Addressing childhood cancer: actions taken in the Dominican Republic / Abordaje del cáncer infantil: medidas adoptadas en República Dominicana / Enfrentamento do câncer infantil: medidas tomadas na República Dominicana

[ABSTRACT]. This report provides a summary of childhood cancer and the efforts made in the Dominican Republic to address child and adolescent cancer in line with the World Health Organization’s Global Initiative for Childhood Cancer. Information was obtained by review of recent local and international literature on pediatric oncology. As a result of the Global Initiative, a meeting was held by the Council of Ministers of Health of Central America to support the development of national pediatric cancer plans for each country. The objectives of these plans are to improve overall survival and quality of care for children with cancer through early detection, diagnosis, and treatment. In the Dominican Republic, several steps have been taken in the past 5 years to enhance diagnosis and care of children with cancer. For example, the National Committee of Childhood Cancer, headed by the Ministry of Public Health and including relevant stakeholders, was established to develop the national childhood cancer plan. In addition, a campaign was launched to raise awareness of childhood cancer, and the first early detection manual and public policy on child and adolescent cancer were published. A government initiative has been working to improve the hospital infrastructure and expand the pediatric cancer center, and a national course on early detection of pediatric cancers has been held. In 2023, the National Strategic Childhood Cancer Plan 2023–2030 was launched in the Dominican Republic. The plan will help policy-makers, implementers, researchers, and advocates enhance diagnosis and care of children with cancer.

[RESUMEN]. En este informe se presenta un resumen del cáncer infantil y las medidas adoptadas por República Dominicana para abordar el cáncer en la población infantil y adolescente en consonancia con la Iniciativa Mundial contra el Cáncer Infantil de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. La información se obtuvo mediante el análisis de las publicaciones nacionales e internacionales recientes sobre oncología pediátrica. Como resultado de la Iniciativa Mundial, el Consejo de Ministros de Salud de Centroamérica celebró una reunión para brindar apoyo a la elaboración de planes nacionales sobre el cáncer infantil para cada país. Los objetivos de estos planes son mejorar la supervivencia general y la calidad de la atención que se presta a la población infantil con cáncer mediante la detección temprana, el diagnóstico y el tratamiento. En los últimos cinco años, República Dominicana ha adoptado varias medidas para mejorar el diagnóstico y la atención prestada a la población infantil con cáncer. Así, por ejemplo, se creó el Comité Nacional de Cáncer Infantil, encabezado por el Ministerio de Salud e integrado por las partes interesadas pertinentes, para elaborar el plan nacional sobre el cáncer infantil. Además, se puso en marcha una campaña de sensibilización sobre el cáncer infantil y se publicaron el primer manual de detección precoz y la primera política pública sobre el cáncer en la población infantil y adolescente. Mediante una iniciativa gubernamental se ha buscado mejorar la infraestructura hospitalaria y ampliar el centro de atención a pacientes oncológicos pediátricos, al tiempo que se ha impartido un curso nacional sobre detección precoz del cáncer infantil. En el 2023, República Dominicana puso en marcha el Plan Estratégico Nacional sobre Cáncer Infantil 2023-2030. Este plan será útil a los responsables de la formulación de políticas, las personas encargadas de su ejecución, los investigadores y los promotores para mejorar el diagnóstico y la atención prestada a la población infantil con cáncer.

[RESUMO]. Este relatório fornece um resumo sobre o câncer infantil e os esforços da República Dominicana para enfrentar a doença em crianças e adolescentes, em consonância com a Iniciativa Global para o Câncer Infantil da Organização Mundial da Saúde. As informações foram obtidas por meio de uma revisão da literatura local e internacional recente sobre oncologia pediátrica. Em consequência da Iniciativa Global, o Conselho de Ministros da Saúde da América Central se reuniu para apoiar a elaboração de planos nacionais de câncer pediátrico para cada país. Os objetivos desses planos são melhorar a sobrevida global e a qualidade da atenção a crianças com câncer por meio de detecção, diagnóstico e tratamento precoces. Na República Dominicana, várias medidas foram tomadas nos últimos cinco anos para melhorar o diagnóstico e a atenção a crianças com câncer. Por exemplo, o Comitê Nacional de Câncer Infantil, que é chefiado pelo Ministério da Saúde e inclui as partes interessadas pertinentes, foi criado para elaborar o plano nacional de câncer infantil. Foi lançada uma campanha de conscientização sobre o câncer infantil no país. Além disso, foram publica- dos o primeiro manual de detecção precoce e a política pública de câncer infantojuvenil. Uma iniciativa do governo vem trabalhando para melhorar a infraestrutura hospitalar e ampliar o centro de câncer pediátrico e ministrou um curso nacional sobre a detecção precoce de cânceres pediátricos. Em 2023, foi lançado o Plano Estratégico Nacional de Câncer Infantil 2023–2030 na República Dominicana. O plano ajudará formuladores de políticas, implementadores, pesquisadores e defensores da causa a aprimorar o diagnóstico e a atenção a crianças com câncer.

