Lexical cues and discourse integration: An ERP study of the N400 and P600 components.

In a sentence reading ERP study in Swedish we investigated the roles of the N400 and P600 components. By manipulating ease of lexical retrieval and discourse integration of the critical words in four conditions (contextually primed/non-primed and degree of contextual fit), we explored these components from a sentence processing perspective. The results indicate that the N400 indexes lexical retrieval and access of stored conceptual knowledge, whereas the P600 component indexes pragmatic processes, such as integration of a word into the discourse context, or the information structural status of the word. The results support single-stream models of sentence processing where lexical retrieval and integration do not take place in parallel, as in multi-stream models.

An ERP Study on the Processing of Subject-Verb and Object-Verb Gender Agreement in Punjabi.

This study was conducted with the aim of exploring the general parsing mechanisms involved in processing different kinds of dependency relations, namely verb agreement with subjects versus objects in Punjabi, an SOV Indo-Aryan language. Event related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded as twenty-five native Punjabi speakers read transitive sentences. Critical stimuli were either fully acceptable as regards verb agreement, or alternatively violated gender agreement with the subject or object. A linear mixed-models analysis confirmed a P600 effect at the position of the verb for all violations, regardless of whether subject or object agreement was violated. These results thus suggest that an identical mechanism is involved in gender agreement computation in Punjabi regardless of whether the agreement is with the subject or the object argument.

How L2 Learners Process Different Means of Time Encoding in a Tenseless Language: An ERP Study of Mandarin.

In the past, research on the cognitive neural mechanism of second language (L2) learners' processing time information has focused on Indo-European languages. It has also focused on the temporal category expressed by morphological changes. However, there has been a lack of research on L2 learners' various time coding means, especially for Mandarin, which lacks morphological changes. Using event-related potentials (ERPs), we investigated the cognitive neural mechanism of L2 learners with native Indonesian background in processing two time coding means (time adverbs and aspect markers) in Chinese. Indonesian has time adverb encoding time information similar to that of Chinese, but there are no aspect markers similar to Chinese in Indonesian. We measured ERPs time locked to the time adverb " (cengjing)" and the aspect marker "verb + (verb + guo)" in two different conditions, i.e., a control condition (the correct sentence) and a temporal information violation. The experimental results showed that the native speaker group induced the biphasic N400-P600 effect under the condition of time adverb violation, and induced P600 under the condition of the aspect marker "verb + (verb + guo)" violation. Indonesian L2 learners of Chinese only elicited P600 for the violation of time adverbs, and there was no statistically significant N400 similar to that of Chinese native speakers. In the case of aspect marker violation, we observed no significant ERPs component for the Indonesian L2 learners of Chinese. Both groups of subjects induced elicited a widely distributed and sustained negativity on the post-critical words after "verb + (verb + guo)" and "(cengjing)". This showed that the neural mechanism of Indonesian L2 learners of Chinese processing Chinese time coding differs from that of Chinese native speakers.

The bigger your pupils, the better my comprehension: an ERP study of how pupil size and gaze of the speaker affect syntactic processing.

Gaze direction and pupil dilation play a critical role in communication and social interaction due to their ability to redirect and capture our attention and their relevance for emotional information. The present study aimed to explore whether the pupil size and gaze direction of the speaker affect language comprehension. Participants listened to sentences that could be correct or contain a syntactic anomaly, while the static face of a speaker was manipulated in terms of gaze direction (direct, averted) and pupil size (mydriasis, miosis). Left anterior negativity (LAN) and P600 linguistic event-related potential components were observed in response to syntactic anomalies across all conditions. The speaker's gaze did not impact syntactic comprehension. However, the amplitude of the LAN component for mydriasis (dilated pupil) was larger than for miosis (constricted pupil) condition. Larger pupils are generally associated with care, trust, interest, and attention, which might facilitate syntactic processing at early automatic stages. The result also supports the permeable and context-dependent nature of syntax. Previous studies also support an automatic nature of syntax (fast and efficient), which combined with the permeability to relevant sources of communicative information, such as pupil size and emotions, is highly adaptive for language comprehension and social interaction.

How variable are the classic ERP effects during sentence processing? A systematic resampling analysis of the N400 and P600 effects.

