Barriers to Abortion among Women and Girls in Selected Districts of Nepal.

BACKGROUND: Even after two decades of legalization of abortion in Nepal, most women and girls still do not have knowledge on abortion legality and face abortion barriers. This study will explore perceived barriers to safe abortion and the factors associated with it. METHODS: A Mixed method study design was conducted in 30 wards of 20 Municipals of seven districts of Lumbini and Sudurpaschim provinces. Quantitative data was analyzed for 673 women of reproductive age of 15-49 years. For qualitative data, key informant interviews were conducted. The analysis was done on five different barriers and a composite variable was created from them. RESULTS: Most women and girls perceived social (34.6%), followed by family (30.6%), physical (30.6%), personal (29.5%), and health facility (14.9%) barriers to access safe abortion services. The key finding was that women and girls with knowledge on abortion legality were more likely to perceive barriers to abortion (AOR:2.31, CI:1.574-3.394). Women and girls with higher educational and economic status as well as Dalit women were less likely to perceive barriers to abortion services whereas never married women and girls perceived more barriers in accessing abortion services. CONCLUSIONS: Women and girls perceived several barriers to access safe abortion services. Women who have better knowledge on abortion legality recognize more barriers regarding abortion. This highlights the importance of raising awareness of women and girls on abortion rights to empower them in recognizing and advocating for the removal of the obstacles that stop them from getting abortion services.

Safe Access Zone Legislation and Its Compliance with the Human Rights of Anti-Abortion Protesters in Australia.

Terminating a pregnancy is now lawful in all Australian jurisdictions, although on diverse bases. While abortions have not been subject to the same degree of heated debate in Australia as elsewhere, protests aimed at persuading women not to have a termination of their pregnancy have occurred outside abortion service providers in the past. Over the last decade, this has led to the introduction of laws setting out so-called safe access zones around provider premises. Anti-abortion protests are prohibited within a specific distance from abortion services and infringements attract criminal liability. As safe access zone laws prevent protesters from expressing their views in certain spaces, the question arises as to the laws' compliance with protesters' human rights. This article analyses this by considering the human rights compliance of the Queensland ban in light of Queensland human rights legislation. It concludes that the imposed prohibition of anti-abortion protests near abortion clinics is compatible with human rights.

Comparative Analysis of Legislation on Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy: Italy's position relate to international panorama.

Background: The voluntary interruption of pregnancy (VIP) remains one of the most contentious issues worldwide, subject to different legal frameworks and cultural interpretations. Access to VIP is considered a fundamental right for women, recognized by international organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO) and supported by the United Nations. It is estimated that 40-50 million abortions are performed each year, of which about 75% are in developing countries. IVG is legal in only 25 countries, while in the others, it is severely restricted or illegal, leading to an increase in risky and illegal practices. Methods: We consulted government and ministerial websites in European countries to gather data on current abortion laws. In addition, scientific articles and legislative documents compare regulations across some countries, especially from 2020 to today, analyzing differences, similarities and implications. Percentage data on the number of abortions in several European countries, including Italy, were analyzed. Conclusion: Our analysis revealed significant differences in abortion laws between European countries. In many countries, abortion is allowed at the request of the woman within a certain gestational age limit, which typically ranges between 10 and 24 weeks. However, in some countries, the restrictions are much stricter, with limitations making access to legal abortion very difficult or impossible. In conclu-sion, the Italian experience highlights the importance of considering local sociocultural dynamics in shaping IVG policies and highlights the need for an evidence-based approach to guarantee women right to reproductive health internationally, surrounding reproductive rights, gender equality, and public health policy.

Trends over 50 years with liberal abortion laws in the Nordic countries.

BACKGROUND: During the 1970s the Nordic countries liberalized their abortion laws. OBJECTIVE: We assessed epidemiological trends for induced abortion on all Nordic countries, considered legal similarities and diversities, effects of new medical innovations and changes in practical and legal provisions during the subsequent years. METHODS: New legislation strengthened surveillance of induced abortion in all countries and mandated hospitals that performed abortions to report to national abortion registers. Published data from the Nordic abortion registers were considered and new comparative analyses done. The data cover complete national populations. RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS: After an increase in abortion rates during the first years following liberalization, the general abortion rates stabilized and even decreased in all Nordic countries, especially for women under 25 years. From the mid-1980s higher awareness about pregnancy termination led women to present at an earlier gestational age, which was accelerated by the introduction of medical abortion some years later. Most terminations (80-86%) are now done before the 9th gestational week in all countries, primarily by medical rather than surgical means. Introduction of routine ultrasound screening in pregnancy during the late 1980s, increased the number of 2nd trimester abortions on fetal anomaly indications without an overall increase in the proportion of 2nd relative to 1st trimester abortions. Further refinement of ultrasound screening and non-invasive prenatal diagnostic methods led to a slight increase in the proportion of early 2nd trimester abortions after the year 2000. Country-specific differences in abortion rates have remained stable over the 50 years of liberalized abortion laws.