Proxy failure in social policies as one of the main causes of persistent sexism and racism.

One example of proxy failure is current antisexist and antiracist policies. One of the most popular proxy in them is the number of representatives of marginalized groups - women and nonwhite people - in power structures. Here I show that such measures do not lead to combating sexism and racism, which flourish despite their application.

[Asymmetries between national articulation and the autonomy of state governments in implementing health technologies to fight COVID-19 in Argentina]. / Asimetrías entre la coordinación nacional y la autonomía de los gobiernos estatales en la adopción de tecnologías sanitarias frente a la COVID-19 en Argentina.

Argentina, as other countries, showed several public policies related to the health technologies implemented to fight and treat the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to analyze how articulation vs. cooperation and autonomy vs. division of powers between entities occurred in Argentina, exploring asymmetries between several entities in implementing public policies related to health technologies during the pandemic and the influences of other actors. For this, a documentary research was carried out related to 2020-2021 (technical reports published by the World Health Organization, national agencies and scientific societies, laws, court decisions, press, and research and in-depth interviews with members of the Argentine Ministries of Health). The processes and results of decision-making in the Ministries of Health were analyzed, outlining the coverage and orientations of each technology and the political party in power in the province. This study found heterogeneous results and processes between Ministries and disputes within them. It also observed the poor adherence to official guidelines due to technical-political criteria (power relations, social, media, academic, judiciary, and legislative pressure). Some cases showed a strong tension between the government and its opposition over the discussion of technologies. Each province in Argentina has autonomously defined its policies on health technologies for COVID-19, and decision-making in public administration was disorderly, complex, and non-linear during the pandemic.

En pandemia, en Argentina y en otros países se observó variabilidad en las políticas públicas implementadas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para prevención y tratamiento de la COVID-19. El objetivo fue analizar cómo se procesaron en Argentina los movimientos de coordinación vs. cooperación, y de autonomía vs. reparto de autoridad entre entidades, explorando asimetrías entre diferentes entidades en la implementación de políticas públicas sobre tecnologías sanitarias en pandemia y las influencias de otros actores. Se realizó una revisión documental del período 2020-2021 (informes técnicos publicados por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, organismos nacionales y sociedades científicas, leyes, fallos judiciales, prensa, encuestas y entrevistas en profundidad a miembros de los Ministerios de Salud de Argentina). Se indagó sobre procesos y resultados de la toma de decisiones en los Ministerios de Salud, mapeando la cobertura y recomendación de cada tecnología y el partido político provincial gobernante. Hubo heterogeneidad en resultados y procesos entre los Ministerios, y disputas en el interior de los mismos. La adherencia a recomendaciones oficiales fue baja, influyendo distintos criterios técnico-políticos (relaciones de poder, presión social, de los medios, académicos, poder Judicial y Legislativo). En algunos casos se observó una fuerte tensión entre oficialismo y oposición al partido gobernante a partir de la discusión sobre tecnologías. Cada provincia argentina definió sus políticas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para COVID-19 con autonomía, y la toma de decisiones en la administración pública en pandemia fue desordenada, compleja y no lineal.

Na Argentina, assim como em outros países, houve uma variabilidade de políticas públicas relacionadas às tecnologias de saúde implementadas no combate e tratamento da COVID-19 durante a pandemia. Este estudo buscou analisar como ocorreram a articulação vs. cooperação, e a autonomia vs. divisão de poderes entre as entidades na Argentina, explorando assimetrias entre diferentes entidades na implementação de políticas públicas relacionadas a tecnologias de saúde na pandemia, bem como as influências de outros atores. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental para o período de 2020-2021 (relatórios técnicos publicados pela Organização Mundial da Saúde, agências nacionais e sociedades científicas, leis, decisões judiciais, imprensa, pesquisas e entrevistas em profundidade com membros dos Ministérios da Saúde da Argentina). Os processos e os resultados da tomada de decisão nos Ministérios da Saúde foram analisados, traçando a cobertura e orientações de cada tecnologia e o partido político no poder na província. Observou-se uma heterogeneidade nos resultados e processos entre os Ministérios, e disputas em seu interior. Houve uma baixa adesão às orientações oficiais, influenciada por diferentes critérios técnico-políticos (relações de poder, pressão social, midiática, acadêmica, do poder Judiciário e do Legislativo). Em alguns casos, observou-se uma forte tensão entre governo e oposição a partir da discussão das tecnologias. Cada província da Argentina definiu suas políticas sobre tecnologias de saúde para a COVID-19 de forma autônoma, e a tomada de decisões na administração pública foi desordenada, complexa e não linear durante a pandemia.

