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3.
Rev Bras Enferm ; 74(suppl 4): e20190136, 2021.
Artículo en Inglés, Portugués | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33909806

RESUMEN

OBJECTIVE: To analyze the experiences of families in the exercise of the rights of children with chronic conditions in public health, education and social assistance institutions. METHOD: ethnographic multiple case study, with qualitative approach, following the theoretical approach of Boaventura Santos. Experiences of the families of these children in a city were studied through interviews with family members, managers and professionals from social institutions (35), participant observations in social spaces (13) and creation of eco-maps (3). Critical Discourse Analysis was performed. RESULTS: the offer of services is lower than the demand, and exclusion processes persist. Given the hegemony of neoliberal and normality ideologies, meetings between family members and professionals revealed obstacles to civil rights; however, when these ideologies were challenged, the realization of their rights was enhanced. FINAL CONSIDERATIONS: the care to promote civil rights requires family members, managers and professionals to develop subjectivities that overcome neoliberal and normality ideologies, recognizing these children as subjects of law.


Asunto(s)
Cuidado del Niño , Derechos Civiles , Niños con Discapacidad , Bienestar Social , Antropología Cultural , Niño , Enfermedad Crónica , Familia , Humanos , Enfermería Pediátrica
4.
Bioethics ; 35(5): 465-472, 2021 06.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33811355

RESUMEN

Pro-life advocates commonly argue that fetuses have the moral status of persons, and an accompanying right to life, a view most pro-choice advocates deny. A difficulty for this pro-life position has been Judith Jarvis Thomson's violinist analogy, in which she argues that even if the fetus is a person, abortion is often permissible because a pregnant woman is not obliged to continue to offer her body as life support. Here, we outline the moral theories underlying public health ethics, and examine the COVID-19 pandemic as an example of public health considerations overriding individual rights. We argue that if fetuses are regarded as persons, then abortion is of such prevalence in society that it also constitutes a significant public health crisis. We show that on public health considerations, we are justified in overriding individual rights to bodily autonomy by prohibiting abortion. We conclude that in a society that values public health, abortion can only be tolerated if fetuses are not regarded as persons.


Asunto(s)
Aborto Inducido/ética , Feto , Derechos Humanos , Pandemias/ética , Personeidad , Salud Pública/ética , Derechos Civiles , Disentimientos y Disputas , Análisis Ético , Teoría Ética , Femenino , Humanos , Obligaciones Morales , Condición Moral , Embarazo , Mujeres Embarazadas , Derechos Sexuales y Reproductivos , Valor de la Vida
7.
J Public Health Policy ; 42(1): 154-159, 2021 Mar.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33462403

RESUMEN

During a public health emergency, a government must balance public welfare, equity, individual rights, and democratic processes and norms. These goods may conflict. Although science has a role in informing wise policy, no empirical evidence or algorithm can determine how to balance competing goods under conditions of uncertainty. Especially in a crisis, it is crucial to have a broad and free conversation about public policy. Many countries are moving in the opposite direction. Sixty-one percent of governments have imposed at least some problematic restrictions on individual rights or democratic processes during the COVID-19 pandemic, and 17 have made substantial negative changes. The policies of Poland and Hungary reflect these global trends and continue these countries' recent histories of democratic erosion. The expertise of public health should be deployed in defense of civil liberties.


Asunto(s)
/epidemiología , Derechos Civiles , Control de Enfermedades Transmisibles/métodos , Humanos , Hungría/epidemiología , Pandemias , Polonia/epidemiología , Salud Pública , Política Pública
8.
J Public Health Policy ; 42(1): 145-153, 2021 Mar.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33462404

RESUMEN

The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic constitutes not only a danger for public health, but may also threaten civil liberties. Looking at the examples of recent events in Poland and Hungary, the authors argue that governments may misuse pandemic for their political advantage, thus endangering public health. Political decisions taken to stem the spread of pandemics should be limited and strictly proportionate to the situation.