Self-Managed Abortion Attempts Before vs After Changes in Federal Abortion Protections in the US.

Importance: With decreasing access to facility-based abortion in the US, an increase in self-managed abortion (SMA) using various methods is anticipated. To date, no studies have examined changes in SMA in the shifting policy landscape. Objective: To estimate changes in SMA prevalence among the general US population from before to after the Supreme Court's June 2022 decision overturning federal abortion protections. Design, Setting, and Participants: Serial cross-sectional surveys were administered throughout the US from December 10, 2021, to January 11, 2022, and June 14 to July 7, 2023. Participants included online panel members assigned female sex at birth, ages 18 to 49 years (or ages 15-17 years if a household member), who were English- or Spanish-speaking. Exposure: Year of the survey (2021-2022 vs 2023). Main Outcome and Measures: Participants were asked whether they had "ever taken or done something on their own, without medical assistance, to try to end a pregnancy" and, if so, details of their experience. Changes in the weighted SMA prevalence between survey years were examined, factors associated with SMA experience were identified, and projected lifetime SMA prevalence was calculated using discrete-time event history models, accounting for abortion underreporting. Results: Median age of the participants was 32.5 (IQR, 25-41) years in 2021-2022 (n = 7016) and 32.0 (IQR, 24-40) in 2023 (n = 7148). Across both years, approximately 14% were non-Hispanic Black, 21% were Hispanic, and 54% were non-Hispanic White. The weighted adjusted proportion that ever attempted SMA was 2.4% (95% CI, 1.9%-3.0%) in 2021-2022 and 3.4% (95% CI, 2.8%-4.0%) in 2023-an increase of 1.0% (95% CI, 0.2%-1.7%; P = .03). Projected lifetime SMA prevalence accounting for abortion underreporting was 10.7% (95% CI, 8.6%-12.8%). In adjusted analyses, SMA experience was higher among non-Hispanic Black (4.3%; 95% CI, 2.8%-5.8%) vs other racial and ethnic (2.7%; 95% CI, 2.2%-3.1%) groups (P = .04) and sexual and gender minority (5.0%; 95% CI, 3.4%-6.6%) vs heterosexual or cisgender (2.5%; 95% CI, 2.0%-2.9%) participants (P < .001). Approximately 4 in 10 (45.3% in 2021 and 39.0% in 2023) SMA attempts occurred before age 20 years. The methods used included herbs (29.8% [2021-2022] vs 25.9% [2023]), physical methods (28.6% [2021-2022] vs 29.7% [2023]), or alcohol or other substances (17.9% [2021-2022] vs 18.6% [2023]). Few participants (7.1% [2021-2022] vs 4.7% [2023]) sought emergency care for a complication. Conclusions and Relevance: In this serial nationally representative survey study, increased SMA was observed following the loss of federal abortion protections. The findings revealed increased SMA use among marginalized groups, most often with ineffective methods. These findings suggest the need to expand access to alternative models of safe and effective abortion care and ensure those seeking health care post-SMA do not face legal risks.

The Dead Unborn, Postmortem Privacy Cases, and Abortion Rights.

The privacy of the dead is an interesting area of concern for bioethicists. There is a legal doctrine that the dead can't have privacy rights, but also a body of contrary law ascribing privacy rights to the deceased and kin in relation to the deceased. As women's abortion privacy is under assault by American courts and legislatures, the implications of ascribing privacy rights to embryos and fetuses is more important than ever. Caution is called for in this domain.

The Ninth Amendment: An Underutilized Protection for Reproductive Choice.