Although event-related potential (ERP) research on language processing has capitalized on key, theoretically influential components such as the N400 and P600, their measurement properties-especially the variability in their temporal and spatial parameters-have rarely been examined. The current study examined the measurement properties of the N400 and P600 effects elicited by semantic and syntactic anomalies, respectively, during sentence processing. We used a bootstrap resampling procedure to randomly draw many thousands of resamples varying in sample size and stimulus count from a larger sample of 187 participants and 40 stimulus sentences of each type per condition. Our resampling investigation focused on three issues: (a) statistical power; (b) variability in the magnitudes of the effects; and (c) variability in the temporal and spatial profiles of the effects. At the level of grand averages, the N400 and P600 effects were both robust and substantial. However, across resamples, there was a high degree of variability in effect magnitudes, onset times, and scalp distributions, which may be greater than is currently appreciated in the literature, especially for the P600 effects. These results provide a useful basis for designing future studies using these two well-established ERP components. At the same time, the results also highlight challenges that need to be addressed in future research (e.g., how best to analyze the ERP data without engaging in such questionable research practices as p-hacking).

Topical drug delivery by Sepineo P600 emulgel: Relationship between rheology, physical stability, and formulation performance.

The objective of this present work was to develop and optimize oil-in-water (O/W) emulsion-based gels, namely emulgels that allow maximum topical drug delivery while having desired microstructure and acceptable physical stability. Emulgels containing 2.0 wt% lidocaine were prepared using various concentrations (0.75-5.0 wt%) of Sepineo P600. Their droplet size distribution, physical stability, rheological behaviors, in vitro drug release, and skin permeation profiles were evaluated. Results show that the concentration of Sepineo P600 significantly influenced the microstructure, rheology, and physical stability of the emulgel formulations. The physico-chemical properties also reveals that at least 1.0 wt% Sepineo P600 was needed to produce stable emulgel formulations. All formulations exhibited non-Newtonian shear-thinning properties which are desirable for topical applications. Both the release and permeation rates decreased with increasing viscosity and rigidity of the formulation. The lower the complex modulus of the emulgels, the higher the steady-state flux of the drug through the skin. Adding Sepineo P600 to emulgel systems resulted in increased rheological properties, which in turn slowed the diffusion of the drug for in vitro release. Although as expected skin permeation was rate limiting since in vitro release was 3 to 4 log-fold faster than skin flux. However, an interesting finding was that the derived skin/vehicle partition coefficient suggested the ionic interaction between lidocaine and Sepineo polymer reducing the free drug, i.e., thermodynamic activity and hence the flux with increasing Sepineo P600 concentration. Overall, this study has provided us with valuable insights into understanding the relationship between the microstructure (rheology), physical stability and skin drug delivery properties which will help to design and optimize topical emulgel formulations.

Spelling principles matter: An ERP study investigating the processing of different types of pseudohomophones.

Spelling in any writing system is governed by fundamental principles. We examined the processing of two types of pseudohomophones constructed from words whose spellings are based on different principles - on the traditional principle of writing, requiring memorization of their spelling, and on the morphological principle, allowing the determination of their spelling from another word with the same morpheme (root) to examine the dependence of the occurrence of orthography-phonology conflict on spelling principles. Event-related potentials were recorded from 22 volunteers during silent reading. Pseudohomophones based on the morphological principle increased the N400 amplitude, emphasizing semantic and morphological processing importance. The P600 component showed significant effects for differentiating words and pseudohomophones based on the traditional principle, predominantly indicating the involvement of memory and reanalysis processes. Source reconstruction demonstrates that both pseudohomophones activate the left inferior frontal gyrus. However, pseudohomophones based on the traditional principle additionally activate the right and left postcentral gyrus, indicating the involvement of additional areas in the differentiation process. The earlier differences for stimuli based on the morphological principle indicate access to smaller units (morphemes), whereas stimuli based on the traditional principle require whole word processing. Our findings underscore the significant role of spelling principles in orthographic processing.

Brain responses to a lab-evolved artificial language with space-time metaphors.

