supply-sides of populism. We show that according to CSES data the, often presumed, correspondence between "populist" attitudes and likelihood of voting for "populist parties" is only partial and country specific. But more importantly, we identify three main potential sources of such mismatch linked to instrumental issues: (i) problems with the choice, design and operationalization of attitudinal survey items; (ii) problems in the assessment of parties' populism; and (iii) instrument biases that make them more effective with some varieties of populism than with others. These methodological limitations are hindering our ability to settle longstanding theoretical debates concerning the correspondence between the demand- and supply-side, the relative centrality of attributes, and varieties of populism. Therefore, we invite scholars working in this field to update existing measurement tools, or develop new ones, considering the multidimensionality of this latent construct, the diversity of movements, and the need to apply consistent criteria and operationalization techniques when assessing degrees of populism in citizens and parties.

Mental health, availability to participate in social change, and social movement accessibility.

People with illnesses and disabilities routinely face obstacles to political participation, including participation in social movements. Conventional social movement studies primarily theorize impediments to social movement participation in terms of personal constraints, as implied by the term "biographical (un)availability." However, studies in disability, health, and illness resist locating disability-related constraints solely within the individual, pushing fields to ask how environments can be disabling in and of themselves. Thus, by extending social movement theory through this Disabled/Crip/Mad lens, this article attempts to balance the notion of personal biographical availability or constraints with the notion of what the author calls "movement accessibility." Drawing on data from almost ∼130 respondents, this article develops a framework for understanding how movement accessibility might be deepened within social movement contexts.

State Union Density Effects on Workers' Support for Reducing Income Inequality, 1973-2016.

Research often borrows on common yet somewhat unsubstantiated beliefs that unions influence inequality attitudes among unionized and nonunionized workers. This paper draws on inequality attitude data from the General Social Survey and state-level union data from the Current Population Survey and County Business Patterns between 1973 and 2016 to test this hypothesis. Linear probability, fixed-effects, and marginal structural models estimate that a large increase in state union density moderately increases workers' support for reducing income inequality by three to 12 percentage points. Findings lend some empirical support for the capacity of unions to influence redistributive policy and market attitudes.

How Do the Urban Poor Survive? A Comparative Ethnography of Subsistence Strategies in Argentina, Ecuador, and Mexico.

Drawing on ethnographic data collected in three informal communities, one in Argentina, one in México, and one in Ecuador, we address the long-standing question posed by Larissa Lomnitz's and Carol Stack's now-classic studies of how impoverished people not only survive but what strategies they adopt in an attempt to build a dignified life. By focusing on the diversity of strategies by which the urban poor solve the everyday problems of individual and collective reproduction, we move beyond the macro-level analysis of structural constraint and material deprivation. Our findings show a remarkable continuity in the difficulties residents of these informal communities confronted and the problem-solving strategies they resorted to. We found that networks of kin and friends continue to play a crucial role in how poor people not only survive but attempt to get ahead. Additionally, we highlight the role of patronage networks and collective action as central to strategies by which the urban poor cope with scarcity and improve their life chances, while also paying close attention to ways in which they deal with pressing issues of insecurity and violence. The paper shows that poor people's survival strategies are deeply imbricated in routine political processes.

The Language of Immigration Coverage: The Arizona Republic and Media's Role in the Production of Social Illegality.

Recently, several mainstream media organizations have moved away from using "illegal immigrant" in their immigration coverage. While this shift in immigration coverage is positive, seemingly positive language may still be exclusionary, particularly if the content of stories remains the same. We investigate whether newspaper articles that describe immigrants as "illegal" are more negative in content than articles that present immigrants as "undocumented" by analyzing 1,616 newspaper articles and letters to the editor in The Arizona Republic between 2000 and 2016, a critical period of immigration legislative activity in Arizona. We find that The Arizona Republic inundated readers with negative news coverage and that this coverage is baked into the content of stories and transcends the use of either term, "illegal" or "undocumented." We then draw on letters to the editor and original interview data to consider how social forces outside of the media may influence coverage.

College and the "Culture War": Assessing Higher Education's Influence on Moral Attitudes.