The development of a road safety policy index and its application in evaluating the effects of road safety policy.

The paper presents an exploratory study of a road safety policy index developed for Norway. The index consists of ten road safety measures for which data on their use from 1980 to 2021 are available. The ten measures were combined into an index which had an initial value of 50 in 1980 and increased to a value of 185 in 2021. To assess the application of the index in evaluating the effects of road safety policy, negative binomial regression models and multivariate time series models were developed for traffic fatalities, fatalities and serious injuries, and all injuries. The coefficient for the policy index was negative, indicating the road safety policy has contributed to reducing the number of fatalities and injuries. The size of this contribution can be estimated by means of at least three estimators that do not always produce identical values. There is little doubt about the sign of the relationship: a stronger road safety policy (as indicated by index values) is associated with a larger decline in fatalities and injuries. A precise quantification is, however, not possible. Different estimators of effect, all of which can be regarded as plausible, yield different results.

Younger Americans are less politically polarized than older Americans about climate policies (but not about other policy domains).

Political polarization of Americans' support for climate policies often impedes the adoption of new, urgently needed climate solutions. However, recent polls suggest that younger conservatives favor adopting pro-climate policies to a greater degree than older conservatives, resulting in less political polarization among younger Americans relative to older Americans. To better understand these patterns, we analyzed Americans' support for various climate policies from 1982-2020, across 16 waves of historical, nationally representative survey data from the American National Election Studies (total N = 29,467). Regression models consistently show that, since 2012, younger Americans have been less politically polarized than older Americans on support for climate policies. Before 2012 and on non-climate policy topics, we did not find consistent statistical evidence for political polarization varying with age. These findings can inform policy debates about climate change and offer hope to environmentalists and policymakers who seek to build broad consensus for climate action at the policy level.

Mortalidade por violência autoprovocada em mulheres em idade fértil no Rio Grande do Norte / Mortalidad por violencia autoprovocada en mujeres en edad fértil en Rio Grande do Norte / Mortality by self-inflicted injury in fertile women of Rio Grande to Norte state

Introdução:A violência autoprovocada é um importante problema de saúde pública. Esse agravo produz impactos no campo da saúde do indivíduo, da família eda coletividade com desdobramentos sociais e econômicos. Objetivo:Analisar a mortalidade por violência autoprovocada em mulheres em idade fértil no estado do Rio Grande do Norte, Brasil, entre os anos de 2012 e 2021. Metodologia:Trata-se de um estudo ecológico com abordagem quantitativa e utiliza-se como base o estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Os dados foram coletados do Departamento de Informática do Sistema Único de Saúde, por meio das Informações em Saúde,nas seções de estatísticas vitais e população residente com a seleção sexo feminino e faixa etária de 10 a 49 anos.Resultados:Entre os anos de 2012 a 2021, no estado do Rio Grande do Norte,foram registrados 213 óbitos de mulheres em idade fértil por lesões autoprovocadas. Considerando o início e o final desse período, é possível destacar que a faixa etária de maior ocorrência de suicídio foi de 30 a 39 anos em 2012 e de 40 a 49 anos em 2021. Observou-se, nos anos avaliados, que as mulheres eram em sua maioria solteiras, de raça parda/preta e que a própria residência da vítima foi o local predominante para o desfecho da lesão autoprovocada. No que se refere à escolaridade e à relação do óbito com período de gravidez ou puerpério é preciso ressaltar o alto índice de "Não informada" e "Ignorada" nos registros.A taxa média de mortalidade por lesões autoprovocadas em mulheres em idade fértil entre 2012 e 2021 foi de 2,0 óbitos por cada 100.000 habitantes. Conclusões:Assim, conclui-se que o cenário da mortalidade por violência autoprovocada em mulheres em idade fértil no Rio Grande do Norte necessita de estratégias para prevenção do suicídio nessa faixa etária (AU).

