The Impact of Plastic Surgery Training on Family Planning and Prenatal Health.

BACKGROUND: Plastic surgery trainees who wish to start a family face challenges. This is the first study to collect data directly from residents and fellows to understand issues surrounding childbearing and to propose solutions. METHODS: Following institutional review board approval, an anonymous survey was distributed to all current plastic surgery residents and fellows in the United States. Data regarding demographics, obstetrical complications, parental leave, breastfeeding, and use of assisted reproductive technology were collected. RESULTS: The survey was completed by 307 trainees, for a resident response rate of 27.0 percent. Mean age of the respondents was 31.7 ± 3.8 years, 58.6 percent were married, and 35.3 percent reported at least one pregnancy for themselves or for their partner. Both male (67.4 percent) and female (76.5 percent) respondents intentionally postponed having children because of career. Women were significantly more likely to report negative stigma attached to pregnancy (70.4 percent versus 51.1 percent; p = 0.003) and plan to delay childbearing until after training. Fifty-six percent of female trainees reported an obstetrical complication. Assisted reproductive technology was used by 19.6 percent of trainees. Mean maternity leave was 5.5 weeks, with 44.4 percent taking less than 6 weeks. Mean paternity leave was 1.2 weeks. Sixty-two percent of women and 51.4 percent of men reported dissatisfaction with leave. Sixty-one percent of female trainees breastfed for 6 months and 19.5 percent continued for 12 months. Lactation facilities were available near operating rooms for 29.4 percent of respondents. CONCLUSIONS: Plastic surgery training may negatively impact fertility, obstetrical health, and breastfeeding practices. The data presented in this article provide the groundwork for identifying areas of concern and potential solutions.

Extended Maternity Leave and Breastfeeding in Active Duty Mothers.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: In 2016, the Department of Defense extended maternity leave from 6 to 12 weeks for active duty mothers to support breastfeeding initiation and duration. Limited data exist regarding the impact of prolonged maternity leave. Our objective was to evaluate the prolongation of maternity leave on the initiation and duration of breastfeeding in active duty mothers. METHODS: In this single-center retrospective cohort study, we used data collected from Department of Defense electronic health care records of infants born to active duty mothers who were delivered during calendar years 2014 and 2016. The primary outcomes were initiation and duration of breastfeeding and breastfeeding exclusivity evaluated throughout the first year of life. Secondary outcomes were differences in breastfeeding rates between military-branch affiliation and military rank. RESULTS: No changes in breastfeeding initiation occurred between the 2 cohorts (n = 423 and 434). However, an increase in breastfeeding establishment was identified at the 2- (81.5% vs 72.4%; P = .002), 4- (70.5% vs 56.7%; P < .001), 6- (60.3% vs 46.5%; P < .001), and 9-month (45.4% vs 34.9%; P = .003) visits in the 12-week leave cohort. Exclusive breastfeeding increased at 2 (56.4% vs 47.2%; P = .007), 4 (47.5% vs 36.4%; P = .001), and 6 (37.3% vs 29.3%; P = .016) months. CONCLUSIONS: Increases in maternity leave correlated with increased breastfeeding duration and exclusivity through 9 months for active duty mothers. These data support the benefit of extended maternity leave in the military and the need for future studies to validate findings at other military treatment facilities.

[Occupational risk during pregnancy and sick leave in a cohort of workers from Parc de Salut Mar (Barcelona, Spain)]. / Prestación por riesgo durante el embarazo e incapacidad temporal en una cohorte de trabajadoras del Parc de Salut Mar (Barcelona, España).

