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1.
Front Public Health ; 12: 1105518, 2024.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38827622

The COVID-19 pandemic had a strong territorial dimension, with a highly asymmetric impact among Romanian counties, depending on pre-existing vulnerabilities, regions' economic structure, exposure to global value chains, specialization, and overall ability to shift a large share of employees to remote working. The aim of this paper is to assess the role of Romanian local authorities during this unprecedented global medical emergency by capturing the changes of public spending at the local level between 2010 and 2021 and amid the COVID-19 pandemic, and to identify clusters of Romanian counties that shared similar characteristics in this period, using a panel data quantitative model and hierarchical cluster analysis. Our empirical analysis shows that between 2010-2021, the impact of social assistance expenditures was higher than public investment (capital spending and EU funds) on the GDP per capita at county level. Additionally, based on various macroeconomic and structural indicators (health, labour market performance, economic development, entrepreneurship, and both local public revenues and several types of expenditures), we determined seven clusters of counties. The research contributes to the discussion regarding the increase of economic resilience but also to the evidence-based public policies implementation at local level.


COVID-19 , Romania/epidemiology , COVID-19/epidemiology , COVID-19/economics , Humans , SARS-CoV-2 , Pandemics/economics , Public Policy , Cluster Analysis , Local Government
2.
Intellect Dev Disabil ; 62(3): 225-240, 2024 Jun 01.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38802097

Meaningful progress in improving employment outcomes for people with intellectual and developmental disabilities continues to be elusive, despite 40 years of investment in research, policy, and supports. This article reviews the current state of employment for individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) and describes policy, practice, and individual factors that influence employment outcomes. Research suggests the need for a holistic approach to change that addresses systems-level strategy, policy, and fiscal investment while strengthening individual experiences with employment and related day services. Recommendations address strengthening the implementation of employment policy, developing pathways to employment, and engaging individuals with IDD and, in particular, individuals with diverse social characteristics in reflecting on the quality of their experiences and supports.


Developmental Disabilities , Employment , Intellectual Disability , Humans , Intellectual Disability/rehabilitation , Developmental Disabilities/rehabilitation , Employment, Supported , Public Policy
3.
PLoS One ; 19(5): e0302434, 2024.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38748690

Political polarization of Americans' support for climate policies often impedes the adoption of new, urgently needed climate solutions. However, recent polls suggest that younger conservatives favor adopting pro-climate policies to a greater degree than older conservatives, resulting in less political polarization among younger Americans relative to older Americans. To better understand these patterns, we analyzed Americans' support for various climate policies from 1982-2020, across 16 waves of historical, nationally representative survey data from the American National Election Studies (total N = 29,467). Regression models consistently show that, since 2012, younger Americans have been less politically polarized than older Americans on support for climate policies. Before 2012 and on non-climate policy topics, we did not find consistent statistical evidence for political polarization varying with age. These findings can inform policy debates about climate change and offer hope to environmentalists and policymakers who seek to build broad consensus for climate action at the policy level.


Climate Change , Politics , Humans , United States , Aged , Public Policy , Age Factors , Middle Aged , Female
4.
Health Res Policy Syst ; 22(1): 60, 2024 May 23.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38783308

