The 1918 influenza pandemic did not accelerate tuberculosis mortality decline in early-20th century Newfoundland: Investigating historical and social explanations.

OBJECTIVES: The selective mortality hypothesis of tuberculosis after the 1918 influenza pandemic, laid out by Noymer and colleagues, suggests that acute exposure or pre-existing infection with tuberculosis (TB) increased the probability of pneumonia and influenza (P&I) mortality during the 1918 influenza pandemic, leading to a hastened decline of TB mortality in post-pandemic years. This study describes cultural determinants of the post-pandemic TB mortality patterns in Newfoundland and evaluates whether there is support for this observation. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Death records and historical documents from the Provincial Archives of Newfoundland and Labrador were used to calculate age-standardized island-wide and sex-based TB mortality, as well as region-level TB mortality, for 1900-1939. The Joinpoint Regression Program (version 4.8.0.1) was used to estimate statistically significant changes in mortality rates. RESULTS: Island-wide, females had consistently higher TB mortality for the duration of the study period and a significant shift to lower TB mortality beginning in 1928. There was no similar predicted significant decline for males. On the regional level, no models predicted a significant decline after the 1918 influenza pandemic, except for the West, where significant decline was predicted in the late-1930s. DISCUSSION: Although there was no significant decline in TB mortality observed immediately post-pandemic, as has been shown for other Western nations, the female post-pandemic pattern suggests a decline much later. The general lack of significant decrease in TB mortality rate is likely due to Newfoundland's poor nutrition and lack of centralized healthcare rather than a biological interaction between P&I and TB.

Dorset Pre-Inuit and Beothuk foodways in Newfoundland, ca. AD 500-1829.

Archaeological research on the Canadian island of Newfoundland increasingly demonstrates that the island's subarctic climate and paucity of terrestrial food resources did not restrict past Pre-Inuit (Dorset) and Native American (Beothuk) hunter-gatherer populations to a single subsistence pattern. This study first sought to characterize hunter-gatherer diets over the past 1500 years; and second, to assess the impact of European colonization on Beothuk lifeways by comparing the bone chemistry of Beothuk skeletal remains before and after the intensification of European settlement in the early 18th century. We employed radiocarbon dating and stable carbon and nitrogen isotope ratio analysis of bulk bone collagen from both Dorset (n = 9) and Beothuk (n = 13) cultures, including a naturally mummified 17th century Beothuk individual. Carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of 108 faunal samples from Dorset and Beothuk archaeological sites around the island were used as a dietary baseline for the humans. We combined our results with previously published isotope data and radiocarbon dates from Dorset (n = 12) and Beothuk (n = 18) individuals and conducted a palaeodietary analysis using Bayesian modelling, cluster analysis and comparative statistical tests. Dorset diets featured more marine protein than those of the Beothuk, and the diets of Beothuk after the 18th century featured less high trophic level marine protein than those of individuals predating the 18th century. Despite inhabiting the same island, Dorset and Beothuk cultures employed markedly different dietary strategies, consistent with interpretations of other archaeological data. Significantly, European colonization had a profound effect on Beothuk lifeways, as in response to the increasing European presence on the coast, the Beothuk relied more extensively on the limited resources of the island's boreal forests and rivers.

The TMEM43 Newfoundland mutation p.S358L causing ARVC-5 was imported from Europe and increases the stiffness of the cell nucleus.

AIMS: Arrhythmogenic right ventricular cardiomyopathy (ARVC) is a rare genetic condition caused predominantly by mutations within desmosomal genes. The mutation leading to ARVC-5 was recently identified on the island of Newfoundland and caused by the fully penetrant missense mutation p.S358L in TMEM43. Although TMEM43-p.S358L mutation carriers were also found in the USA, Germany, and Denmark, the genetic relationship between North American and European patients and the disease mechanism of this mutation remained to be clarified. METHODS AND RESULTS: We screened 22 unrelated ARVC patients without mutations in desmosomal genes and identified the TMEM43-p.S358L mutation in a German ARVC family. We excluded TMEM43-p.S358L in 22 unrelated patients with dilated cardiomyopathy. The German family shares a common haplotype with those from Newfoundland, USA, and Denmark, suggesting that the mutation originated from a common founder. Examination of 40 control chromosomes revealed an estimated age of 1300-1500 years for the mutation, which proves the European origin of the Newfoundland mutation. Skin fibroblasts from a female and two male mutation carriers were analysed in cell culture using atomic force microscopy and revealed that the cell nuclei exhibit an increased stiffness compared with TMEM43 wild-type controls. CONCLUSION: The German family is not affected by a de novo TMEM43 mutation. It is therefore expected that an unknown number of European families may be affected by the TMEM43-p.S358L founder mutation. Due to its deleterious clinical phenotype, this mutation should be checked in any case of ARVC-related genotyping. It appears that the increased stiffness of the cell nucleus might be related to the massive loss of cardiomyocytes, which is typically found in ventricles of ARVC hearts.

Failures in children's protection in Newfoundland and Labrador: from the Hughes (1991) to Markesteyn and Day (2006) inquiries and beyond.

