Infertility and reproductive rights after the COVID-19 pandemic.

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) was declared a pandemic on 11 March 2020 by the World Health Organization, halting the principal income activities worldwide. The International Monetary Fund predicts that the imminent economic recession will be worse than the global financial crisis of 2008, which severely affected the economy of Southern European countries such as Greece, Italy and Spain. There was then an abysmal drop in the Spanish yearly population growth curve as families could not afford to have children in that economic context; this only worsened the already existing demographic problems in that Spain has a constantly ageing population and one of the lowest fertility indicators in Europe. Taking into consideration that female age is the most important independent variable of success at the time of conception, probably thousands of potentially fertile couples were lost while waiting for more promising circumstances. With the COVID-19 pandemic a similar situation is being faced, where reproductive rights are imperiled by not being able to choose when to have children due to economic coercion. Therefore, governments worldwide should take measures to palliate the possible sociodemographic crisis that will follow the economic recession and try to ease the burden that many families might face during the following years.

The "Global gag rule": Curtailing women's reproductive rights.

The Global gag rule (GGR), originally known as the Mexico City Policy, is a United States policy that limits the reproductive rights of women in many resource-poor countries. In 2018, the US administration of President Donald Trump reinstated this policy, which was first issued by President Ronald Reagan in 1984, and later annulled by two US presidents in the intervening years. The policy prohibits any non-governmental organisation (NGO) outside the US from providing women or couples with family planning information that includes access to abortion, as a condition of receiving US funding. Although the policy is designed to reduce the rate of abortion in countries where NGOs have adopted it, studies have shown the opposite effect. The policy violates fundamental ethical principles, as well as United Nations human rights treaties and action programmes.

Impacts of the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid Expansion on Women of Reproductive Age: Differences by Parental Status and State Policies.

INTRODUCTION: We use data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) from 2012 to 2015 to estimate the effects of the Affordable Care Act's (ACA) Medicaid expansions on insurance coverage and access to care for low-income women of reproductive age (19-44). METHODS: We use two-way fixed effects difference-in-differences models to estimate the effects of Medicaid expansions on low-income (<100% of the Federal Poverty Level) women of reproductive age. Additional models are stratified to estimate effects based on women's parental status, pre-ACA state Medicaid eligibility levels, and the presence of a state Medicaid family planning waiver. RESULTS: ACA Medicaid expansions decreased uninsurance among low-income women of reproductive age by 13.2 percentage points. This decrease was driven by a decrease of 27.4 percentage points for women without dependent children, who also experienced a decrease in the likelihood of not having a personal doctor (13.3 percentage points). We find a 3.8-percentage point reduction in the likelihood of experiencing a cost barrier to care among all women, but no significant effects for other access measures or subgroups. When stratified by state policies, decreases in uninsurance were greater in states expanding from pre-ACA eligibility levels of less than 50% of Federal Poverty Level (19.4 percentage points) and in states without a Medicaid family planning waiver (17.6 percentage points). CONCLUSIONS: The ACA Medicaid expansion increased insurance coverage for low-income women of reproductive age, with the greatest effects for women without dependent children and women residing in states with relatively lower pre-ACA Medicaid eligibility levels or with no family planning waiver before the ACA.

Reproductive Rights without Resources or Recourse.

The U.S. Supreme Court declared procreation to be a fundamental right in the early twentieth century in a case involving Oklahoma's Habitual Criminal Sterilization Act, an act that permitted unconsented sterilization of individuals convicted of certain crimes. The right that the Court articulated in that case is a negative right: it requires that the government not place unjustified roadblocks in the way of people seeking to procreate, but it does not require the government to take positive steps to help people procreate if they wish to. I argue that a positive legal right is morally necessary in the United States, given the profound significance of procreation, the current barriers to access to care, and the related issues of individual and societal justice. I assume at the outset that the right to procreate should be expansive enough to include a right to noncoital reproduction. The absence of a positive right to procreate reflects not just constitutional tradition but also a governmental and societal commitment to a longstanding set of reproductive hierarchies by which those who fall outside of the traditional framing of family too frequently find their procreative dreams hindered. Reconceiving procreative rights to include a positive right would create greater opportunities to argue and lobby for increased access to technologies that are out of reach for many.

Reproductive 'surrogacy' and parental licensing.

A serious moral weakness of reproductive 'surrogacy' is that it can be harmful to the children who are created. This article presents a proposal for mitigating this weakness. Currently, the practice of commercial 'surrogacy' operates only in the interests of the adults involved (the gestator and the commissioning individuals who employ her), not in the interests of the child who is created. Whether 'surrogacy' is seen as the purchase of a baby, the purchase of parental rights, or the purchase of reproductive labor, all three views share the same significant flaws. They endorse the transfer, for a fee, of the infant from the woman who gestated it to those who commissioned it, but without justifying such a transfer; they fail to demonstrate that the commissioners have any entitlement to the infant, or, for that matter, suitability to be the infant's parents; and they fail to take any notice of the infant's needs, interests, and wellbeing. A mere genetic connection is not enough to establish that the commissioners are entitled to receive the baby or that they are competent to raise it. Their good intentions, however caring, are not enough. Therefore, just as in the practice of adoption, there should be a formal institutionalized system for screening and licensing the prospective social parents, which would make the infant's needs, interests, and wellbeing paramount. I reply to several potential objections to this proposal, including the objection that genetic parents who raise their own child are not screened and licensed.