In January 2023, the province of British Columbia (BC) decriminalized the possession of certain illegal drugs for personal use. The province's primary intent was to reduce the stigma associated with drug use, as well as barriers for people who use drugs (PWUD) to access treatment and supports. However, less than ten months into the decriminalization policy, due to growing concerns about public safety voiced by municipal governments and communities, the provincial government made amendments to the policy to ban the public consumption of illicit drugs in additional locations, and subsequently introduced additional legislation, Bill 34, aimed at regulating public consumption of drugs in public spaces. Some communities have also implemented local bylaws similarly regulating public drug use. Bill 34 and local bylaws may serve as tools to promote community health and safety and minimize direct and indirect harms associated with public drug use. However, such legislation may re-criminalize PWUD and reinforce negative perceptions surrounding drug use, especially if these policies are not paired with strategies to expand the availability and accessibility of critical harm reduction and housing services. Without ample access to these services, limitations on public drug use can potentially displace individuals to areas where they are more likely to use alone, further exposing them to substance use-related harms, and undermining the goals of decriminalization. The potential effects of these restrictions may also disproportionately impact marginalized populations. As of April 2024, Bill 34 remains on hold. Moving forward, it will be important to monitor this bill, as well as other public consumption bylaws and legislation, and their impact on BC's overall decriminalization initiative. Decision-makers are urged to increase engagement with PWUD and relevant stakeholders in the design and implementation of policies pertaining to public consumption to ensure that they effectively address the evolving needs and realities of PWUD, and align with decriminalization goals.


Harm Reduction , Illicit Drugs , Substance-Related Disorders , Humans , British Columbia , Illicit Drugs/legislation & jurisprudence , Public Health , Public Policy , Drug Users/legislation & jurisprudence , Health Policy , Drug and Narcotic Control/legislation & jurisprudence , Recreational Drug Use
5.
Transl Behav Med ; 14(6): 333-337, 2024 May 24.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38734881

Although many have investigated the impacts of minimum wage on a broad array of health outcomes, innovative policies surrounding broader employment policies have largely not been studied. To that end, this paper contributes in three ways. First, it discusses the rise in precarious employment. Then, it turns to the current federal framework of employment policies, namely minimum wage. Finally, it explores what a broader definition of employment policies could include and how future studies could use state, county, and municipal policymaking in this space to investigate ways in which they might contribute to reducing food insecurity and in turn, improve health outcomes.


About 30% of low-income households experienced food insecurity in 2023. Given that food security is strongly tied to employment conditions, there is potential to reduce food insecurity through innovative employment-focused policy changes. Minimum wage is often studied as an indicator of employment quality. However, employment policies now stretch beyond hourly rate, as several jurisdictions have adopted innovative, broader approaches to improving employment. More research is needed to determine whether these broader employment policies, such as secure scheduling, paid leave, and collective bargaining, may mitigate food insecurity.


Employment , Food Insecurity , Salaries and Fringe Benefits , Humans , Employment/legislation & jurisprudence , Salaries and Fringe Benefits/legislation & jurisprudence , Public Policy/legislation & jurisprudence , United States
7.
Viruses ; 16(5)2024 05 16.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38793673

Given the World Health Organization's target to eliminate the hepatitis C virus (HCV) by 2030, we assessed the impact of French public policies and the COVID-19 pandemic on HCV testing and initiation of direct-antiviral agents (DAAs). Using the French National Health Data System, we identified individuals living in metropolitan France with at least one reimbursement for an anti-HCV test and those with a first delivery of DAAs between 1 January 2014 and 31 December 2021. During this period, the annual number of people tested increased each year between 3.3 (in 2015) and 9.3% (in 2021), except in 2020, with a drop of 8.3%, particularly marked in April (-55.0% compared to February 2020). A return to pre-pandemic testing levels was observed in 2021. The quarterly number of patients initiating DAAs presented an upward trend from Q1-2014 until mid-2017, with greater increases in Q1-2015, and Q1- and Q2-2017, concomitant with DAA access policies and availability of new therapies. Then, quarterly numbers decreased. A 65.5% drop occurred in April compared to February 2020. The declining DAA initiations since mid-2017, despite new measures improving access and screening efforts, could be due to the shrinking pool of patients requiring treatment and a need to increase awareness among undiagnosed infected people. Further action is needed to eliminate HCV in France.