Introduction: Self-inflicted injury is a major public health problem that impacts the health, social, and economic areas of individuals, their families, and society. Aim: To analyze mortality by self-inflicted injury in fertile women from the Rio Grande do Norte state between 2012 and 2021.Methodology: This ecologic and quantitative study collected vital statistics of women aged between 10 and 49 years. Data were obtained from the Health Information Systems of the Brazilian Health Informatics Department.Results: A total of 213 deaths of fertile women by self-inflicted injury were registered between 2012 and 2021. Considering the age groups, most deaths occurred between 30 and 39 years in 2012 and between 40 and 49 years in 2021. In addition, women were mostly single andwith brown or black skin color, and most of the self-inflicted injuries happened at their houses. Regarding education level and the relationship of death with pregnancy or postpartum, most registries presented a high incidence of "Not informed" or "Ignored" answers. Last, the mean mortality by self-inflicted injury in this population was 2.0 per 100,000 inhabitants between 2012 and 2021.Conclusions: Strategies must be implemented to reduce the mortality by self-inflicted injury of fertile women from the Rio Grande do Norte state (AU).

Introducción: La violencia autoinfligida es un importante problema de salud pública. Este problema tiene impactos en la salud del individuo, la familia y la comunidad con consecuencias sociales y económicas.Objetivo: Analizar la mortalidad por violencia autoinfligida en mujeres en edad fértil en el estado de Rio Grande do Norte, Brasil, entre los años 2012 y 2021.Metodología: Se trata de un estudio ecológico con enfoque cuantitativo y utiliza como base el estado de Rio Grande do Norte. Los datos fueron recolectados del Departamento de Tecnologías de la Información del Sistema Único de Salud, a través de Información en Salud, en las secciones de estadísticas vitales y población residente con la selección del género femenino y rango de edad de 10 a 49 años. Resultados: Entre los años 2012 y 2021, en el estado de Rio Grande do Norte, se registraron 213 muertes de mujeres en edad fértil por lesiones autoinfligidas. Considerando el inicio y final de este periodo, es posible resaltar que el grupo etario con mayor incidencia de suicidio fue el de 30 a 39 años en 2012 y el de 40 a 49 años en 2021. Se observó, en los años evaluados, que las mujeres eran en su mayoría solteras, de raza mestiza/negra y la propia residencia de la víctima era el lugar predominante para la autolesión. En lo que respecta a la educación y la relación entre muerte y embarazo o puerperio, es necesario resaltar el alto índice de "No informados" e "Ignorados" en los registros. La tasa media de mortalidad por autolesiones en mujeres en edad fértil entre 2012 y 2021 fue de 2,0 muertes por 100.000 habitantes. Conclusiones: Así, se concluye que el escenario de mortalidad por violencia autoinfligida en mujeres en edad fértil en Rio Grande do Norte requiere estrategias para prevenir el suicidio en este rango de edad (AU).

Actitud de los fisioterapeutas acerca del acceso directo y su implementación a través de un cambio en la política pública en Puerto Rico / Attitude of physiotherapists about direct access and its implementation through a change in public policy in Puerto Rico

Objetivos: Explorar las actitudes de los fisioterapeutas de Puerto Rico: 1) hacia el acceso directo (AD), 2) las implicaciones para la profesión, la práctica y los servicios de salud, y 3) la implementación del AD a través de un cambio en política pública. Métodos: El diseño fue exploratorio transversal, no experimental y con un enfoque cuantitativo. Los participantes eran fisioterapeutas con licencia vigente, mayores de 21 años de edad, con cualquier grado académico en fisioterapia y que actualmente ejercen la práctica en Puerto Rico. Fueron excluidos fisioterapeutas sin experiencia clínica, que estaban completando un grado doctoral transicional o con experiencia ejerciendo con AD. Para abordar los objetivos de investigación, se construyó un cuestionario, cuyo contenido fue validado por 4 fisioterapeutas expertos utilizando el modelo de Lawshe modificado por Tristán. Resultados: Participaron de este estudio 100 fisioterapeutas. El 96% de los participantes estuvo de acuerdo con la implementación del AD en Puerto Rico. El 83% indicó estar preparado para ejercer la profesión por AD. El 55% entienden que fisioterapeutas con grado doctoral están más preparados para ejercer por AD. El 59% indicó que el AD debe estar restringido por nivel educativo y/o experiencia. Conclusión: La actitud de los fisioterapeutas en Puerto Rico respecto al AD resultó ser favorable, independientemente del grado académico, ya que están a favor con incorporar el AD a la fisioterapia, se sienten preparados para ejercer por AD y consideran el AD beneficioso para los pacientes, la práctica y la profesión. (AU)