OBJECTIVE: To study the use of the Pregnancy occupational risk benefit (PORB) and non-work related sickness absence (NWSA) in a cohort of pregnant workers of Parc de Salut Mar, Barcelona (Spain). METHOD: Retrospective cohort study of 428 pregnant workers between 2010 and 2014, who were followed-up until delivery. Absences from work, both PORB and NWSA were recorded until the beginning of their maternity leave. The sequence analysis identifies four trajectories, which are described according to workers demographic and job characteristics. RESULTS: Of the total cohort, 56 (13.1%) accessed only the PORB, representing 6.126 days of absence; 68 (15.9%) also accessed PORB, with 7.127 days of absence, but had previously accumulated 102 episodes of NWSA with 1.820 days of absence. The majority of pregnant workers in the sample (69.9%) took only one or several episodes of NWSA without using PORB, with 545 episodes and 26,337 days of absence. Most were active during the first quarter and it is from the second quarter that episodes of long-term NWSA appeared. During the last month of pregnancy more than 80% of the workers were absent from work. CONCLUSIONS: Pregnant workers remained at work for two thirds of their pregnancy. Absences were mainly due to episodes of NWSA. PORB represented one third of them. As in other similar countries, our results suggest a change in the management of social protection benefits for pregnant workers.

Divergent Trends in US Maternity and Paternity Leave, 1994-2015.

OBJECTIVES: To determine the number and type of US workers taking maternity or paternity leave. METHODS: We created a publicly available ecological long-term series for measuring parental leave from 1994 to 2015 by using the Current Population Survey, which interviews about 60 000 randomly selected households monthly. RESULTS: The average month from 1994 to 2015 saw 273 000 women and 13 000 men on maternity or paternity leave. Maternity leave rates per 10 000 births showed no trend over 22 years (mean = 677.6). Paternity figures increased by a factor of 3, but started from a small base (14.7-54.6). We observed no national impact on maternity or paternity leave after implementation of state laws that provided paid leave. About half (51.1%) of employees on maternity or paternity leave during 2015 received paid time off. The typical woman on maternity leave was older, more likely married, more likely non-Hispanic White, and more educated than the typical woman who gave birth. CONCLUSIONS: Although the US economy has expanded dramatically since 1994, this improvement does not appear to have translated into more women taking maternity leave.

The effects of paid maternity leave: Evidence from Temporary Disability Insurance.

This paper investigates the effects of a large-scale paid maternity leave program on birth outcomes in the United States. In 1978, states with Temporary Disability Insurance (TDI) programs were required to start providing wage replacement benefits to pregnant women, substantially increasing access to antenatal and postnatal paid leave for working mothers. Using natality data, I find that TDI paid maternity leave reduces the share of low birth weight births by 3.2 percent, and the estimated treatment-on-the-treated effect is over 10 percent. It also decreases the likelihood of early term birth by 6.6 percent. Paid maternity leave has particularly large impacts on the children of unmarried and black mothers.

[Efforts of gender equality at Kinki University School of Medicine].

In recent years, medical doctors are in short supply in many university hospitals. Retirement of female doctor after delivery is one of the reasons. Although they want to return to work after giving birth, they quit unavoidable because the working conditions do not match. Then, Kinki university hospital established the "provisions for special work arrangements". This work arrangement is the wage less, but the working hours is less than the regular. This work arrangement increased returner to the university hospital after delivery.

The impact of paternity leave on fathers' future earnings.

Using Norwegian registry data, we investigate the effect of paternity leave on fathers' long-term earnings. If the paternity leave increased long-term father involvement, then we should expect a reduction in fathers' long-term earnings as they shift time and effort from market to home production. For identification, we use the Norwegian introduction of a paternity-leave quota in 1993, reserving four weeks of the total of 42 weeks of paid parental leave exclusively for the father. The introduction of the paternity-leave quota led to a sharp increase in rates of leave-taking for fathers. We estimate a difference-in-differences model that exploits differences in fathers' exposure to the paternity-leave quota by the child's age and year of observation. Our analysis suggests that four weeks of paternity leave during the child's first year decreases fathers' future earnings, an effect that persists through our last point of observation, when the child is 5 years old. A battery of robustness tests supports our results.

[Sick leaves motivated by severe diseases of children of less than one year of age]. / Evolución de las licencias por enfermedad grave del niño(a) menor de un año 2004-2008: certezas e interrogantes.