Moral differences contribute to social and political conflicts. Against this backdrop, colleges and universities have been criticized for promoting liberal moral attitudes. However, direct evidence for these claims is sparse, and suggestive evidence from studies of political attitudes is inconclusive. Using four waves of data from the National Study of Youth and Religion, we examine the effects of higher education on attitudes related to three dimensions of morality that have been identified as central to conflict: moral relativism, concern for others, and concern for social order. Our results indicate that higher education liberalizes moral concerns for most students, but it also departs from the standard liberal profile by promoting moral absolutism rather than relativism. These effects are strongest for individuals majoring in the humanities, arts, or social sciences, and for students pursuing graduate studies. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our results for work on political conflict and moral socialization.

The achilles heel of democracy? A macro cross-national assessment of the correlates of state legitimacy.

This study investigates the macro-level correlates of subjective state legitimacy using a cross-national panel dataset of 82 countries from 1989 to 2014. It conducts the first comprehensive multivariate assessment of the effect of democracy, while also evaluating the effects of the nationalist principle of ethnic self-rule and state endogeneity (i.e. colonialism), net of controls. The findings suggest that-contrary to certain theories and earlier empirical studies-democracy has a strong and negative association with legitimacy, which is robust across different measures of democracy and model specifications. The results also provide some evidence that adhering to the nationalist principle is related to subjective state legitimacy, while suggesting that state endogeneity is not. Moreover, democracy is the strongest correlate of subjective state legitimacy whose effect becomes stronger-rather than weaker, as some predict-in the presence of controls. Preliminary analyses provide some support to the claim that the freedom of expression contributes to the negative democracy/state legitimacy relationship.

Accounting for One Health: Insights from the social sciences.

This paper discusses the relationship between One Health (OH) and the social sciences. Using a comparison between three narratives of the history of OH, it is argued that OH can be studied as a social phenomenon. The narrative of OH by its promoters (folk narratives) emphasizes two dimensions: OH as a renewal of veterinary medicine and OH as an institutional response to global health crises. Narratives from empirical social science work explore similar dimensions, but make them more complex. For political sociology, OH is the result of negotiations between the three international organisations (WHO, OIE and FAO), in a context of a global health crisis, which led to the reconfiguration of their respective mandates and scope of action: OH is a response to an institutional crisis. For the sociology of science, OH testifies to the evolution of the profession and veterinary science, enabling it to position itself as a promoter of interdisciplinarity, in a context of convergence between research and policy. In the Discussion section, I propose an approach to OH as an "epistemic watchword": a concept whose objective is to make several actors work together (watchword), in a particular direction, that of the production of knowledge (epistemic).

TITLE: Rendre compte de One Health : réflexions issues des sciences sociales. ABSTRACT: Cet article aborde les rapports entre One Health (OH - « une santé ¼ en français) et les sciences sociales. L'idée que OH peut être étudié comme un phénomène social est défendue, au moyen d'une comparaison entre trois narrations de l'histoire de OH. La narration de OH par ses promoteurs (narrations indigènes) insiste sur deux dimensions : OH comme renouveau de la médecine vétérinaire et OH comme réponse institutionnelle à des crises sanitaires. Les narrations issues de travaux empiriques en sciences sociales explorent des dimensions similaires, mais les rendent plus complexes. Pour la sociologie politique, OH est le résultat d'une négociation entre les trois organisations internationales (OMS, OIE et FAO), dans un contexte de crise sanitaire globale, ayant amené à reconfigurer leurs mandats et leurs périmètres d'action respectifs : OH est une réponse à une crise institutionnelle. Pour la sociologie des sciences, OH témoigne des évolutions de la profession et de la science vétérinaire, permettant à celle-ci de se placer en position de promotrice de l'interdisciplinarité, dans un contexte de rapprochement entre recherche et action publique. Dans la partie « discussion ¼, je proposerai d'aborder OH comme un « mot d'ordre épistémique ¼ : un concept dont l'objectif est de faire travailler plusieurs acteurs ensemble (mot d'ordre), dans un sens particulier, celui de la production de savoirs (épistémique).

Ethnicity, inequality, and perceived electoral fairness.