Assisted reproduction and distributive justice.

The Canadian province of Quebec recently amended its Health Insurance Act to cover the costs of In Vitro Fertilization (IVF). The province of Ontario recently de-insured IVF. Both provinces cited cost-effectiveness as their grounds, but the question as to whether a public health insurance system ought to cover IVF raises the deeper question of how we should understand reproduction at the social level, and whether its costs should be a matter of individual or collective responsibility. In this article I examine three strategies for justifying collective provisions in a liberal society and assess whether public reproductive assistance can be defended on any of these accounts. I begin by considering, and rejecting, rights-based and needs-based approaches. I go on to argue that instead we ought to address assisted reproduction from the perspective of the contractarian insurance-based model for public health coverage, according to which we select items for inclusion based on their unpredictability in nature and cost. I argue that infertility qualifies as an unpredictable incident against which rational agents would choose to insure under ideal conditions and that assisted reproduction is thereby a matter of collective responsibility, but only in cases of medical necessity or inability to pay. The policy I endorse by appeal to this approach is a means-tested system of coverage resembling neither Ontario nor Quebec's, and I conclude that it constitutes a promising alternative worthy of serious consideration by bioethicists, political philosophers, and policy-makers alike.

Twenty years after International Conference on Population and Development: where are we with adolescent sexual and reproductive health and rights?

The International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo in 1994 laid out a bold, clear, and comprehensive definition of reproductive health and called for nations to meet the educational and service needs of adolescents to enable them to deal in a positive and responsible way with their sexuality. In the context of the ongoing review of the International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action and the considerations for a post-2015 development agenda, this article summarizes the findings of the articles presented in this volume and identifies key challenges and critical answers that need to be tackled in addressing adolescent sexual and reproductive health and rights. The key recommendations are to link the provision of sexuality education and sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services; build awareness, acceptance, and support for youth-friendly SRH education and services; address gender inequality in terms of beliefs, attitudes, and norms; and target the early adolescent period (10-14 years). The many knowledge gaps, however, point to the pressing need for further research on how to best design effective adolescent SRH intervention packages and how best to deliver them.

Sexuality education: emerging trends in evidence and practice.

The International Conference on Population and Development and related resolutions have repeatedly called on governments to provide adolescents and young people with comprehensive sexuality education (CSE). Drawing from these documents, reviews and meta-analyses of program evaluations, and situation analyses, this article summarizes the elements, effectiveness, quality, and country-level coverage of CSE. Throughout, it highlights the matter of a gender and rights perspective in CSE. It presents the policy and evidence-based rationales for emphasizing gender, power, and rights within programs--including citing an analysis finding that such an approach has a greater likelihood of reducing rates of sexually transmitted infections and unintended pregnancy--and notes a recent shift toward this approach. It discusses the logic of an "empowerment approach to CSE" that seeks to empower young people--especially girls and other marginalized young people--to see themselves and others as equal members in their relationships, able to protect their own health, and as individuals capable of engaging as active participants in society.

Effective strategies to provide adolescent sexual and reproductive health services and to increase demand and community support.

Access to youth friendly health services is vital for ensuring sexual and reproductive health (SRH) and well-being of adolescents. This study is a descriptive review of the effectiveness of initiatives to improve adolescent access to and utilization of sexual and reproductive health services (SRHS) in low- and middle-income countries. We examined four SRHS intervention types: (1) facility based, (2) out-of-facility based, (3) interventions to reach marginalized or vulnerable populations, (4) interventions to generate demand and/or community acceptance. Outcomes assessed across the four questions included uptake of SRHS or sexual and reproductive health commodities and sexual and reproductive health biologic outcomes. There is limited evidence to support the effectiveness of initiatives that simply provide adolescent friendliness training for health workers. Data are most ample (10 initiatives demonstrating weak but positive effects and one randomized controlled trial demonstrating strong positive results on some outcome measures) for approaches that use a combination of health worker training, adolescent-friendly facility improvements, and broad information dissemination via the community, schools, and mass media. We found a paucity of evidence on out-of-facility-based strategies, except for those delivered through mixed-use youth centers that demonstrated that SRHS in these centers are neither well used nor effective at improving SRH outcomes. There was an absence of studies or evaluations examining outcomes among vulnerable or marginalized adolescents. Findings from 17 of 21 initiatives assessing demand-generation activities demonstrated at least some association with adolescent SRHS use. Of 15 studies on parental and other community gatekeepers' approval of SRHS for adolescents, which assessed SRHS/commodity uptake and/or biologic outcomes, 11 showed positive results. Packages of interventions that train health workers, improve facility adolescent friendliness, and endeavor to generate demand through multiple channels are ready for large-scale implementation. However, further evaluation of these initiatives is needed to clarify mechanisms and impact, especially of specific program components. Quality research is needed to determine effective means to deliver services outside the facilities, to reach marginalized or vulnerable adolescents, and to determine effective approaches to increase community acceptance of adolescent SRHS.