Antiviral Agents , COVID-19 , Hepatitis C , Public Policy , SARS-CoV-2 , Humans , France/epidemiology , COVID-19/epidemiology , COVID-19/diagnosis , Antiviral Agents/therapeutic use , Hepatitis C/epidemiology , Hepatitis C/diagnosis , Hepatitis C/drug therapy , Male , Female , Middle Aged , Pandemics , Hepacivirus/drug effects , Hepacivirus/genetics , Aged , Health Policy , Adult , Mass Screening
8.
Article En | PAHOIRIS | ID: phr-59518

[ABSTRACT]. This report provides a summary of childhood cancer and the efforts made in the Dominican Republic to address child and adolescent cancer in line with the World Health Organization’s Global Initiative for Childhood Cancer. Information was obtained by review of recent local and international literature on pediatric oncology. As a result of the Global Initiative, a meeting was held by the Council of Ministers of Health of Central America to support the development of national pediatric cancer plans for each country. The objectives of these plans are to improve overall survival and quality of care for children with cancer through early detection, diagnosis, and treatment. In the Dominican Republic, several steps have been taken in the past 5 years to enhance diagnosis and care of children with cancer. For example, the National Committee of Childhood Cancer, headed by the Ministry of Public Health and including relevant stakeholders, was established to develop the national childhood cancer plan. In addition, a campaign was launched to raise awareness of childhood cancer, and the first early detection manual and public policy on child and adolescent cancer were published. A government initiative has been working to improve the hospital infrastructure and expand the pediatric cancer center, and a national course on early detection of pediatric cancers has been held. In 2023, the National Strategic Childhood Cancer Plan 2023–2030 was launched in the Dominican Republic. The plan will help policy-makers, implementers, researchers, and advocates enhance diagnosis and care of children with cancer.


[RESUMEN]. En este informe se presenta un resumen del cáncer infantil y las medidas adoptadas por República Dominicana para abordar el cáncer en la población infantil y adolescente en consonancia con la Iniciativa Mundial contra el Cáncer Infantil de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. La información se obtuvo mediante el análisis de las publicaciones nacionales e internacionales recientes sobre oncología pediátrica. Como resultado de la Iniciativa Mundial, el Consejo de Ministros de Salud de Centroamérica celebró una reunión para brindar apoyo a la elaboración de planes nacionales sobre el cáncer infantil para cada país. Los objetivos de estos planes son mejorar la supervivencia general y la calidad de la atención que se presta a la población infantil con cáncer mediante la detección temprana, el diagnóstico y el tratamiento. En los últimos cinco años, República Dominicana ha adoptado varias medidas para mejorar el diagnóstico y la atención prestada a la población infantil con cáncer. Así, por ejemplo, se creó el Comité Nacional de Cáncer Infantil, encabezado por el Ministerio de Salud e integrado por las partes interesadas pertinentes, para elaborar el plan nacional sobre el cáncer infantil. Además, se puso en marcha una campaña de sensibilización sobre el cáncer infantil y se publicaron el primer manual de detección precoz y la primera política pública sobre el cáncer en la población infantil y adolescente. Mediante una iniciativa gubernamental se ha buscado mejorar la infraestructura hospitalaria y ampliar el centro de atención a pacientes oncológicos pediátricos, al tiempo que se ha impartido un curso nacional sobre detección precoz del cáncer infantil. En el 2023, República Dominicana puso en marcha el Plan Estratégico Nacional sobre Cáncer Infantil 2023-2030. Este plan será útil a los responsables de la formulación de políticas, las personas encargadas de su ejecución, los investigadores y los promotores para mejorar el diagnóstico y la atención prestada a la población infantil con cáncer.