Asunto(s)
/epidemiología , Derechos Civiles , Control de Enfermedades Transmisibles/organización & administración , Salud Pública , Política Pública , Humanos , Hungría/epidemiología , Pandemias , Polonia/epidemiología , Política
11.
South Med J ; 114(1): 13-16, 2021 01.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33398354

RESUMEN

OBJECTIVE: Voting is one of our civic duties, yet many Americans do not vote, and physician voter participation is even lower than that of the general public. We aimed to explore pediatric residents' attitudes and behaviors in regard to voting and assess the impact of interventions aimed at increasing resident participation. METHODS: Pediatric residents were given preelection surveys regarding interest in voting, plans to vote in the November 2016 national election, and barriers to participation. Voting registration, election dates, and registration deadlines were disseminated before the election. Postelection surveys were distributed after the 2016 national election to pediatric residents regarding their voter participation, barriers to voting, and the effectiveness of our interventions. RESULTS: Fifty-one residents completed the presurvey and 49 completed the postsurvey (61% and 59% of total residents, respectively). Eighty-nine percent of residents surveyed planned to vote and 83% were registered to vote. The postsurveys indicated that only 69% of responding residents voted in the national election, far fewer than the 89% who planned to vote (z = 2.5, P < 0.05). The most common reasons for not voting were "no time off," "didn't get absentee ballot," and "not registered in state of residence." In total, 19 of 33 (58%) respondents indicated that interventions encouraged them to vote. CONCLUSIONS: Intention to vote among participants was higher than voting participation; however, participants in this study voted at higher rates (69%) than the average citizen rates (61.4%). More than half of the residents who did vote indicated that the study interventions encouraged them to vote.


Asunto(s)
Internado y Residencia/estadística & datos numéricos , Pediatría/educación , Política , Actitud del Personal de Salud , Derechos Civiles/normas , Derechos Civiles/estadística & datos numéricos , Educación de Postgrado en Medicina/métodos , Educación de Postgrado en Medicina/estadística & datos numéricos , Humanos , Pediatría/métodos , Pediatría/estadística & datos numéricos , Encuestas y Cuestionarios
12.
J Homosex ; 68(1): 88-111, 2021 Jan 02.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31241421

RESUMEN

In June 2015, the U.S. Supreme Court made a landmark decision to legalize marriage for same-sex couples amid nationwide debate and media coverage of this controversial issue. Using a content analysis of newspaper articles and television transcripts (N = 286) from top news outlets, this study examines the frames used in news coverage of same-sex marriage before and after the decision and tone of coverage by frame and medium. Findings suggest that frames and tone differed by medium, with television generally presenting more negative coverage and print more positive coverage. Results also suggest that some coverage frames were more negative than others and that the dominant frames of coverage differed from pre- to post-decision. This study helps improve our understanding of how the public was informed before and after a historic decision and illuminates the differences between frame and tone of coverage by medium, and by medium over time.


Asunto(s)
Medios de Comunicación , Matrimonio/legislación & jurisprudencia , Decisiones de la Corte Suprema , Derechos Civiles , Composición Familiar , Humanos , Política , Religión y Sexo , Estados Unidos
13.
Textos contextos (Porto Alegre) ; 20(1): 37549, 2021.
Artículo en Portugués | LILACS | ID: biblio-1248124

RESUMEN

Este artigo propõe uma reflexão crítica acerca das consequências processuais promovidas pela reforma trabalhista brasileira no tocante ao acesso à Justiça do Trabalho e à gestão dos conflitos laborais. Para tanto, analisa-se a origem dessa Justiça especializada e a sua evolução histórica, cuja tendência era de ampliação de suas competências. Tal estudo adotou, como orientação metodológica, o materialismo crítico-dialético, através da pesquisa documental e bibliográfica. Por último, foram listadas as principais inovações processuais determinadas pela reforma trabalhista que dificultaram o acesso do trabalhador ao Poder Judiciário, promovendo consequentemente um esvaziamento em seu campo jurisdicional.


This paper aims at a critical reflection on the procedural consequences made by the Brazilian Labor Reform regarding access to Labor Justice and the management of labor conflicts. First, we analyze the origin of this specialized justice and its historical evolution, whose tendency was to expand its competences. This study adopted, as methodological guidance, Marx's critical-dialectical materialism, through documentary and bibliographic research. Finally, we will list the main procedural innovations determined by the Labor Reform that made it difficult for workers to gain access to justice, thereby promoting an emptying of their jurisdictional field.