What is the connection between the cultural evolution of a language and the rapid processing response to that language in the brains of individual learners? In an iterated communication study that was conducted previously, participants were asked to communicate temporal concepts such as "tomorrow," "day after," "year," and "past" using vertical movements recorded on a touch screen. Over time, participants developed simple artificial 'languages' that used space metaphorically to communicate in nuanced ways about time. Some conventions appeared rapidly and universally (e.g., using larger vertical movements to convey greater temporal durations). Other conventions required extensive social interaction and exhibited idiosyncratic variation (e.g., using vertical location to convey past or future). Here we investigate whether the brain's response during acquisition of such a language reflects the process by which the language's conventions originally evolved. We recorded participants' EEG as they learned one of these artificial space-time languages. Overall, the brain response to this artificial communication system was language-like, with, for instance, violations to the system's conventions eliciting an N400-like component. Over the course of learning, participants' brain responses developed in ways that paralleled the process by which the language had originally evolved, with early neural sensitivity to violations of a rapidly-evolving universal convention, and slowly developing neural sensitivity to an idiosyncratic convention that required slow social negotiation to emerge. This study opens up exciting avenues of future work to disentangle how neural biases influence learning and transmission in the emergence of structure in language.

Are the P600 and P3 ERP components linked to the task-evoked pupillary response as a correlate of norepinephrine activity?

During language comprehension, anomalies and ambiguities in the input typically elicit the P600 event-related potential component. Although traditionally interpreted as a specific signal of combinatorial operations in sentence processing, the component has alternatively been proposed to be a variant of the oddball-sensitive, domain-general P3 component. In particular, both components might reflect phasic norepinephrine release from the locus coeruleus (LC/NE) to motivationally significant stimuli. In this preregistered study, we tested this hypothesis by relating both components to the task-evoked pupillary response, a putative biomarker of LC/NE activity. 36 participants completed a sentence comprehension task (containing 25% morphosyntactic violations) and a non-linguistic oddball task (containing 20% oddballs), while the EEG and pupil size were co-registered. Our results showed that the task-evoked pupillary response and the ERP amplitudes of both components were similarly affected by both experimental tasks. In the oddball task, there was also a temporally specific relationship between the P3 and the pupillary response beyond the shared oddball effect, thereby further linking the P3 to NE. Because this link was less reliable in the linguistic context, we did not find conclusive evidence for or against a relationship between the P600 and the pupillary response. Still, our findings further stimulate the debate on whether language-related ERPs are indeed specific to linguistic processes or shared across cognitive domains. However, further research is required to verify a potential link between the two ERP positivities and the LC/NE system as the common neural generator.

An ERP study on the certainty of epistemic modality in predictive inference processing.

Previous psychological experiments have shown that predictive inference processing under different textual constraints is modulated by the directionality function of epistemic modality (EM) certainty within the context. Nevertheless, recent neuroscientific studies have not presented positive evidence for such a function during text reading. Consequently, the current study deposited Chinese EMs "" (possibly) and "" (surely) into a predictive inference context to examine whether a directionality of EM certainty influences the processing of predictive inference via the ERP technique. Two independent variables, namely textual constraint and EM certainty, were manipulated, and 36 participants were recruited. The results revealed that, in the anticipatory stage of predictive inference processing while under a weak textual constraint, low certainty evoked a larger N400 (300-500 ms) in the fronto-central and centro-parietal regions, indicating the augmentation of cognitive loads in calculating the possibility of representations of the forthcoming information. Meanwhile, high certainty elicited a right fronto-central late positive component (LPC) (500-700 ms) associated with semantically congruent but lexically unpredicted words. In the integration stage, low certainty resulted in larger right fronto-central and centro-frontal N400 (300-500 ms) effects in the weak textual constraint condition, associated with the facilitation of lexical-semantic retrieval or pre-activation, and high certainty successively elicited right fronto-central and centro-parietal LPC (500-700 ms) effects, associated respectively with lexical unpredictability and reanalysis of the sentence meaning. The results support the directionality function of EM certainty and reveal the complete neural processing of predictive inferences with high and low certainties under different textual constraint conditions.

Multivariate pattern analysis of EEG reveals nuanced impact of negation on sentence processing in the N400 and later time windows.