Establishing electoral legitimacy across the population is vital for democratic stability, yet in contrast to other measures of political support, perceived electoral fairness has received scant scholarly attention. Moreover, while research into other measures of political support has shown that they differ by both ethnicity and socio-economic status, no study examines both at once, potentially overlooking important interrelationships between the two variables. This paper combines data from the Ethnic Power Relations project and the World Value Survey to examine respondents' perceptions of electoral fairness according to their ethnic group's access to power, their individual socio-economic status, and the intersection of these two. It finds that one's ethnic group's political status does affect perceived fairness, but that the effect interacts strongly with one's socio-economic status. Poorer members of non-represented ethnic groups have significantly lower perceptions of fairness, while richer members' perceptions do not differ from those of represented groups. The results suggest a levelling effect of socio-economic status on ethnic inequalities.

Computational Social Science and Sociology.

The integration of social science with computer science and engineering fields has produced a new area of study: computational social science. This field applies computational methods to novel sources of digital data such as social media, administrative records, and historical archives to develop theories of human behavior. We review the evolution of this field within sociology via bibliometric analysis and in-depth analysis of the following subfields where this new work is appearing most rapidly: (a) social network analysis and group formation; (b) collective behavior and political sociology; (c) the sociology of knowledge; (d) cultural sociology, social psychology, and emotions; (e) the production of culture; (f) economic sociology and organizations; and (g) demography and population studies. Our review reveals that sociologists are not only at the center of cutting-edge research that addresses longstanding questions about human behavior but also developing new lines of inquiry about digital spaces as well. We conclude by discussing challenging new obstacles in the field, calling for increased attention to sociological theory, and identifying new areas where computational social science might be further integrated into mainstream sociology.

Empty calories? A fragment on LIS white papers and the political sociology of LIS elites.

White papers - reports conveying research or recommendations on a complex issue - arrive in the inboxes of academic librarians, along with an obligation to monitor them if they can help one's library or university. They seem to invariably disappoint, the written equivalent of empty calories. This paper asks: is this true? If so, how so? And why? To answer, a selection method produced a modest subset of current, topical white papers to analyze - hence this article as a fragment on recent, topical white papers. A simple discourse analysis was performed to find if there was a broad pattern the documents followed, and if a more analysis was required. A clue as to why this pattern prevailed came from criticisms of prognostications about the current pandemic (as of this writing), leading to a return to the reports: who authored them, and how they are situated in political-sociological terms in LIS discourse? The concluding findings fit with earlier analyses, suggesting much about prestige in LIS and how that is maintained, how practices are (and are not) formulated - and what that has to do with the white papers.

A Sociologia e a Sociologia Política em DADOS / Sociology and Political Sociology in DADOS Journal / La Sociologie et la Sociologie Politique dans DADOS / La Sociología y la Sociología Política en DADOS

RESUMO O artigo identifica e discute alguns movimentos cognitivos cruciais da coleção Sociologia da revista DADOS. Inspirada em ideias sobre a dinâmica da diferenciação funcional da sociologia de Niklas Luhmann como uma chave geral de leitura dos dados da pesquisa, sugere o papel central que a sociologia política, especialidade mais recorrente, tem na coleção. Ela protagoniza um movimento simultâneo de diferenciação em relação ao conjunto dos artigos publicados e de modificação desse ambiente, pelas ressonâncias que vai imprimindo nas outras especialidades da sociologia. Nessa mesma chave, sugere o papel de autodescrição reflexiva em relação ao conjunto da coleção assumido pelo pensamento social e político, a segunda especialidade mais recorrente nesses 50 anos de publicação da revista.

ABSTRACT This article identifies and discusses several cognitive movements that are fundamental to DADOS journal sociology collection. Employing ideas on the dynamic of functional differentiation in the sociology of Niklas Luhmann as a general means of reading the survey data reveals the central role played by political sociology in the collection, which is the most common field of specialization. The discipline leads a movement which both differentiates itself from the rest of the articles published while altering the sphere, due to the resonances it imprints on the other specialist fields within sociology. Such a reading also highlights the role played in the collection by the reflexive self-description practiced by social and political thought, which has served as the second most common field of specialization over the 50 years since the journal's first publication.

