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2.
Cuad Bioet ; 31(102): 151-165, 2020.
Artículo en Español | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32910669

RESUMEN

The public health crisis caused by COVID-19 disease has bring again to the public arena the old debate of the role in decision-making process of politics and science. In this paper we analyze, in the context of the current pandemics, how politics has left a stellar role for science, either because science has anticipated in its proposals to politics, or because politics has opted for it as a premeditated strategy. The references to the opinion of scientists as a decision-making criterion or, furthermore, their presence as true spokesmen for authority have been so frequent. This means rediscovering science and health as instruments of power, in terms that remind us of what Foucault denounced almost fifty years ago with his Biopolitics.


Asunto(s)
Betacoronavirus , Infecciones por Coronavirus , Pandemias , Neumonía Viral , Política , Ciencia , Infecciones por Coronavirus/prevención & control , Toma de Decisiones , Democracia , Teoría Ética , Política de Salud , Prioridades en Salud , Recursos en Salud/provisión & distribución , Humanos , Pandemias/ética , Pandemias/legislación & jurisprudencia , Pandemias/prevención & control , Neumonía Viral/prevención & control , Poder Psicológico , Salud Pública , Años de Vida Ajustados por Calidad de Vida , Asignación de Recursos/ética , Rol , Valores Sociales , Sociedades Científicas , España , Vacunas Virales
3.
Salvador; s.n; 29 set. 2020. 6 p. (Nota Técnica COE Saúde, 81).
Monografía en Portugués | Coleciona SUS, CONASS, SES-BA | ID: biblio-1122083

RESUMEN

A nota técnica apresenta as medidas de proteção adotadas pelo Estado da Bahia durante o período das eleições municipais de 2020 em virtude da pandemia COVID-19


Asunto(s)
Humanos , Ciudades , Infecciones por Coronavirus/prevención & control , Democracia , Pandemias/prevención & control , Betacoronavirus , Gobierno Local
5.
Environ Sci Pollut Res Int ; 27(30): 38353-38359, 2020 Oct.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32740835

RESUMEN

Recently, empirical studies revealed that democracy is positively associated with environmental quality through the freedom gained by the people to demand environmental protection. In this paper, we explore empirical evidence linking how environmental performance interacts with democracy to influence tourism demand in twenty-seven European countries. To achieve this objective, we use the method of moments quantile regression (MMQR) model by Machado and Silva (J Econ 213: 145-173, 2019) and a balanced panel data covering the period 2002 to 2014. The empirical results suggest that environmental performance interacts heterogenously with democracy at different quantiles of the conditional distribution to stimulate tourism demand. Also, the effect of an increase in income and environmental performance is stronger in countries with lower tourism market shares than in countries with higher tourism market shares. The major implication for this study is that countries with lesser shares of the tourism market should strive for higher environmental performance and economic development as this would grant them more advantage in the tourism sector than their counterparts with higher market shares.


Asunto(s)
Democracia , Desarrollo Económico , Conservación de los Recursos Naturales , Europa (Continente) , Renta
6.
OMICS ; 24(8): 479-482, 2020 08.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32644877

RESUMEN

In times of planetary health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, a critically informed science and technology policy is crucial. In this overarching context, governments are faced with making rapid and high-stake decisions dictated by emergency that in a state of normalcy they would not, or could not pursue. Governments tend to gather, therefore, an incredible amount of unchecked power in times of fast-moving ecological crises that raises concerns about where the legitimacy of such excessive power comes from. Moreover, the elected politicians rely on the expert advice in a pandemic. This takes away democratic political authority from the sovereign people and instead places it on allegedly objective unelected experts. In contrast, experts have (1) a dubious reputation in predicting the future and (2) varying degrees of biases and self-interests, which make them susceptible, for instance, to "framing problems" in relation to the urgent public issues at stake. This article suggests new ways of thinking about COVID-19 technology policy, drawing from the field of political science and democratic theory. It examines the power-laden tensions between the political authority and the expert authority. Going forward, I highlight the brief history of epistemic democracy, taking into consideration that in advanced modern democracies, political decision making has to draw, in part, from expert knowledge, but without resulting in democratic deficits. The COVID-19 science and technology policy can usefully build on epistemic democracy while strengthening the science, society, and democracy nexus.