Objectives: To explore the attitudes of physiotherapists in Puerto Rico: (1) towards direct access (DA), (2) the implications for the profession, practice, and health services, and (3) the implementation of DA through a change in public policy. Methods: The design was cross-sectional exploratory, non-experimental, and quantitative in nature. Participants were licensed physiotherapists, over 21 years old, with any academic degree in physiotherapy, currently practicing in Puerto Rico. Physiotherapists without clinical experience, those completing a transitional doctoral degree, or with experience practicing with DA were excluded. To address the research objectives, a questionnaire was constructed, whose content was validated by 4 expert physiotherapists using the Lawshe model modified by Tristán. Results: One hundred physiotherapists participated in this study. 96% of participants agreed with the implementation of DA in Puerto Rico. However, only 83% indicated being prepared to practice the profession through DA. 55% understood that physiotherapists with doctoral degrees were better prepared to practice through DA. 59% indicated that DA should be restricted based on educational level and/or experience. Conclusion: The attitude of physiotherapists in Puerto Rico towards DA was favorable regardless of academic degree. They are in favor of incorporating DA into physiotherapy, feel prepared to practice through DA, and consider it beneficial for patients, practice, and the profession. (AU)

The politics of disease.

The COVID-19 pandemic highlights a long-known but often neglected aspect of international relations: the ability of disease to challenge and change all aspects of security, as well as the ability of public policies to change the course of disease progression. Diseases, especially mass epidemics like COVID-19, clearly affect political, economic, and social structures, but they can also be ameliorated or exacerbated by political policies, including public health policies. The threat of pandemic disease poses a widespread and increasing threat to international stability. Indeed, the political implications of pandemic disease have become increasingly evident as COVID-19 has precipitated death, economic collapse, and political instability around the globe. Any pandemic disease can precipitate catastrophes, from increasing health care costs to decreased productivity. This theoretical discussion highlights the intertwined interactions between social, political, and economic forces and the emergence and evolution of pandemic disease, with widespread implications for governance and international security.

Don't bury Mexico's biodiversity capacity.

In a world where biodiversity is on the line on many fronts-from armed conflict to pandemics to climate change-defending institutions that have effectively managed it is paramount. In the global effort to protect biodiversity, Mexico has been at the forefront. In particular, for more than 30 years, Mexico's National Commission for the Knowledge and Use of Biodiversity (CONABIO) has promoted research, compiled information on the biodiversity of Mexico and elsewhere, and connected academia, government, and society to guide decision-making. Unfortunately, the demise of CONABIO, which began in 2018 under the current administration, may be fully realized soon. Last month, the Mexican government announced its intent to reduce CONABIO from a multi-ministry federal government agency to a branch within the environment ministry. This will strip CONABIO of its independent voice, credibility, and influence on national and international policy. As this decision is open for public comment, it is important for the scientific community to speak out strongly against this change.

Improving new energy subsidy efficiency considering learning effect: A case study on wind power.

Subsidy policies are instrumental in driving the development of new energy. However, the effective allocation of new energy subsidies over time is challenging given fiscal constraints. This study addresses this challenge by considering the learning effect associated with the new energy industry. A two-stage dynamic programming model is proposed to capture the investment decision-making process of companies under new energy subsidy policies and government subsidy setups. Theoretical findings suggest that company investment decisions in new energy are influenced by a guiding principle: The subsidy rate should be negatively correlated with the variation rate of production scale increment (VRPSI). We calibrate this investment decision principle using wind power data from 14 countries. According to this principle, excessive subsidy rates may result in a low VRPSI, thereby diminishing future investment profitability in the new energy industry and leading to subsidy inefficiency. Upon investigating the efficiency of annual subsidy allocation, we find that the subsidy rates were potentially set too high in 2014, 2016, and 2017. Furthermore, the government should exercise caution regarding an inefficient subsidy pattern whereby companies invest in new energy only when the subsidy rate exceeds a certain threshold, neglecting traditional power sources. It is crucial to note that although this study uses wind power industry data for calibration and simulation, the theoretical model can be broadly applied to other new energy industries and emerging industries with increasing marginal net profit.

Policy Actors' Perceptions of Conflicts of Interest and Alcohol Industry Engagement in UK Policy Processes.