Concern about individual rights and the desire to protect them has been part of our nation since its founding, and continues to be so today. The Ninth Amendment was created to assuage the Framers' concerns that enumerating some rights in the Bill of Rights would leave unenumerated rights unrecognized and unprotected, affirming that those rights are not disparaged or denied by their lack of textual support. The Ninth Amendment has appeared infrequently in our jurisprudence, and Courts initially construed it rather narrowly. But starting in the 1960s, the Ninth Amendment emerged as a powerful tool not just for recognizing unanticipated rights, but for protecting or expanding even enumerated rights. The right to privacy--encompassing the right to contraception and abortion--the right to preserve the integrity of your family, the right to vote, the right to own a firearm as an individual--all these rights have been asserted under and found to be supported by the Ninth Amendment. In its Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health decision overturning Roe, the Supreme Court found that there is no right to abortion because it is not in the Constitution. But the potential of the Ninth Amendment is such that reproductive choice need not be mentioned in the Constitution to be protected. Reproductive choice may rightfully be considered as part of a right to privacy, an unenumerated right that nevertheless has abundant precedent behind it. The Ninth Amendment, and its counterparts found in many state constitutions, has the power to protect not just reproductive choice, but all of our fundamental rights.

Post-Dobbs Psychiatric Exceptions in Abortion-Restricting States.

Mental disorders and suicide are important causes of increased morbidity and mortality rates during pregnancy. Since the U.S. Supreme Court's 2022 Dobbs decision, many state legislatures have passed stringent abortion bans and restrictions. These laws define exceptions under which abortion may be legally obtained. Suicidality and other psychiatric symptoms have been excluded from such definitions. In this column, the authors examine how legislatures, courts, and professional regulatory bodies in several abortion-restricting states have defined their medical emergency exceptions. The authors argue that psychiatrists should be concerned about the management of psychiatric emergencies during pregnancy as well as emerging legal intrusions into physician-patient decision making.

[Legal abortion in cases of sexual violence pregnancy: perceptions and experiences of obstetricians]. / O aborto legal em casos de gravidez decorrente de violência sexual: percepções e vivências de médicas e médicos obstetras.

This study aimed to analyze the perceptions of obstetricians and gynecology-obstetrics residents at a federal school maternity hospital regarding legal abortion in cases of sexual violence pregnancy, understand their motivations, strengths, and feelings, and identify their experience with this topic. The first stage consisted of answering a self-administered questionnaire. The selection criteria were: obstetricians linked to the obstetric center, director of the medical division, and residents of the institution's obstetrics-gynecology program. In total, 36 questionnaires were answered and returned. The second stage corresponded to an interview using a saturation sampling criterion. Six physicians were interviewed. The interviews were evaluated using a thematic content analysis. The questionnaires showed that all participants had already provided care to women in situations of sexual violence and that most of them had already participated in a legal abortion procedure in these cases. The interviews highlighted the dilemmas faced by professionals in providing care to these women and the lack of professional training to handle these cases. The speeches of women were sometimes seen as an object of suspicion regarding the veracity of sexual violence, and sometimes as an object that caused professionals to feel emotionally affected while listening to them, allowing professionals to approach the victims and offer more humanized care. The results pointed to the importance of addressing this topic in the areas of health and providing training beyond the technical-scientific focus in order to support the development of new care strategies.

Este estudo objetivou analisar as percepções de obstetras e residentes de ginecologia-obstetrícia, atuantes numa maternidade escola federal, sobre o aborto legal em casos de gravidez decorrente de violência sexual, desvelando suas motivações, resistências e sentimentos, e identificando suas experiências com o tema. A primeira etapa correspondeu ao preenchimento de um questionário autoaplicável. Os critérios de seleção foram: obstetras vinculados ao centro obstétrico; diretor da divisão médica; e residentes do programa de ginecologia-obstetrícia da instituição. Obtiveram-se 36 questionários respondidos. A segunda etapa correspondeu à realização de uma entrevista, tendo sido utilizado o critério de amostragem por saturação e foram entrevistados seis médicos. As entrevistas foram analisadas pelo método de análise de conteúdo, na modalidade temática. Os questionários retrataram que todos os participantes já haviam prestado assistência a mulheres em situação de violência sexual e que a maioria já havia participado da realização de um aborto legal. As entrevistas evidenciaram os dilemas enfrentados pelos profissionais na assistência a esses casos e a escassez da formação profissional em relação à temática. A palavra da mulher foi tida ora como objeto de suspeição em relação à veracidade do estupro, ora como capaz de suscitar afetação das profissionais em suas escutas, o que possibilitou que essas se aproximassem das vítimas e ofertassem uma assistência mais humanizada. Os resultados apontaram para a importância da temática ser abordada nos campos da saúde e da formação para além do enfoque técnico-científico, visando produzir novas estratégias de cuidado.