Asunto(s)
Betacoronavirus , Infecciones por Coronavirus/epidemiología , Pandemias , Neumonía Viral/epidemiología , Salud Pública/legislación & jurisprudencia , Ciencia/legislación & jurisprudencia , Infecciones por Coronavirus/prevención & control , Infecciones por Coronavirus/virología , Democracia , Ecología , Humanos , Conocimiento , Pandemias/prevención & control , Neumonía Viral/prevención & control , Neumonía Viral/virología
8.
Environ Sci Pollut Res Int ; 27(26): 33085-33102, 2020 Sep.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32529624

RESUMEN

This paper illustrates the direct and indirect effects of democracy on CO2 emissions in the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) from 1992 to 2018. In view of the distribution heterogeneity of CO2 emissions, the panel quantile regression model is especially used to explore the nexus among different variables. Furthermore, in order to predict the trends of CO2 emissions in different countries, we also estimate the kernel density function of CO2 emissions in the BRICS countries by the quantile-fitted values. The results indicate that the direct impact of democracy on carbon dioxide emissions is significantly negative and great at high-emission countries. Although the indirect effect of democracy is positive in China and negative in Brazil and South Africa, the total effect of democracy on CO2 emissions remains negative in all BRICS countries. The estimation of kernel density function shows that the distribution of CO2 emissions in each country is gradually concentrated. Moreover, there is an environmental Kuznets curve depicting the linkage of urbanization and carbon dioxide emissions in Brazil and South Africa. These findings further highlight that the impact of democracy on high-emission and low-emission countries should be taken into account in policymaking to achieve sustainable developments.


Asunto(s)
Dióxido de Carbono/análisis , Desarrollo Económico , Brasil , China , Democracia , India , Federación de Rusia , Sudáfrica
9.
Rev Esp Salud Publica ; 942020 Jun 24.
Artículo en Español | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32576811

RESUMEN

OBJECTIVE: In Europe there is a great variability in mortality by Covid-19 among different countries. While some countries, such as Greece, Belarus or Ukraine, have a mortality rate of less than 5 cases/100,000 inhabitants, other countries such as Belgium, Spain or the United Kingdom have a mortality rate of well over 50 cases/100,000 inhabitants. It is generally considered that the reason for this variability is multifactorial (including political reasons), but there are few studies that associate factors related to this variability. The objective of this work was to analyse political risk factors/markers that could explain the variability in mortality due to Covid-19 among different European countries. METHODS: This is a retrospective, multinational, ecological study based on the exploitation of the database provided by the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control which collects daily information worldwide on new cases and deaths. The accumulated mortality of Covid-19 in European countries (with more than 100 deaths on 01/05/2020) was calculated up to 29/05/2020. Political variables were compiled from different sources in the countries included in the study. The variables analysed were: the democracy index and the different factors included in it, the country's political system and the country's corruption index. On the other hand, specific political measures implemented in the different countries were collected, such as the number of days elapsed from the notification of the first infected person to 100 infected persons, to lockdown, to the closure of schools or the cancelation of meetings. The number of people infected up to the date of lockdown was also registered. For the statistical analysis of the association between the dependent variable (mortality) and the factors studied, correlation index were calculated, and the association was studied through univariate and multivariate linear regression models. RESULTS: At May 1 2020, 27 European countries had at least 100 deaths. The mean mortality was 19.83 cases/100,000 inhabitants (SD 22.4) and a median of 7.95. Mortality varied from a minimum of 1.49 cases/100,000 population in Ukraine to 82.19 cases/100,000 population in Belgium. About factors analyzed both the democracy index (as well as the factors included in it), the political system (full democracy vs. no) and the corruption index were statistically associated with mortality. Also, the time until the implementation of the political measures was associated with mortality. CONCLUSIONS: In Europe, there is a west to east (from highest to lowest) gradient in the mortality of Covid-19. Some of the observed mortality variability can be explained by political factors.