BACKGROUND: Alcohol industry organisations occupy a prominent position in UK alcohol policy, but their involvement has been contested by public health bodies on the basis that a conflict of interest (COI) exists between their economic objectives and those of public health. There are ongoing debates in the research literature about how to conceptualise COI and mitigate this in health research and practise. However, less attention has been paid to these issues in relation to the alcohol industry specifically. This article explores similarities and differences in beliefs among alcohol policy actors regarding COI and the implications of engagement with the alcohol industry in the context of UK public health policy. METHODS: Semi-structured interviews with a range of policy actors (n=26) including medical professionals, parliamentarians, civil servants, academic researchers, health campaigners, and alcohol industry representatives. Interviews with alcohol industry representatives were supplemented with an analysis of industry responses to a public consultation. All data was thematically coded using NVivo software. RESULTS: Two competing "coalitions" were identified, expressing beliefs about COI linked to alcohol industry engagement. Both divergent and convergent beliefs were expressed by the two coalitions in relation to the type of industry actor, form of engagement, the policy issue under discussion and the stage of policy process. CONCLUSION: Alcohol policy is a complex and contested space in which policy actors have differing, nuanced and contingent understandings of COI and identify varying risks associated with alcohol industry engagement. In identifying the areas of convergence and diversion in both understanding and evaluation of COI in alcohol-specific settings, these findings will assist both decision-makers and non-governmental actors in developing policies and guidelines to manage potential COI in future.

Collaborating with end-users in evidence synthesis: case studies for prevention in the first 2000 days.

BACKGROUND: Evidence synthesis is an important tool to inform decision-making in public health policy and practice. Collaborative approaches to evidence synthesis involving researchers and the end-users of their research can enhance the relevance of the evidence for policy and practice and overcome the limitations of traditional evidence synthesis methods. Despite its benefits, collaboration is not consistently integrated into evidence-synthesis methods. Type of program or service: Collaborative evidence synthesis for public health policy and practice. METHODS: Reflecting on our experiences of undertaking collaborative evidence syntheses with end-users to inform policy and practice around preventive health in the first 2000 days of life, we have collated our key learnings to inform future collaborations in public health research. RESULTS: Key themes generated from our reflections were: 1) establish genuine partnerships early on with stakeholders, leveraging existing trusted relationships; 2) identify common goals; 3) prioritise evidence synthesis aims and objectives to ensure they are policy and practice relevant; and 4) maintain transparent, two-way communication. LESSONS LEARNT: Collaboration involving researchers and end-users enhances knowledge synthesis methodologies, increases relevance and accessibility of the evidence for end-users, and strengthens research-policy relationships.

Disparities in awareness and utilisation of National Essential Public Health Services between the floating population and the registered residents: a cross-sectional study in China.

OBJECTIVE: There are differences between the floating population and the registered population in the awareness and use of the National Essential Public Health Services (NEPHS) due to the influence of China's household registration system. The Equalization of Basic Public Health and Family Planning Services (EBPHFPS) policy aims to reduce disparities among populations by enhancing the migrant population's access to basic public health services. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between the EBPHFPS targeted at the floating population and the disparities in access to and utilisation of NEPHS between registered residents and the floating population. DESIGN: A cross-sectional study. SETTING: 8 cities (regions, autonomous prefectures) in China. PARTICIPANTS: 13 998 floating population and 14 000 registered residents in eight cities (regions, autonomous prefectures) were included in the analysis. OUTCOME MEASURES: Three binomial variables, including awareness of NEPHS, acceptance of health education and establishment of health records, were used as outcome indicators to examine the relationship between the EBPHFPS and the disparities between the floating and registered populations. METHODS: A linear regression model, fairness gap calculation and propensity score matching were used to explore the associations. RESULTS: The areas that implemented EBPHFPS exhibited an 8.3% increase in awareness of the NEPHS (p<0.01) and a 4.0% increase (p<0.05) in the likelihood of individuals having received health education within the previous year compared with the areas without the policy implementation. In contrast to registered residents, however, the floating population still faces significant disparities in NEPHS awareness and utilisation. Compared with areas without the equalisation policy, the inequality of opportunity in health education of the floating population in implementation areas is significantly lower (p<0.01), whereas no significant difference is observed in the inequality of opportunity regarding NEPHS awareness among the floating population (p>0.1). The floating population in the pilot areas of the policy encountered greater disparities in the establishment of health records (p<0.01). CONCLUSIONS: Positive associations between the EBPHFPS policy and NEPHS awareness and utilisation among the floating population were demonstrated to some extent; however, the floating population was still confronted with a degree of inequality of opportunity. The government needs to develop target-oriented policies and a guaranteed mechanism to ensure access to NEPHS among the floating population.

Action framework for reproductive health promotion: Analysis of contemporary French public policies using a critical lexicometric approach and a transgender perspective / Cadre d'action de promotion de la santé reproductive : analyse critique lexicométrique et trans des politiques publiques françaises contemporaines.