Creating an enabling environment for adolescent sexual and reproductive health: a framework and promising approaches.

This article provides a conceptual framework and points out the key elements for creating enabling environments for adolescent sexual and reproductive health (ASRH). An ecological framework is applied to organize the key elements of enabling environments for ASRH. At the individual level, strategies that are being implemented and seem promising are those that empower girls, build their individual assets, and create safe spaces. At the relationship level, strategies that are being implemented and seem promising include efforts to build parental support and communication as well as peer support networks. At the community level, strategies to engage men and boys and the wider community to transform gender and other social norms are being tested and may hold promise. Finally, at the broadest societal level, efforts to promote laws and policies that protect and promote human rights and address societal awareness about ASRH issues, including through mass media approaches, need to be considered.

[A comparison of reproductive rights in Europe: a right to reproduce?]. / Droit comparé en santé de la reproduction: un droit a se reproduire? Une vision européenne.

This article discusses the meaning of reproductive rights, and European attitudes to this issue, from both the ethical and legal standpoints. There is a difference in the international nomenclature between "reproductive rights "and a "right to reproduce", which translates in medical practice into a right to fertility treatment. Major national differences are outlined, particularly between France and the UK. Finally, the new phenomenon of cross-border reproductive care, a direct consequence of different national interpretations of reproductive rights, is discussed.

"Abortion will deprive you of happiness!": Soviet reproductive politics in the post-Stalin era.

This article examines Soviet reproductive politics after the Communist regime legalized abortion in 1955. The regime's new abortion policy did not result in an end to the condemnation of abortion in official discourse. The government instead launched an extensive campaign against abortion. Why did authorities bother legalizing the procedure if they still disapproved of it so strongly? Using archival sources, public health materials, and medical as well as popular journals to investigate the antiabortion campaign, this article argues that the Soviet government sought to regulate gender and sexuality through medical intervention and health "education" rather than prohibition and force in the post-Stalin era. It also explores how the antiabortion public health campaign produced "knowledge" not only about the procedure and its effects, but also about gender and sexuality, subjecting both women and men to new pressures and regulatory norms.

Abortion law reforms in Colombia and Nicaragua: issue networks and opportunity contexts.

This article analyses two instances of abortion law reform in Latin America. In 2006, after a decades-long impasse, the highly controversial issue of abortion came to dominate the political agenda when Colombia liberalized its abortion law and Nicaragua adopted a total ban on abortion. The article analyses the central actors in the reform processes, their strategies and the opportunity contexts. Drawing on Htun's (2003) framework, it examines why these processes concluded with opposing legislative outcomes. The authors argue for the need to understand the state as a non-unitary site of politics and policy, and for judicial processes to be seen as a key variable in facilitating gender policy reforms in Latin America. In addition, they argue that 'windows of opportunity' such as the timing of elections can be critically important in legislative change processes.

South Africa's abortion values clarification workshops ­ an opportunity to deepen democratic communication missed.

A rich literature exists on local democracy and participation in South Africa. While the importance of participation is routinely built into the rhetoric of government, debate has increasingly focused on the dysfunctionality of participatory mechanisms and institutions in post-apartheid South Africa. Processes aimed ostensibly at empowering citizens, act in practice as instruments of social control, disempowerment and cooptation. The present article contributes to these debates by way of a critique of the approach used by the South African state, in partnership with the non-governmental sector, in what are called abortion "values clarification" (VC) workshops. This article examines the workshop materials, methodology and pedagogical tools employed in South African abortion VC workshops which emanate from the organization Ipas ­ a global body working to enhance women's sexual and reproductive rights and to reduce abortion-related deaths and injuries. VC workshops represent an instance of a more general trend in which participation is seen as a tool for generating legitimacy and "buy-in" for central state directives rather than as a means for genuinely deepening democratic communication. The manipulation of participation by elites may serve as a means to achieve socially desirable goals in the short term but the long-term outlook for a vibrant democracy invigorated by a knowledgeable, active and engaged citizenry that is accustomed to being required to exercise careful reflection and to its views being respected, is undermined. Alternative models of democratic communication, because they are based on the important democratic principles of inclusivity and equality, have the potential both to be more legitimate and more effective in overcoming difficult social challenges in ways that promote justice.