BACKGROUND: The increase in expenses of the health care system caused by sick leaves, especially those granted to mothers with children of less than one year of age with severe diseases, is a topic of concern. AIM: To describe the rates of sick leaves granted to mothers with children of less than one year of age with severe diseases from 2004 to 2008. MATERIAL AND METHODS: Analysis of databases containing information about sick leaves coming from Chilean public and private health care subsystems. Leaves granted to mothers with sick children of less than one year were specifically analyzed in terms of days off work and the amount of monetary benefits. RESULTS: A sustained increase, ranging from 20 to 120% in the number of sick leaves motivated by diseases of children of less than one year, was observed. Thirty four percent of maternity leaves concentrate immediately after finishing the legal period (24 weeks after birth) and almost 60% of them occured within the first 6 months after birth. The most frequent diagnoses that motivated the higher number of leaves were gas-troesophageal reflux and bronchitis. CONCLUSIONS: There is probably a bad use of the benefit in a percentage of leaves. The benefit is also regressive since it favors mostly mothers of a better socioeconomic condition. The law that will extend the postnatal maternity leave will solve in part these problems.

Evolución de las licencias por enfermedad grave del niño(a) menor de un año 2004-2008: certezas e interrogantes / Sick leaves motivated by severe diseases of children of less than one year of age

Background: The increase in expenses of the health care system caused by sick leaves, especially those granted to mothers with children of less than one year of age with severe diseases, is a topic of concern. Aim: To describe the rates of sick leaves granted to mothers with children of less than one year of age with severe diseases from 2004 to 2008. Material and Methods: Analysis of databases containing information about sick leaves coming from Chilean public and private health care subsystems. Leaves granted to mothers with sick children of less than one year were specifically analyzed in terms of days off work and the amount of monetary benefits. Results: A sustained increase, ranging from 20 to 120% in the number of sick leaves motivated by diseases of children of less than one year, was observed. Thirty four percent of maternity leaves concentrate immediately after finishing the legal period (24 weeks after birth) and almost 60% of them occured within the first 6 months after birth. The most frequent diagnoses that motivated the higher number of leaves were gas-troesophageal reflux and bronchitis. Conclusions: There is probably a bad use of the benefit in a percentage of leaves. The benefit is also regressive since it favors mostly mothers of a better socioeconomic condition. The law that will extend the postnatal maternity leave will solve in part these problems.

Changing families, changing workplaces.

American families and workplaces have both changed dramatically over the past half-century. Paid work by women has increased sharply, as has family instability. Education-related inequality in work hours and income has grown. These changes, says Suzanne Bianchi, pose differing work-life issues for parents at different points along the income distribution. Between 1975 and 2009, the labor force rate of mothers with children under age eighteen increased from 47.4 percent to 71.6 percent. Mothers today also return to work much sooner after the birth of a child than did mothers half a century ago. High divorce rates and a sharp rise in the share of births to unmarried mothers mean that more children are being raised by a single parent, usually their mother. Workplaces too have changed, observes Bianchi. Today's employees increasingly work nonstandard hours. The well-being of highly skilled workers and less-skilled workers has been diverging. For the former, work hours may be long, but income has soared. For lower-skill workers, the lack of "good jobs" disconnects fathers from family obligations. Men who cannot find work or have low earnings potential are much less likely to marry. For low-income women, many of whom are single parents, the work-family dilemma is how to care adequately for children and work enough hours to support them financially. Jobs for working-class and lower middle-class workers are relatively stable, except in economic downturns, but pay is low, and both parents must work full time to make ends meet. Family income is too high to qualify for government subsidized child care, but too low to afford high-quality care in the private market. These families struggle to have a reasonable family life and provide for their family's economic well-being. Bianchi concludes that the "work and family" problem has no one solution because it is not one problem. Some workers need more work and more money. Some need to take time off around the birth of a child without permanently derailing a fulfilling career. Others need short-term support to attend to a family health crisis. How best to meet this multiplicity of needs is the challenge of the coming decade.

Families with school-age children.