INTRODUCTION: In France, since 2017 the law has allowed people to change the gender marker on their civil status documents without having undergone medical treatment and sterilization surgery. However, no legislative framework has been provided to ensure their right to family, leaving those who wish to become parents in a space of social, political, and legal uncertainty that is inconsistent with international and human rights. In parallel, France has developed an arsenal of health strategies that constrain actors working in the field. PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH: This study examines the possibilities available to public health actors for promoting reproductive health in the absence of legislation and in the context of political and legislative adversity. To this end, it relies on a participatory, critical, and lexicometric analysis of national strategies for sexual and reproductive health and parenthood support. RESULTS: Governance strategies make no mention of parentality among transgender people. Sexual and reproductive health policies focus on tackling sexually transmitted infections, on health pathways, and on violence and discrimination. The analysis also highlights a lack of awareness on this topic. CONCLUSIONS: Shortcomings in the legislative framework and public health strategies raise ethical questions about the promotion of reproductive health and the potentially non-inclusive approach of actors in the field. These issues force communities to carry out actions outside the scope of ordinary regulations, and they highlight the political positioning of the public-health field in France.

Introduction: Depuis 2017, la loi française a mis fin à la nécessité d'intervention médicale et de stérilisation des personnes faisant modifier leur sexe administratif à l'état civil. Pour autant, aucun cadre législatif n'a été prévu pour garantir leur droit à la famille, ancrant leurs projets parentaux dans un aléa social, politique et juridique contraire aux droits humains et internationaux. Parallèlement, l'État français s'est doté d'un arsenal de stratégies de santé contraignant la place et le rôle des actrices et acteurs de terrain. But de l'étude: Cette étude interroge les possibilités des actrices et acteurs de santé publique à promouvoir la santé reproductive des personnes en l'absence de toute législation et dans un contexte d'adversité politique et législative. Pour cela, elle s'appuie sur une analyse participative, critique et lexicométrique des stratégies nationales de santé sexuelle et reproductive et de soutien à la parentalité. Résultats: La parentalité des personnes trans est absente des stratégies de gouvernance. Les politiques de santé sexuelle et reproductive se centrent autour de la lutte contre les infections sexuellement transmissibles, les parcours de santé et les discriminations et violences. L'analyse fait également ressortir la méconnaissance de cet enjeu. Conclusions: Les manquements du cadre législatif et des stratégies de santé publique interrogent les possibilités éthiques pour les actrices et acteurs de terrain de promouvoir la santé reproductive de manière non inclusive. Ce constat condamne les communautés à mener des actions en dehors du droit commun et pose la question de la place politique du champ de la santé publique en France.

Risk perceptions and behaviors concerning rural tourism and economic-political drivers of COVID-19 policy in 2020.

When COVID-19 was first introduced to the United States, state and local governments enacted a variety of policies intended to mitigate the virulence of the epidemic. At the time, the most effective measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 included stay-at-home orders, closing of nonessential businesses, and mask mandates. Although it was well known that regions with high population density and cold climates were at the highest risk for disease spread, rural counties that are economically reliant on tourism were incentivized to enact fewer precautions against COVID-19. The uncertainty of the COVID-19 pandemic, the multiple policies to reduce transmission, and the changes in outdoor recreation behavior had a significant impact on rural tourism destinations and management of protected spaces. We utilize fine-scale incidence and demographic data to study the relationship between local economic and political concerns, COVID-19 mitigation measures, and the subsequent severity of outbreaks throughout the continental United States. We also present results from an online survey that measured travel behavior, health risk perceptions, knowledge and experience with COVID-19, and evaluation of destination attributes by 407 out-of-state visitors who traveled to Maine from 2020 to 2021. We synthesize this research to present a narrative on how perceptions of COVID-19 risk and public perceptions of rural tourism put certain communities at greater risk of illness throughout 2020. This research could inform future rural destination management and public health policies to help reduce negative socioeconomic, health and environmental impacts of pandemic-derived changes in travel and outdoor recreation behavior.

Research on the generative logic and configuration effects of the policy implementation environment in China's grassroots digital construction: Traceability based on grounded theory and the validation of the csQCA method.