Asunto(s)
Infecciones por Coronavirus/mortalidad , Democracia , Neumonía Viral/mortalidad , Política , Betacoronavirus , Europa (Continente)/epidemiología , Humanos , Cooperación Internacional , Pandemias , Cuarentena , Estudios Retrospectivos
12.
Brasília; IPEA; 20200400. 9 p. (Nota Técnica / IPEA. Diest, 36).
Monografía en Portugués | LILACS, ECOS | ID: biblio-1102242

RESUMEN

Esta breve nota discute três alternativas de ação para as eleições municipais em meio à pandemia: i) manter o calendário atual; ii) adiar as eleições por poucas semanas ou meses, sem prorrogar os atuais mandatos; ou iii) adiá-las para 2022, unificando-as com os pleitos estaduais e federais. Conclui-se que a segunda alternativa é a mais adequada, por ser a única que permite conciliar as precauções de saúde com garantias democráticas, além de estar mais de acordo com o padrão de resposta de diversos países. A discussão ancora-se em duas premissas. A primeira é que, tal como em outras esferas da vida coletiva, o calendário e as atividades eleitorais devem se ajustar à evolução (esperada) da epidemia, para não colocar a saúde e a vida de pessoas em risco. A outra é que os princípios democráticos impõem que se adotem medidas para que as restrições decorrentes da crise sanitária não afetem os resultados eleitorais.


Asunto(s)
Ciudades , Infecciones por Coronavirus , Coronavirus , Democracia , Pandemias
13.
RECIIS (Online) ; 14(1): 184-198, jan.-mar. 2020. ilus
Artículo en Portugués | LILACS | ID: biblio-1087304

RESUMEN

Uma das grandes preocupações de Afonso de Albuquerque relacionada à pesquisa é questionar a apropriação de modelos norte-americanos e do ocidente europeu por outros países, principalmente pelo Brasil, para com isso propor modelos alternativos a essa conduta. Em entrevista à Reciis, o pesquisador discute como a incorporação desses modelos estrangeiros impacta a mídia, o jornalismo, a política e os estudos acadêmicos brasileiros. Alguns desses movimentos de apropriação, denominados 'reformas', serviram como base para escamotear ações autoritárias entre governos. O professor relaciona esta questão com o fenômeno das fake news, que se refere a um discurso de reivindicação de monopólio da verdade em um contexto de deslegitimação das instituições, no qual, cada vez mais, se adotam comportamentos autoritários. Sob a perspectiva da democracia, ao se pensar o discurso das fake news, feito pelas agências de fact checking, pela mídia e por corporações de pesquisadores, vê-se que ele se soma aos ataques contemporâneos às instituições. Afonso de Albuquerque é professor titular do Departamento de Estudos Culturais e Mídia e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação da Universidade Federal Fluminense.


Asunto(s)
Humanos , Comunicación , Periodismo , Falsa Representación , Capacitación Profesional , Fraude , Democracia , Comunicación y Divulgación Científica , Información
14.
RECIIS (Online) ; 14(1): 261-267, jan.-mar. 2020. ilus
Artículo en Portugués | LILACS | ID: biblio-1087314

RESUMEN

Esta resenha apresenta as ideias centrais da coletânea As fake news e a nova ordem (des)informativa na era da pós-verdade, de João Figueira e Silvio Santos, publicada em 2019, que reúne 12 artigos sobre o fenômeno da desordem informacional e seus impactos na comunicação, na democracia e na prática do jornalismo. Partindo de diferentes perspectivas teóricas, os artigos traçam um panorama histórico da desinformação, buscando dimensionar o papel da tecnologia nesse processo. A análise da obra divide os textos em três eixos temáticos: a notícia e suas falsificações; o impacto das falsificações nos estados democráticos; e o discurso noticioso na desordem informacional.


This review presents the central ideas of the collection of essays As fake news e a nova ordem (des) informativa na era da pós-verdade (The fake news and the new (dis)informative order in the post-truth era), by João Figueira and Silvio Santos (2019), which gathers 12 articles about the phenomenon of informational disorder and its impact on the communication, the democracy and on the journalism practices. Having as starting point different theoretical perspectives, the articles outline a historical panorama of disinformation, seeking to dimension the role of technology in this process. The analysis of the book divides the texts into three thematic axes: the news and its falsifications; the impact of the falsifications on democratic states; and the news discourse on the information disorder.