Asunto(s)
Derechos Civiles , Derecho al Trabajo , Grupos Profesionales
15.
Leg Med (Tokyo) ; 48: 101832, 2021 Feb.
Artículo en Inglés | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33373948

RESUMEN

Along with rising levels of the infection around the world, the state of emergency prompted by the COVID-19 pandemic has also been having a heavy legal impact. The situation is posing important criminal challenges, as well as an ocean of social and public health issues around the world. It has not only directly affected constitutionally-guaranteed rights and individual freedoms, but also brought to the fore certain types of criminal offence that had previously been of little practical importance, such as the crime of 'maliciously or unintentionally causing an epidemic'. Different countries and states have introduced policies to manage the emergency at different times and in different ways. The measures adopted have been the object of much criticism, also raising questions of constitutional legitimacy in countries like Italy. The present contribution begins with a brief outline of the different international scenarios. Then we examine some of the medicolegal aspects of criminal offences previously envisaged and newly introduced since the arrival of the pandemic. We suggest the need for a sort of 'code of public health laws for the time of coronavirus', that could also be applied to other public health emergencies, pandemic or otherwise. The idea is to give operators in the sector and the general population the opportunity to identify clear and simple rules to follow in the current complex global situation. We need a new, appropriate interpretation of the 'boundaries' of our individual rights in relation to the need to safeguard the wider community and its more vulnerable members.


Asunto(s)
/epidemiología , Derechos Civiles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Control de Enfermedades Transmisibles/legislación & jurisprudencia , Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Regulación Gubernamental , Política de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Humanos , Italia/epidemiología , Responsabilidad Legal , Pandemias
17.
Rev. bioét. (Impr.) ; 28(4): 604-609, out.-dez. 2020.
Artículo en Portugués | LILACS | ID: biblio-1155749

RESUMEN

Resumo O objetivo deste estudo é refletir sobre as características e finalidades do documento de diretivas antecipadas de vontade do paciente. Conclui-se que tal documento deve ter formato único, que reflita a generalidade dos termos da Resolução 1.805/2006 do Conselho Federal de Medicina, e que sua principal finalidade é fortalecer a sensação de segurança jurídica do profissional médico. Por fim, destaca-se que, ainda que se considerem as determinações escritas, prevalecerá o entendimento entre paciente e equipe.


Abstract This study aimed to reflect on the characteristics and objectives of the patient's advance directives. This document should have a standard format, including the general terms of Resolution 1.805/2006 of the Federal Council of Medicine, and strengthen the sense of legal certainty of health professionals. Even with written determinations, the understanding between patient and staff shall prevail.


Resumen El objetivo de este estudio es hacer consideraciones sobre las características y propósitos del documento relativo a las directivas anticipadas de voluntad del paciente. Se concluye que debe tener un formato único, que refleje los términos generales de la Resolución 1.805/2006 del Consejo Federal de Medicina, y que su principal propósito es fortalecer la percepción de seguridad jurídica del profesional médico. Finalmente, se enfatiza que, incluso si se consideran las determinaciones escritas, prevalecerá el entendimiento entre el paciente y el equipo.


Asunto(s)
Humanos , Masculino , Femenino , Bioética , Directivas Anticipadas , Derechos Civiles , Enfermo Terminal
19.
Sex., salud soc. (Rio J.) ; (36): 343-362, dez. 2020.
Artículo en Portugués | LILACS | ID: biblio-1156948

RESUMEN

Resumo Este artigo é um desdobramento do processo de pesquisa sobre a trajetória de vítimas de violência no estado do Ceará (Brasil). Seu objetivo é apresentar as narrativas sobre o sentido da participação em uma rede formada por familiares de vítimas de violência. Para tanto, vale-se da interlocução com três mulheres que são mães e tiveram seus filhos assassinados e/ou encarcerados. A Rede de Mães do Ceará surgiu em 2018 em razão da participação dessas mulheres em uma das edições do Encontro Nacional de Mães e Familiares de Vítimas do Terrorismo do Estado. Observa-se, por intermédio de seus relatos, uma teia de emoções e motivações associadas à ideia de luta por reconhecimento, memória e amor. A metodologia de coleta de dados adotada para a análise somou a realização de um grupo de discussão com as três integrantes da rede cearense a uma série de observações em campo.


Abstract This article is the result of a research process on the trajectory of victims of violence in the state of Ceará, Brazil. Its objective is to present the narratives about the meaning of participation in a network formed by family members of victims of violence. For that, it uses the interlocution with three women who are mothers and had their children murdered and / or imprisoned. The Network of Ceará Mothers appeared in mid-2018 due to the participation of these women in one of the editions of the National Meeting of Mothers and Family Members Victims of State Terrorism. It is possible to observe, through their reports, a web of emotions and motivations associated with the idea of struggle for recognition, memory and love. Data collection methodology included a discussion group with three members of the Ceará network and field observations made by the researchers.