Using NVivo12plus software, this study constructs a generation model of the policy implementation environment in China's grassroots digital construction by examining the data from interviews with 37 Chinese grassroots civil servants as its research object. At the same time, with the help of the csQCA method and on the basis of rooted coding, using Tosmana software, the model validation and model expansion of 37 cases were carried out. This study shows that the main components of the policy implementation environment in China's grassroots digital construction include five main dimensions: cognitive, emotional, behavioral, normative and control. At the initial stage of China's grassroots digital construction, the cognitive environment dimension is the most critical link in the environmental governance of policy implementation. The cognitive and normative environments dominate the effect pattern of China's grassroots digital policy implementation. There are six types of motivation patterns for the environmental effect of the implementation of grassroots digital policy: know-doing-norm, cognitive-dominant, know-doing-control, emotion-control, behavior-lacking and regulation-dominant types. Based on the above analysis, there are three main policy suggestions to promote the generation of a productive policy implementation environment and positive policy effects in China's digital construction: "degree", "force" and "sense". These suggestions include strengthening the top-level design, improving the integration and cooperation degree of the environment, taking the root at the grassroots level to improve the adaptability of the environment, as well as increasing publicity and promotion to improve the sense of environmental experience.

France needs a chief science adviser.

France is at a crossroads, facing environmental and social challenges that are profoundly altering its society. Yet, the French government keeps prioritizing short-term political gains over long-term evidence-based planning for major transitions that France, like most countries, will undergo over the next 20 years. There is an urgent need for France to implement long-term science-informed policy-making.

Society and Nuclear Energy: What Is the Role for Radiological Protection?

ABSTRACT: The harm that society expects from ionizing radiation does not match experience. Evidently there is some basic error in this assumption. A reconsideration based on scientific principles shows how simple misunderstandings have exaggerated dangers. The consequences for society are far-reaching. The immediate impact of ionizing radiation on living tissue is destructive. However, this oxidative damage is similar to that produced during normal metabolic activity where the subsequent biological reaction is not only protective but also stimulates enhanced protection. This adaptation means that the response to oxidative damage depends on past experience. Similarly, social reaction to a radiological accident depends on the regulations and attitudes generated by the perception of previous instances. These shape whether nuclear technology and ionizing radiation are viewed as beneficial or as matters to avoid. Evidence of the spurious damage to society caused by such persistent fear in the second half of the 20 th century suggests that these laws and attitudes should be rebased on evidence. The three stages of radiological impact-the initial physical damage, the subsequent biological response, and the personal and social reaction-call on quite different logic and understanding. When these are confused, they lead to regulations and public policy decisions that are often inept, dangerous, and expensive. One example is when the mathematical rigor of physics, appropriate to the immediate impact, is misapplied to the adaptive behavior of biology. Another, the tortured historical reputation of nuclear technology, is misinterpreted as justifying a radiological protection policy of extreme caution.Specialized education and closed groups of experts tend to lock in interdisciplinary misperceptions. In the case of nuclear technology, the resulting lack of independent political confidence endangers the adoption of nuclear power as the replacement for fossil fuels. In the long term, nuclear energy is the only viable source of large-scale primary energy, but this requires a re-working of public understanding.

Public-Private Partnerships in Mexico: Implications of Engaging With the Food and Beverage Industry for Public Health Nutrition.

BACKGROUND: In the last few years, Mexico adopted public health policies to tackle non-communicable diseases (NCDs), such as front of package nutrition labelling, food marketing restrictions to children, and a soda tax. In parallel, transnational food and beverage industries (F&BIs), their allies, and the government have agreed on public-private partnerships (PPPs) to implement policies or deliver programs. However, research has questioned the benefits of PPPs and exposed its limitations as a suitable mechanism to improve public health. This study analyses how four PPPs between the Mexican government, the F&BI, and allies are working to achieve their goals. We critically assessed the objectives, scope, reported impacts, governance principles and perceived risks and benefits for the public health agenda of these PPPs. METHODS: This qualitative study is based on 26 interviews with key actors, and 170 publicly available documents, including 22 obtained through freedom of information (FOI) requests related to four purposively selected PPPs aiming to improve health. RESULTS: We found that the four PPPs studied had minimal public information available on their implementation and impact. The private partners tend to dictate the design, information management, and implementation of the programs, while promoting their brands. Few independent evaluations of the PPPs exist, and none reported on their effectiveness or public health benefits. Good governance principles, such as accountability, transparency, fairness, participation, integrity, and credibility, were barely followed in each of the cases studied. Public officials did not automatically question the conflict of interest (CoI) of such arrangements. When there were COI, the potential risks these posed did not always outweigh the financial benefits of working with the F&BI and its allies. CONCLUSION: The four PPPs studied produced minimal gains for public health while boosting credibility for the participating transnational F&BIs. It shows the lack of awareness of how these PPPs might be hindering public health gains.