RÉSUMÉ L'article identifie et analyse certains mouvements cognitifs cruciaux de la collection Sociologie de la revue DADOS. En s'inspirant des idées sur la dynamique de la différenciation fonctionnelle de la sociologie de Niklas Luhmann comme grille de lecture des données de la recherche, on a identifié le rôle central joué par la sociologie politique dans la collection, où c'est d'ailleurs la spécialité la plus récurrente. Cette discipline est à la base d'un mouvement simultané de différenciation par rapport à l'ensemble des articles publiés, ainsi que d'une modification de cet environnement grâce aux résonnances qu'elle imprime aux autres spécialités de la sociologie. Selon cette même grille de lecture, on a pu analyser dans l'ensemble de la collection le rôle que joue l'auto-description réflexive dans la pensée sociale et politique, à savoir la seconde spécialité la plus présente dans la revue.

RESUMEN El artículo identifica y discute algunos movimientos cognitivos cruciales de la colección Sociología de la revista DADOS. Inspirada en ideas sobre la dinámica de la diferenciación funcional de la sociología de Niklas Luhmann como clave general de lectura de los datos de la investigación, sugiere el rol central que tiene la sociología política - especialidad más recurrente - en la colección. Ella protagoniza un movimiento simultáneo de diferenciación frente al conjunto de los artículos publicados y de modificación de ese ambiente, debido a las resonancias que imprime en las demás especialidades de la sociología. En esa misma clave, sugiere el rol de la autodescripción reflexiva frente al conjunto de la colección asumido por el pensamiento social y político, segunda especialidad más recurrente en los 50 años de publicación de la revista.

Unequal views of inequality: Cross-national support for redistribution 1985-2011.

This research examines public views on government responsibility to reduce income inequality, support for redistribution. While individual-level correlates of support for redistribution are relatively well understood, many questions remain at the country-level. Therefore, I examine how country-level characteristics affect aggregate support for redistribution. I test explanations of aggregate support using a unique dataset combining 18 waves of the International Social Survey Programme and European Social Survey. Results from mixed-effects logistic regression and fixed-effects linear regression models show two primary and contrasting effects. States that reduce inequality through bundles of tax and transfer policies are rewarded with more supportive publics. In contrast, economic development has a seemingly equivalent and dampening effect on public support. Importantly, the effect of economic development grows at higher levels of development, potentially overwhelming the amplifying effect of state redistribution. My results therefore suggest a fundamental challenge to proponents of egalitarian politics.

Values, standpoints, and scientific/intellectual movements.

Feminist standpoint empiricism contributes to the criticism of the value-free ideal by offering a unique analysis of how non-epistemic values can play not only a legitimate but also an epistemically productive role in science. While the inductive risk argument focuses on the role of non-epistemic values in the acceptance of hypotheses, standpoint empiricism focuses on the role of non-epistemic values in the production of evidence. And while many other analyses of values in science focus on the role of non-epistemic values either in an individual scientist's decision making or in the distribution of research efforts in scientific communities, standpoint empiricism focuses on the role of non-epistemic values in the building of scientific/intellectual movements.

'It's The Sun Wot Won It': Evidence of media influence on political attitudes and voting from a UK quasi-natural experiment.

Do print media significantly impact political attitudes and party identification? To examine this question, we draw on a rare quasi-natural experiment that occurred when The Sun, a right-leaning UK tabloid, shifted its support to the Labour party in 1997 and back to the Conservative party in 2010. We compared changes in party identification and political attitudes among Sun readers with non-readers and other newspaper readerships. We find that The Sun's endorsements were associated with a significant increase in readers' support for Labour in 1997, approximately 525,000 votes, and its switch back was associated with about 550,000 extra votes for the Conservatives in 2010. Although we observed changes in readers' party preference, there was no effect on underlying political preferences. The magnitude of these changes, about 2% of the popular vote, would have been unable to alter the outcome of the 1997 General Election, but may have affected the 2010 Election.

Social democracy and social policy in neoliberal times.

This article considers the path of social policy and democracy in Australia and the latest set of welfare reforms under Labor. The reforms can be seen to mark a reaction to the excesses of neoliberal government on the one hand, but they also represent continuity in neoliberal thought and policy on the other. As we shall see, engrained ideas about individualist wage-earning welfare, that were established during the formative years of the 20th century, continue to shape, if not constrain collectivist solutions to some of the inherent social risks faced by Australian citizens today. In this light, efforts to create a welfare state geared towards meeting the needs of 'hard-working' Australian families appear much sharper.