The neurocognitive mechanism underlying negation processing remains controversial. While negation is suggested to modulate the access of word meaning, no such evidence has been observed in the event-related potential (ERP) literature on sentence processing. In the current study, we applied both univariate ERP and multivariate pattern analysis (MVPA) methods to examine the processing of sentence negation. We investigated two types of negative congruent/incongruent sentence pairs with truth-value evaluation (e.g., "A robin is a/not a bird") and without (e.g., "The woman reads a/no book"). In the N400 time window, ERPs consistently showed increased negativity for negative and incongruent conditions. MVPA, on the other hand, revealed nuanced interactions between polarity and congruency. In the later P600 time window, MVPA but not the ERPs revealed an effect of congruency, which may be functionally distinct from the N400 window. We further used cross-decoding to show that the cognitive processes underlying the N400 window for both affirmative and negative sentences are comparable, whereas in the P600 window, only for the truth sentences, negative sentences showed a distinct pattern from their affirmative counterparts. Our results thus speak for a more interactive, but nevertheless serial and biphasic, and potentially construction-specific processing account of negation. We also discuss the advantage of applying MVPA in addition to the classical univariate methods for a better understanding of the neurobiology of negation processing and language comprehension alike.

Expectations modulate retrieval interference during ellipsis resolution.

Memory operations during language comprehension are subject to interference: retrieval is harder when items are linguistically similar to each other. We test how such interference effects might be modulated by linguistic expectations. Theories differ in how these factors might interact; we consider three possibilities: (i) predictability determines the need for retrieval, (ii) predictability affects cue-preference during retrieval, or (iii) word predictability moderates the effect of noise in memory during retrieval. We first demonstrate that expectations for a target word modulate retrieval interference in Mandarin noun-phrase ellipsis in an electroencephalography (EEG) experiment. This result obtains in globally ungrammatical sentences - termed "facilitatory interference." Such a pattern is inconsistent with theories that focus only on the need for retrieval. To tease apart cue-preferences from noisy-memory representations, we operationalize the latter using a Transformer neural network language model. Confronting the model with our stimuli reveals an interference effect, consistent with prior work, but that effect does not interact with predictability in contrast to human EEG results. Together, these data are most consistent with the hypothesis that the predictability of target items affects cue-preferences during retrieval.

Hydrogel Formulations for Topical Insulin Application: Preparation, Characterization and In Vitro Permeation across the Strat-M® Membrane.

Insulin has shown efficacy in the treatment of hard-to-heal wounds, which is mainly due to its role in regulating oxidative stress and inflammatory reactions. The aim of this study was to develop an insulin-hydrogel carrier based on Sepineo™ P 600 and Sepineo™ PHD 100 for application to lesional skin. Preformulation studies of the developed formulations were performed in terms of analysis of the pharmaceutical availability of insulin from the hydrogels through the Strat-M® membrane, and rheological and texture measurements. Insulin is released in a prolonged manner; after a time of 6.5 h, 4.01 IU/cm2 (53.36%) and 3.69 IU/cm2 (47.4%) of the hormone were released from the hydrogel based on Sepineo™ P 600 and Sepineo™ PHD 100, respectively. Rheological analysis showed that the hydrogels tested belong to non-Newtonian, shear-thinning systems with yield stress. The insulin-hydrogel based on Sepineo™ P 600 and Sepineo™ PHD 100 shows optimal application properties. The results obtained provide a basis for further preclinical and clinical studies.

Trial-by-trial fluctuations of pre-stimulus alpha power predict language ERPs.

Anticipatory mechanisms are known to play a key role in language, but they have been mostly investigated with violation paradigms, which only consider what happens after predictions have been (dis)confirmed. Relatively few studies focused on the pre-stimulus interval and found that stronger expectations are associated with lower pre-stimulus alpha power. However, alpha power also fluctuates spontaneously, in the absence of experimental manipulations; and in the attention and perception domains, spontaneously low pre-stimulus power is associated with better behavioral performance and with event-related potential (ERPs) with shorter latencies and higher amplitudes. Importantly, little is known about the role of alpha fluctuations in other domains, as it is in language. To this aim, we investigated whether spontaneous fluctuations in pre-stimulus alpha power modulate language-related ERPs in a semantic congruence task. Electrophysiology data were analyzed using Generalized Additive Mixed Models to model nonlinear interactions between pre-stimulus alpha power and EEG amplitude, at the single-trial level. We found that the N400 and the late posterior positivity/P600 were larger in the case of lower pre-stimulus alpha power. Still, while the N400 was observable regardless of the level of pre-stimulus power, a late posterior positivity/P600 effect was only observable for low pre-stimulus alpha power. We discuss these findings in light of the different, albeit connected, functional interpretations of pre-stimulus alpha and the ERPs according to both a nonpredictive interpretation focused on attentional mechanisms and under a predictive processing framework.