Most working parents face a common dilemma--how to care for their children when they are not in school but the parents are at work. In this article Kathleen Christensen, Barbara Schneider, and Donnell Butler describe the predictable and unpredictable scheduling demands school-age children place on working couples and single working parents. The authors assess the potential capacity of schools to help meet the needs of working families through changes in school schedules and after-school programs and conclude that the flexibility parents need to balance family-work responsibilities probably cannot be found in the school setting. They argue that workplaces are better able than schools to offer the flexibility that working parents need to attend to basic needs of their children, as well as to engage in activities that enhance their children's academic performance and emotional and social well-being. Two types of flexible work practices seem especially well suited to parents who work: flextime arrangements that allow parents to coordinate their work schedules with their children's school schedules, and policies that allow workers to take short periods of time off--a few hours or a day or two-to attend a parent-teacher conference, for example, or care for a child who has suddenly fallen ill. Many companies that have instituted such policies have benefited through employees' greater job satisfaction and employee retention. Yet despite these measured benefits to employers, workplaces often fall short of being family friendly. Many employers do not offer such policies or offer them only to employees at certain levels or in certain types of jobs. Flexible work practices are almost nonexistent for low-income workers, who are least able to afford alternative child care and may need flexibility the most. Moreover the authors find that even employees in firms with flexible practices such as telecommuting may be reluctant to take advantage of them, because the workplace culture explicitly or implicitly stigmatizes or penalizes employees for choosing these work arrangements. The authors conclude by making a case for creating a workplace culture that supports flexibility. Such a culture, they argue, would enable working parents to better meet the responsibilities of their jobs as they care for and build strong relationships with their children.

Policies to assist parents with young children.

The struggle to balance work responsibilities with family obligations may be most difficult for working parents of the youngest children, those five and under. Any policy changes designed to ease the difficulties for these families are likely to be controversial, requiring a careful effort to weigh both the costs and benefits of possible interventions while respecting diverse and at times conflicting American values. In this article, Christopher Ruhm looks at two potential interventions-parental leave and early childhood education and care (ECEC)-comparing differences in policies in the United States, Canada, and several European nations and assessing their consequences for important parent and child outcomes. By and large, Canadian and European policies are more generous than those in the United States, with most women eligible for paid maternity leave, which in a few countries can last for three years or more. Many of these countries also provide for paid leave that can be used by either the mother or the father. And in many European countries ECEC programs are nearly universal after the child reaches a certain age. In the United States, parental leave, if it is available, is usually short and unpaid, and ECEC is generally regarded as a private responsibility of parents, although some federal programs help defray costs of care and preschool education. Ruhm notes that research on the effects of differences in policies is not completely conclusive, in part because of the difficulty of isolating consequences of leave and ECEC policies from other influences on employment and children's outcomes. But, he says, the comparative evidence does suggest desirable directions for future policy in the United States. Policies establishing rights to short parental leaves increase time at home with infants and slightly improve the job continuity of mothers, with small, but positive, long-run consequences for mothers and children. Therefore, Ruhm indicates that moderate extensions of existing U.S. leave entitlements (up to several months in duration) make sense. He also suggests that some form of paid leave would facilitate its use, particularly among less advantaged parents, and that efforts to improve the quality of ECEC, while maintaining or enhancing affordability, are desirable.

Working after childbirth: a lifecourse transition analysis of Canadian women from the 1970s to the 2000s.

In this paper we compare cohorts of mothers who had their first children between 1970 and 1999, in terms of their probability of beginning work shortly after childbearing. Using the 2001 General Social Survey, Cycle 15 on Family History, we investigate the effects of women's socioeconomic characteristics on labor force withdrawal. Our discussion focuses on the analysis of the transition as a type of life course analysis. We underline the differentiation of the transition by cohorts, educational attainment, income, et cetera. We show that since the mid-1980s, mothers with low educational attainment are dramatically excluded from the labor market within the two years following the birth of their first child.

[Gender-related achievements and challenges in the 2006 National Health Survey: analysis of adults and households]. / Logros y retos de género de la Encuesta Nacional de Salud de 2006: análisis de los cuestionarios de adultos y hogar.