The death in 2003 of Zachary Turner, a child in receipt of children's protection services in Foxtrap, Newfoundland, sparked an independent inquiry into his death. Subsequently, other reviews were completed of children's protection services. These were not the first reviews or inquiries of this kind in Newfoundland and Labrador. In 1991, Justice Samuel Hughes had conducted a public inquiry into children's protection services. This article is a critical historical analysis of selected aspects of children's protection services. The authors uncover repeated failures by government in its child protection systems and discuss implications for future concerns.

"Good looks don't boil the pot": Irish-Newfoundland women as fish(-producing) wives.

This article explores the historical understanding of maritime womanhood in Newfoundland by examining women in fishing families along the southern Avalon Peninsula from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth centuries. It does not talk about fishwives in any popular sense of the word, for these women did not market fish; rather, they produced salt fish for market. And while middle-class observers may have perceived them as coarse and bold, within their own families and fishing communities they were seen as essential partners who contributed equally to family economies. Within a sexual division of labor that assigned vital and complementary tasks to both men and women, Newfoundland fish(-producing) wives carried out hard physical labor at public sites of production. This contributed significantly to the construction of "woman" as essential worker, which in turn had broader repercussions for their status and authority within fishing communities. The participation of fish(-producing) wives changed significantly from the 1950s onward, as the fishery moved from household production to a modernized, and discursively masculinized, industry. Yet the iconic image of the fish(-producing) wife in traditional household production remains undisrupted in the early twenty-first century.

Does sitting height ratio affect estimates of obesity prevalence among Canadian Inuit? Results from the 2007-2008 Inuit Health Survey.

OBJECTIVES: High sitting height ratio (SHR) is a characteristic commonly associated with Inuit morphology. Inuit are described as having short leg lengths and high trunk-to-stature proportions such that cutoffs for obesity derived from European populations may not adequately describe thresholds of disease risk. Further, high SHR may help explain the reduced impact of BMI on metabolic risk factors among Inuit relative to comparison populations. This study investigates the relationship between SHR and body mass index (BMI) in Inuit. METHODS: Subjects are 2,168 individuals (837 males and 1,331 females) from 36 Inuit communities in the Canadian Arctic. Mean age is 42.63 ± 14.86 years in males and 41.71 ± 14.83 years in females. We use linear regression to examine the association between age, sex, height, sitting height, SHR, waist circumference (WC), and BMI. We then evaluate the efficacy of the relative sitting height adjustment as a method of correcting observed BMI to a population-standardized SHR. RESULTS: Mean BMI is significantly higher than among non-Inuit Canadians. Obesity prevalence is high, particularly among Inuit women. In the regression, only age and WC are significant predictors of BMI. While SHR is significantly greater than that of the US population, there is substantial agreement between overweight and obesity prevalence using observed and corrected BMI. CONCLUSIONS: We find no consistent relationship between SHR and BMI and suggest the unique anthropometric and metabolic profile observed in Inuit arise from factors not yet delineated. More complex anthropometric and imaging studies in Inuit are needed.

A meta-analysis of marijuana, cocaine and opiate toxicology study findings among homicide victims.

ABSTRACT Aim To synthesize the results of marijuana, cocaine and opiate drug toxicology studies of homicide victims and examine variation in results across person and setting characteristics. Methods A meta-analysis of 18 independent studies identified from an extensive review of 239 published articles that met the inclusion criteria of reporting marijuana, cocaine and/or opiate toxicology test results for homicide victims. A total of 28 868 toxicology test results derived from 30 482 homicide victims across five countries were examined. Results On average, 6% of homicide victims tested positive for marijuana, 11% tested positive for cocaine, and 5% tested positive for opiates. The proportion of homicide victims testing positive for illicit drugs has increased over time. Age had a strong curvilinear relationship with toxicology test results, but gender differences were not apparent. Hispanic and African American homicide victims were more likely to test positive for cocaine; Caucasians were most likely to test positive for opiates. Cocaine use appeared to be related to increased risk of death from a firearm and was a greater risk factor for violent victimization in the United States than in Newfoundland and Scandinavia. Conclusion There are relatively few studies of illicit drug toxicology reports from homicide victims that allow for cross-cultural comparisons. This study provides a basis for comparing future local toxicology test results to estimates from existing research.

Changing subsistence practices at the Dorset Paleoeskimo site of Phillip's Garden, Newfoundland.

A comparison of identified faunal assemblages from the Dorset site of Phillip's Garden indicates that harp seal hunting was the main focus of activity throughout the site's occupation. Despite the highly specialized nature of site use, it appears that reliance on harp seal decreased over time while fish and birds became increasingly important. These changes may reflect longer seasonal occupations at the site in later centuries, and/or a decrease in the local availability of harp seal. The observed shift coincides with the onset of a local climatic warming trend, which might have affected harp seal movements in the area. Dorset subsistence and settlement patterns in Newfoundland are still poorly understood due to a lack of preserved faunal assemblages in the region. The temporal trend illustrated here indicates that we cannot assume that these patterns were static throughout the Dorset occupation of the island.