Esta reseña presenta las ideas centrales de la colección As fake news e a nova ordem (des)informativa na era da pós-verdade (Las fake news y el nuevo orden (des)informativo en la era de la post-verdad), de João Figueira y Silvio Santos (2019), que reúne 12 artículos sobre el fenómeno del desorden informativo y sus impactos en la comunicación, la democracia y la práctica del periodismo. Partiendo de diferentes perspectivas teóricas, los artículos delinean un panorama histórico de la desinformación, buscando dimensionar el papel de la tecnología en este proceso. El análisis del libro divide los textos en tres ejes temáticos: las noticias y sus falsificaciones; el impacto de las falsificaciones en los estados democráticos; y el discurso de las noticias en el desorden informativo.


Asunto(s)
Humanos , Noticias , Periodismo , Falsa Representación , Información , Fraude , Comunicación , Democracia
18.
Rev Saude Publica ; 54: 16, 2020.
Artículo en Inglés, Portugués | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32022144

RESUMEN

This text aimed to analyze characteristics and challenges of the 16th Brazilian National Health Conference based on the conference three thematic axes: Health as a right; Consolidation of the Brazilian Unified Health System (SUS) principles; Adequate and enough funding for SUS. Given the initiatives to dismantle the social security model and the setbacks of social protection policies, to delimitate health in an expanded sense is essential to defend the SUS project. We analyzed the proposal of Universal Health Coverage as an alternative to universal systems. We then presented the restrictions of universal coverage and how the restrictions can threaten the SUS principles. We also discussed insufficient SUS funding and possible worsening in the face of fiscal austerity policies. To strengthen social participation and to monitor the proposals approved at the conference are necessary.


Asunto(s)
Congresos como Asunto , Política de Salud , Programas Nacionales de Salud , Brasil , Prestación de Atención de Salud , Democracia , Política de Salud/economía , Política de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Humanos , Programas Nacionales de Salud/economía , Programas Nacionales de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Programas Nacionales de Salud/tendencias
19.
PLoS One ; 15(2): e0225818, 2020.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32092084

RESUMEN

Low levels of trust in government have potentially wide-ranging implications for governing stability, popular legitimacy, and political participation. Although there is a rich normative and empiricial literature on the important consequences of eroding trust in democratic societies, the causes of political trust are less clear. In this article we estimate the effect that changing Americans' views about the perceived honesty and integrity of political authorities (or "political probity") has on their trust in government using randomized survey experiments. In one experiment on a convenience sample and a direct replication on a more representative sample, we find that a single Op-Ed article about political probity increased trust in government by an amount larger than the partisan gap between Democrats and Republicans. These results complement prior observational studies on trust in government by demonstrating that political probity plays an important causal role in shaping Americans' judgments about the trustworthiness of their government and politicians.


Asunto(s)
Gobierno , Condición Moral , Política , Confianza/psicología , Democracia , Humanos , Opinión Pública , Encuestas y Cuestionarios , Estados Unidos
20.
Environ Sci Pollut Res Int ; 27(12): 13370-13383, 2020 Apr.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32020457

RESUMEN

The objective of this study is to investigate the role of democracy, ecological footprint, economic growth, and globalisation in enhancing sustainable electricity consumption in an ecological reserve-based country of Brazil over the period 1971-2014. To achieve this objective, the minimum Lagrange multiplier (LM) unit root and Bayer-Hanck combined cointegration tests are applied. The model is estimated using the fully modified ordinary least squares (FM-OLS) and dynamic ordinary least squares (DOLS) estimation procedures. The empirical results suggest that all the variables have a positive and significant effect on electricity consumption. This implies that increasing the level of these variables would stimulate electricity consumption. The long-run causality results indicate a one-way causality running from ecological footprint, democracy, and globalisation to electricity consumption. The results further discover that causality flows from ecological footprint, democracy, and globalisation to economic growth. In addition, a long-run bidirectional causal relationship between electricity consumption and economic growth is uncovered. In the short run, the result validates a bidirectional causality between ecological footprint and electricity consumption. More so, electricity consumption causes economic growth and democracy, whilst economic growth causes globalisation. The results are validated by the innovation accounting tests. The policy implication of the findings is that ecological-based conservation policies could have negative consequences on economic growth and electricity consumption because of a significant dependence of these two variables on the ecological footprint. Therefore, to guarantee sustainable electricity consumption, sufficient and sustainable green energy and optimum energy mix should be encouraged by the stakeholders.


Asunto(s)
Democracia , Desarrollo Económico , Brasil , Dióxido de Carbono/análisis , Electricidad , Energía Renovable
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