OBJECTIVES: To examine the ability of the 2006 Spanish Health Survey (SHS-2006) to analyze the population's health from a gender perspective and identify gender-related inequalities in health, and to compare the 2006 version with that of 2003. METHOD: A contents analysis of the adults and households questionnaires was performed from the gender perspective, taking gender as (a) the basis of social norms and values, (b) the organizer of social structure: gender division of labor, double workload, vertical/horizontal segregation, and access to resources and power, and (c) a component of individual identity. RESULTS: The 2006 SHS uses neutral language. The referent is the interviewee, substituting the head of the family/breadwinner of past surveys. A new section focuses on reproductive labor (caregiving and domestic tasks) and the time distribution for these tasks. However, some limitations in the questions about time distribution were identified, hampering accurate estimations. The time devoted to paid labor is not recorded. The 2006 version includes new information about family commitments as an obstacle to accessing healthcare and on the delay between seeking and receiving healthcare appointments. CONCLUSIONS: The SHS 2006 introduces sufficient variations to confirm its improvement from a gender perspective. Future surveys should reformulate the questions about the time devoted to paid and reproductive labor, which is essential to characterize gender division of labor and double workload. Updating future versions of the SHS will also involve gathering information on maternity/paternity and parental leave. The 2006 survey allows delays in receiving healthcare to be measured, but does not completely allow other delays, such as diagnostic and treatment delays, to be quantified.

Changing maternity leave policy: short-term effects on fertility rates and demographic variables in Germany.

Changes in reproductive behaviour and decreasing fertility rates have recently led to policy actions that attempt to counteract these developments. Evidence on the efficacy of such policy interventions, however, is limited. The present analysis examines fertility rates and demographic variables of a population in Germany in response to new maternity leave regulations, which were introduced in January 2007. As part of a population-based survey of neonates in Pomerania (SNiP), all births in the study region from the period 23 months prior to January 1st, 2007 until 23 months afterwards were examined. Crude Birth Rates (CBR) per month, General Fertility Rates (GFR) per month, parity and sociodemographic variables were compared using bivariate techniques. Logistic regression analysis was performed. No statistically significant difference in the CBR or GFR after Jan. 1st, 2007 was found. There were statistically significant differences in other demographic variables, however. The proportion of mothers who (a) were employed full-time before pregnancy; (b) came from a higher socioeconomic status; and (c) had higher income levels all increased after January 1st, 2007. The magnitude of these effects was higher in multigravid women. Forward stepwise logistic regression found an odds ratio of 1.79 for women with a family income of more than 3000 euro to give birth after the new law was introduced. This is the first analysis of population-based data that examines fertility rates and sociodemographic variables in response to new legal regulations. No short-term effects on birth rates were detected, but there was a differential effect on the subgroup of multigravidae. The focus of this policy was to provide financial support, which is certainly important, but the complexity of having a child suggests that attitudinal and motivational aspects also need to be taken into account. Furthermore, these analyses were only able to evaluate the short-term consequences of the policy; further studies are needed to assess for different, long-term effects.

Juggling work and breastfeeding: effects of maternity leave and occupational characteristics.

OBJECTIVES: Juggling breastfeeding and paid work can challenge breastfeeding success. We examined the relationship between breastfeeding and maternity leave before and after delivery among working mothers in Southern California. California is 1 of only 5 states in the United States providing paid pregnancy leave that can be extended for infant bonding. PATIENTS AND METHODS: Drawing from a case-control study of preterm birth and low birth weight, 770 full-time working mothers were compared on whether they established breastfeeding in the first month. For those who established breastfeeding, we examined duration. Eligible women participated in California's Prenatal Screening Program; delivered live births between July 2002 and December 2003; were > or =18 years old; had a singleton birth without congenital anomalies; and had a US mailing address. We assessed whether maternity leave and other occupational characteristics predicted breastfeeding cessation and used multivariate regression models weighted for probability of sampling to calculate odds ratios for breastfeeding establishment and hazards ratios for breastfeeding cessation. RESULTS: A maternity leave of < or =6 weeks or 6 to 12 weeks after delivery was associated, respectively, with a fourfold and twofold higher odds of failure to establish breastfeeding and an increased probability of cessation after successful establishment, relative to women not returning to work, after adjusting for covariates. The impact of short postpartum leave on breastfeeding cessation was stronger among nonmanagers, women with inflexible jobs, and with high psychosocial distress. Antenatal leave in the last month of pregnancy was not associated with breastfeeding establishment or duration. CONCLUSIONS: Postpartum maternity leave may have a positive effect on breastfeeding among full-time workers, particularly those who hold nonmanagerial positions, lack job flexibility, or experience psychosocial distress. Pediatricians should encourage patients to take maternity leave and advocate for extending paid postpartum leave and flexibility in working conditions for breastfeeding women.