Processing of complex morphosyntactic structures in French: ERP evidence from native speakers.

This event-related brain potentials (ERP) study investigated the neurocognitive mechanisms underlying the auditory processing of verbal complexity in French illustrated by the prescriptive present subjunctive mode. Using a violation paradigm, ERPs of 32 French native speakers were continuously recorded while they listened to 200 ecological French sentences selected from the INTEFRA oral corpus (2006). Participants performed an offline acceptability judgement task on each sentence, half of which contained a correct present subjunctive verbal agreement (reçoive) and the other half an incorrect present indicative one (peut). Critically, the present subjunctive mode was triggered either by verbs (Ma mère desire que j'apprenneMy mother wants me to learn) or by subordinating conjunctions (Pour qu'elle reçoiveSo that she receives). We found a delayed anterior negativity (AN) due to the length of the verbal forms and a P600 that were larger for incongruent than for congruent verbal agreement in the same time window. While the two effects were left lateralized for subordinating conjunctions, they were right lateralized for both structures with a larger effect for subordinating conjunctions than for verbs. Moreover, our data revealed that the AN/P600 pattern was larger in late position than in early ones. Taken together, these results suggest that morphosyntactic complexity conveyed by the French subjunctive involves at least two neurocognitive processes thought to support an initial morphosyntactic analysis (AN) and a syntactic revision and repair (posterior P600). These two processes may be modulated as a function of both the element (i.e., subordinating conjunction vs verb) that triggers the subjunctive mode and the moment at which this element is used while sentence processing.

Understanding the Effects of Constraint and Predictability in ERP.

Intuitively, strongly constraining contexts should lead to stronger probabilistic representations of sentences in memory. Encountering unexpected words could therefore be expected to trigger costlier shifts in these representations than expected words. However, psycholinguistic measures commonly used to study probabilistic processing, such as the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component, are sensitive to word predictability but not to contextual constraint. Some research suggests that constraint-related processing cost may be measurable via an ERP positivity following the N400, known as the anterior post-N400 positivity (PNP). The PNP is argued to reflect update of a sentence representation and to be distinct from the posterior P600, which reflects conflict detection and reanalysis. However, constraint-related PNP findings are inconsistent. We sought to conceptually replicate Federmeier et al. (2007) and Kuperberg et al. (2020), who observed that the PNP, but not the N400 or the P600, was affected by constraint at unexpected but plausible words. Using a pre-registered design and statistical approach maximising power, we demonstrated a dissociated effect of predictability and constraint: strong evidence for predictability but not constraint in the N400 window, and strong evidence for constraint but not predictability in the later window. However, the constraint effect was consistent with a P600 and not a PNP, suggesting increased conflict between a strong representation and unexpected input rather than greater update of the representation. We conclude that either a simple strong/weak constraint design is not always sufficient to elicit the PNP, or that previous PNP constraint findings could be an artifact of smaller sample size.

The P600 as a continuous index of integration effort.

The integration of word meaning into an unfolding utterance representation is a core operation of incremental language comprehension. There is considerable debate, however, as to which component of the ERP signal-the N400 or the P600-directly reflects integrative processes, with far reaching consequences for the temporal organization and architecture of the comprehension system. Multi-stream models maintaining the N400 as integration crucially rely on the presence of a semantically attractive plausible alternative interpretation to account for the absence of an N400 effect in response to certain semantic anomalies, as reported in previous studies. The single-stream Retrieval-Integration account posits the P600 as an index of integration, further predicting that its amplitude varies continuously with integrative effort. Here, we directly test these competing hypotheses using a context manipulation design in which a semantically attractive alternative is either available or not, and target word plausibility is varied across three levels. An initial self-paced reading study revealed graded reading times for plausibility, suggesting differential integration effort. A subsequent ERP study showed no N400 differences across conditions, and that P600 amplitude is graded for plausibility. These findings are inconsistent with the interpretation of the N400 as an index of integration, as no N400 effect emerged even in the absence of a semantically attractive alternative. By contrast, the link between plausibility, reading times, and P600 amplitude supports the view that the P600 is a continuous index of integration effort. More generally, our results support a single-stream architecture and eschew the need for multi-stream accounts.

When a look is enough: Neurophysiological correlates of referential speaker gaze in situated comprehension.