El estudio tuvo como objetivo analizar las percepciones de obstetras y residentes de gineco-obstetricia de una maternidad escolar federal sobre el aborto legal en casos de embarazo resultante de violencia sexual, revelar sus motivaciones, resistencias y sentimientos, e identificar sus experiencias con el tema. La primera etapa consistió en completar un cuestionario autoadministrado. Los criterios de selección fueron los siguientes: obstetras vinculados al centro obstétrico; director de la división médica; y residentes del programa de gineco-obstetricia de la institución. Se obtuvieron 36 cuestionarios cumplimentados. La segunda etapa consistió en una entrevista, utilizando un criterio de muestreo por saturación. Se entrevistó a 6 médicos. Las entrevistas se analizaron mediante el método de análisis de contenido, en la modalidad temática. Los cuestionarios mostraron que todos los participantes ya habían brindado asistencia a mujeres en situación de violencia sexual y que la mayoría ya había participado en la realización de un aborto legal en estos casos. Las entrevistas pusieron de manifiesto los dilemas que enfrentan los profesionales en la asistencia a estos casos y la escasa formación profesional con relación al tema. La palabra de la mujer fue vista a veces como objeto de sospecha con respecto a la veracidad de la violación, y a veces como un objeto capaz de suscitar la afectación de las profesionales en sus escuchas, lo que les permitió acercarse a las víctimas y ofrecer una asistencia más humanizada. Los resultados señalaron la importancia de que la temática sea abordada en los campos de la salud y de la formación más allá del enfoque técnico-científico, con el objetivo de producir nuevas estrategias de cuidado.

"We need to confirm at least from two or three": Healthcare workers' discretion as gatekeepers in the context of the Ethiopian abortion law.

INTRODUCTION: Women's access to legal and safe abortion is a vital means to reduce unsafe abortion, which in turn is known to reduce maternal morbidity and mortality. In 2005, Ethiopia enacted a relatively permissive abortion legislation. However, there is evidence that access to abortion care services may be challenging and controversial even if progressive abortion laws are in place. This article examines women's access to abortion services from the perspective of healthcare workers in a rural setting in Ethiopia. Drawing on Lipsky's theory of street-level bureaucrats, the article discusses healthcare workers' discretion and the substantial authority they hold as gatekeepers to safe abortion services. METHODS: The study draws upon a qualitative, interpretative methodological approach, with in-depth semi-structured interviews with healthcare workers as the key method of data generation. The data was analyzed and interpreted thematically. Healthcare workers' perspectives were examined with reference to the national abortion legislation and guidelines. RESULTS: The findings reveal that healthcare workers make decisions on behalf of the women who seek abortion, and they involve parents and partners in abortion-related decision-making processes. Moreover, they assess the social context of the pregnancy such as the marital and economic statuses of the abortion-seeking women in ways that restrict women's access to legally-endorsed abortion services. CONCLUSIONS: Healthcare workers' practices in this rural area were found to challenge the basic provisions laid out in Ethiopia's abortion legislation. Their negative discretion of the legislation contributes to the substantial barriers Ethiopian abortion-seeking women face in gaining access to legal abortion services, despite the presence of a progressive legal framework and guidelines.

"I Went Into This Field to Empower Other People, and I Feel Like I Failed": Residents Experience Moral Distress Post-Dobbs.

Background The 2022 Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization nullified the constitutional right to abortion, which led to effective bans in at least 14 US states and placed obstetrics and gynecology (OB/GYN) residents in dilemmas where they may have to withhold care, potentially causing moral distress-a health care workforce phenomenon less understood among resident physicians. Objective To identify and explore moral distress experienced by OB/GYN residents due to care restrictions post-Dobbs. Methods In 2023, we invited OB/GYN residents, identified by their program directors, training in states with restricted abortion access, to participate in one-on-one, semi-structured interviews via Zoom about their experiences caring for patients post-Dobbs. We used thematic analysis to analyze interview data. Results Twenty-one residents described their experiences of moral distress due to restrictions. We report on 3 themes in their accounts related to moral distress (and 4 subthemes): (1) challenges to their physician identity (inability to do the job, internalized distress, and reconsidering career choices); (2) participating in care that exacerbates inequities (and erodes patient trust); and (3) determination to advocate for and provide abortion care in the future. Conclusions OB/GYN residents grappled with moral distress and identified challenges from abortion restrictions.

Abortion Provision and Delays to Care in a Clinic Network in Washington State After Dobbs.