Resumen Este artículo es un desarrollo del proceso de investigación sobre la trayectoria de víctimas de la violencia en el estado de Ceará. Su objetivo es presentar las narrativas sobre el significado de la participación en una red formada por familiares de víctimas de violencia. Para eso, utiliza la interlocución con tres mujeres que son madres y tuvieron sus hijos asesinados y/o encarcelados. La Red de Madres de Ceará surgió en 2018 por la participación de estas mujeres en una de las ediciones del Encuentro Nacional de Madres y Familiares de Víctimas del Terrorismo del Estado. Se observa a través de sus relatos una red de emociones y motivaciones asociadas a la idea de lucha por el reconocimiento, la memoria y el amor. La metodología de recolección de datos adoptada para el análisis agregó un grupo de discusión con los tres miembros de la red Ceará a una serie de observaciones de campo.


Asunto(s)
Humanos , Femenino , Apoyo Social , Violencia , Familia , Víctimas de Crimen , Estado , Madres , Prisiones , Brasil , Adolescente , Derechos Civiles , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos , Emociones , Narrativa Personal , Distrés Psicológico , Acontecimientos que Cambian la Vida
20.
Sex., salud soc. (Rio J.) ; (36): 231-254, dez. 2020.
Artículo en Portugués | LILACS | ID: biblio-1156946

RESUMEN

Resumo O artigo aborda as ambiguidades dos lugares ocupados pelas mães e familiares a partir de limites e possibilidades de agenciamento no ativismo em torno das prisões. Discuto a atuação de mães em uma associação de familiares de presos chamada Amparar, com sede em São Paulo, seguindo os trajetos de Railda Alves, uma de suas fundadoras. A Amparar existe desde 2004 e desenvolve suas atividades em articulação com outras organizações que atuam no campo dos Direitos Humanos. O reconhecimento como mãe de preso e a enunciação tanto da potência do vínculo materno quanto do sofrimento dele decorrente fazem parte das negociações que envolvem o diálogo e o trabalho em rede com outras organizações, ativistas e instituições estatais. A figura da mãe permite a participação em determinadas atividades e a construção de trajetórias ativistas, mas opera também como limitadora em contextos que envolvem, sobretudo, as negociações com o Estado.


Abstract The article addresses the ambiguities of being mothers and family members con- sidering the limits and possibilities of agency in activism around prisons. I discuss the role of mothers in a Prisoners' Family Association named Amparar, located in São Paulo, following the paths of Railda Alves, one of its founders. Amparar exists since 2004 and develops its activities in conjunction with other organizations working in the field of Human Rights. The recognition as a prisoner's mother and the statement of both the strength of the maternal bond and the resulting suffering from it are part of the negotiations that involve dialogue and networking with other organizations, activists, and state institutions. The figure of the mother allows participation in certain activities and the construction of activist trajectories, but it also operates as a limiter in contexts that involve negotiations with the State.


Resumen El artículo aborda las ambigüedades de los lugares ocupados por madres y fami- liares desde los límites y posibilidades de agencia en el activismo en torno a las cárceles. Mi análisis si construye desde el papel de las madres en una asociación de familiares de presos llamada Amparar, con sede en São Paulo, siguiendo los caminos de Railda Alves, una de sus fundadoras. Amparar existe desde 2004 y desarrolla sus actividades en conjunto con otras organizaciones que trabajan en el campo de los Derechos Humanos. El reconocimiento como madre de un preso y la declaración tanto de la fuerza del vínculo materno como del sufrimien- to resultante son parte de las negociaciones que implican el diálogo y el networking con otras organizaciones, activistas e instituciones estatales. La figura de la madre permite la partici- pación en determinadas actividades y la construcción de trayectorias activistas, pero también opera como limitante en contextos que involucran, sobre todo, negociaciones con el Estado.


Asunto(s)
Humanos , Femenino , Prisiones , Familia , Activismo Político , Identidad de Género , Acontecimientos que Cambian la Vida , Madres , Prisioneros , Estrés Psicológico , Derechos Civiles , Narrativa Personal
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