Behavioral studies have shown that speaker gaze to objects in a co-present scene can influence listeners' expectations about how the utterance will unfold. These findings have recently been supported by ERP studies that linked the underlying mechanisms of the integration of speaker gaze with an utterance meaning representation to multiple ERP components. This leads to the question, however, as to whether speaker gaze should be considered part of the communicative signal itself, such that the referential information conveyed by gaze can help listeners not only form expectations but also to confirm referential expectations induced by the prior linguistic context. In the current study, we investigated this question by conducting an ERP experiment (N=24, Age:[19,31]), in which referential expectations were established by linguistic context together with several depicted objects in the scene. Those expectations then could be confirmed by subsequent speaker gaze that preceded the referential expression. Participants were presented with a centrally positioned face performing gaze actions aligned to utterances comparing two out of three displayed objects, with the task to judge whether the sentence was true given the provided scene. We manipulated the gaze cue to be either Present (toward the subsequently named object) or Absent preceding contextually Expected or Unexpected referring nouns. The results provided strong evidence for gaze as being treated as an integral part of the communicative signal: While in the absence of gaze, effects of phonological verification (PMN), word meaning retrieval (N400) and sentence meaning integration/evaluation (P600) were found on the unexpected noun, in the presence of gaze effects of retrieval (N400) and integration/evaluation (P300) were solely found in response to the pre-referent gaze cue when it was directed toward the unexpected referent with attenuated effects on the following referring noun.

Patterns of hemispheric asymmetry provide evidence dissociating the semantic and syntactic P600.

To understand how neural networks in the left (LH) and right (RH) cerebral hemispheres contribute to different aspects of language comprehension, in two experiments we measured event-related potentials (ERPs) as right-handed participants read sentences, some of which contained morphosyntactic and thematic role violations. Replicating prior work (Kuperberg et al., 2006), in Experiment 1 thematic role violations elicited both an N400 and a (semantic) P600 effect. Morphosyntactic violations elicited effects that differed as a function of participants' familial sinistrality (the presence [FS+] or absence [FS-] of a left-handed biological relative): FS+ participants showed a (syntactic) P600 effect whereas FS- participants showed a biphasic N400 and P600 response. To assess whether this difference reflects different underlying patterns of lateralization, in Experiment 2 target words were presented using visual half-field (VF) presentation. Indeed, for morphosyntactic violations, the FS- group elicited an asymmetric pattern, showing a P600 effect only with LH-biased presentation and an N400 effect in both VFs (cf. Lee and Federmeier, 2015). In contrast, FS+ participants showed a bilateral (N400-only) response pattern. This provides further evidence of FS-based differences in hemispheric contributions to syntactic processing. Strikingly, we found that, when lateralized, thematic role violations did not elicit a P600 effect, suggesting that this effect requires contributions from both hemispheres. The different response patterns for morphosyntactic and thematic role animacy violations across FS and VF also point to a processing difference in the comprehension mechanisms underlying the semantic and syntactic P600, which had heretofore been assumed to be variants of the same component.

Heuristic interpretation as rational inference: A computational model of the N400 and P600 in language processing.

Much inquiry in psycholinguistics has focused on evidence from the N400 and P600 components of the event-related potential (ERP) signal-and a central theoretical challenge in this area is accounting for the so-called "semantic P600", which involves unexpected patterns in these components relative to traditional theories of the underlying mechanisms. In this paper we present a computational model of the language processing mechanisms underlying these ERP components, which builds on existing psycholinguistic theories in positing a heuristic interpretation stage of processing, but which deviates from existing theories in formulating this heuristic interpretation process as probabilistic selection via a noisy channel model, and in quantifying and accounting for fine-grained variation in statistical and representational properties of individual stimuli. Our model successfully simulates N400 and P600 patterns from eight psycholinguistic experiments, reflecting the full range of N400-only, P600-only, and biphasic N400-P600 effects, and its behaviors shed light on a number of key patterns that have presented challenges for existing theories. The model's success indicates that a strong account for the processing mechanisms underlying these effects is one in which language comprehension involves a probabilistic heuristic interpretation stage resembling a noisy channel process, feeding into subsequent processes that assess target word fit and reconcile between heuristic and literal interpretations. The model's success also indicates that these mechanisms are critically sensitive to statistical variation in individual stimuli, and that modeling the effects of this variation is essential to account for the full range of observed effects in language processing.