Importance: The Supreme Court decision Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization (Dobbs) overturned federal protections to abortion care and altered the reproductive health care landscape. Thus far, aggregated state-level data reveal increases in the number of abortions in states where abortion is still legal, but there is limited information on delays to care and changes in the characteristics of people accessing abortion in these states after Dobbs. Objective: To examine changes in abortion provision and delays to care after Dobbs. Design, Setting, and Participants: Retrospective cohort study of all abortions performed at an independent, high-volume reproductive health care clinic network in Washington state from January 1, 2017, to July 31, 2023. Using an interrupted time series, the study assessed changes in abortion care after Dobbs. Exposure: Abortion care obtained after (June 24, 2022, to July 31, 2023) vs before (January 1, 2017, to June 23, 2022) Dobbs. Main Outcome and Measure: Primary outcomes included weekly number of abortions and out-of-state patients and weekly average of gestational duration (days) and time to appointment (days). Results: Among the 18 379 abortions during the study period, most were procedural (13 192 abortions [72%]) and funded by public insurance (11 412 abortions [62%]). The mean (SD) age of individuals receiving abortion care was 28.5 (6.44) years. Following Dobbs, the number of procedural abortions per week increased by 6.35 (95% CI, 2.83-9.86), but then trended back toward pre-Dobbs levels. The number of out-of-state patients per week increased by 2 (95% CI, 1.1-3.6) and trends remained stable. The average gestational duration per week increased by 6.9 (95% CI, 3.6-10.2) days following Dobbs, primarily due to increased gestations of procedural abortions. The average gestational duration among out-of-state patients did not change following Dobbs, but it did increase by 6 days for in-state patients (5.9; 95% CI, 3.2-8.6 days). There were no significant changes in time to appointment. Conclusions and Relevance: These findings provide a detailed picture of changes in abortion provision and delays to care after Dobbs in a state bordering a total ban state. In this study, more people traveled from out of state to receive care and in-state patients sought care a week later in gestation. These findings can inform interventions and policies to improve access for all seeking abortion care.

Societal implications of the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization decision.

On June 24, 2022, the US Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization marked the removal of the constitutional right to abortion in the USA, introducing a complex ethical and legal landscape for patients and providers. This shift has had immediate health and equity repercussions, but it is also crucial to examine the broader impacts on states, health-care systems, and society as a whole. Restrictions on abortion access extend beyond immediate reproductive care concerns, necessitating a comprehensive understanding of the ruling's consequences across micro and macro levels. To mitigate potential harm, it is imperative to establish a research agenda that informs policy making and ensures effective long-term monitoring and reporting, addressing both immediate and future impacts.

Impact of post-Dobbs abortion restrictions on maternal-fetal medicine physicians in the Southeast: a qualitative study.

BACKGROUND: The United States Supreme Court overturned federal abortion protections in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization. Many states in the Southeastern United States responded with restrictive policies that limit and criminalize abortion care. OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to characterize the effect of abortion restrictions on maternal-fetal medicine physicians in the Southeastern United States after the Dobbs decision. STUDY DESIGN: Qualitative, semistructured interviews with 35 maternal-fetal medicine physicians in 10 Southeastern states between February 2023 and June 2023 were conducted. Our recruitment strategy relied on convenience and snowball sampling. Audio-recorded interviews were analyzed using Dedoose software and a descriptive qualitative approach that incorporated deductive and inductive approaches. RESULTS: Emergent themes were identified, and a conceptual framework was developed on the basis of overarching themes. This study found that abortion laws and external constraints after the Dobbs decision resulted in ethical, professional, and legal challenges for maternal-fetal medicine physicians that led to changes in clinical practice and deviations from patient-centered care. These forced changes resulted in negative effects on maternal-fetal medicine physicians, such as increased fear, hypervigilance, and increased workload. In addition, these changes prompted concerns about health risks and negative emotional effects for patients. Supportive colleagues, hospital systems, and policies were associated with decreased stress, emotional distress, and disruption of healthcare delivery. CONCLUSION: Abortion restrictions in the Southeastern United States limit the ability of maternal-fetal medicine physicians to provide or facilitate abortions in the setting of fetal anomalies and maternal health risks. Maternal-fetal medicine physicians perceived these restrictions to have negative professional and emotional repercussions for themselves and negative effects on patients. Supportive colleagues and clear guidance from hospital systems and departments on how to interpret the laws were protective. Our findings have implications for the maternal-fetal medicine workforce and patient care in the region.