[RESUMO]. Este relatório fornece um resumo sobre o câncer infantil e os esforços da República Dominicana para enfrentar a doença em crianças e adolescentes, em consonância com a Iniciativa Global para o Câncer Infantil da Organização Mundial da Saúde. As informações foram obtidas por meio de uma revisão da literatura local e internacional recente sobre oncologia pediátrica. Em consequência da Iniciativa Global, o Conselho de Ministros da Saúde da América Central se reuniu para apoiar a elaboração de planos nacionais de câncer pediátrico para cada país. Os objetivos desses planos são melhorar a sobrevida global e a qualidade da atenção a crianças com câncer por meio de detecção, diagnóstico e tratamento precoces. Na República Dominicana, várias medidas foram tomadas nos últimos cinco anos para melhorar o diagnóstico e a atenção a crianças com câncer. Por exemplo, o Comitê Nacional de Câncer Infantil, que é chefiado pelo Ministério da Saúde e inclui as partes interessadas pertinentes, foi criado para elaborar o plano nacional de câncer infantil. Foi lançada uma campanha de conscientização sobre o câncer infantil no país. Além disso, foram publica- dos o primeiro manual de detecção precoce e a política pública de câncer infantojuvenil. Uma iniciativa do governo vem trabalhando para melhorar a infraestrutura hospitalar e ampliar o centro de câncer pediátrico e ministrou um curso nacional sobre a detecção precoce de cânceres pediátricos. Em 2023, foi lançado o Plano Estratégico Nacional de Câncer Infantil 2023–2030 na República Dominicana. O plano ajudará formuladores de políticas, implementadores, pesquisadores e defensores da causa a aprimorar o diagnóstico e a atenção a crianças com câncer.


Neoplasms , Child , Adolescent , Public Policy , Quality of Health Care , Dominican Republic , Neoplasms , Child , Adolescent , Public Policy , Quality of Health Care , Dominican Republic , Child , Quality of Health Care
9.
Prev Chronic Dis ; 21: E36, 2024 May 30.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38815050

To reduce youth access to tobacco products, the California Tobacco Prevention Program funded local tobacco prevention programs from July 2017 through December 2021 to address its Communities of Excellence Indicator 3.2.9: "the number of jurisdictions with a policy eliminating or restricting the sale and/or distribution of any mentholated cigarettes and other flavored tobacco products, and paraphernalia." We examined the strategies by which community coalitions attempted to limit the number of stores selling flavored tobacco across California. Thirty-six final evaluation reports (FERs) were used for our analysis. We examined certain elements or factors as primary areas of interest because of their apparent link to successful outcomes in analyses of FERs in the past. Over half (19 of 36) of FERs reported successfully passing at least 1 policy to regulate the sale of flavored tobacco products. Urban communities passed more policies (16 of 18) compared with rural communities (3 of 18). Successful campaigns tended to involve youth, demonstrate illegal sales to minors and public support for a ban, and identify a champion. Barriers included the COVID-19 pandemic, California wildfires, staffing shortages, and conservative political climates. This evaluation offers insights into the successes and challenges faced by local coalitions seeking policy changes for tobacco use prevention, which can be different for urban and rural communities. The evaluation also indicates the necessity of adopting flexible tactical plans for overcoming environmental factors that affected intervention and evaluation activities.


Commerce , Flavoring Agents , Tobacco Products , California , Humans , Tobacco Products/legislation & jurisprudence , Commerce/legislation & jurisprudence , Smoking Prevention/legislation & jurisprudence , COVID-19/prevention & control , COVID-19/epidemiology , Public Policy
10.
Cad Saude Publica ; 40(4): e00117923, 2024.
Article Es | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38695457

Argentina, as other countries, showed several public policies related to the health technologies implemented to fight and treat the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to analyze how articulation vs. cooperation and autonomy vs. division of powers between entities occurred in Argentina, exploring asymmetries between several entities in implementing public policies related to health technologies during the pandemic and the influences of other actors. For this, a documentary research was carried out related to 2020-2021 (technical reports published by the World Health Organization, national agencies and scientific societies, laws, court decisions, press, and research and in-depth interviews with members of the Argentine Ministries of Health). The processes and results of decision-making in the Ministries of Health were analyzed, outlining the coverage and orientations of each technology and the political party in power in the province. This study found heterogeneous results and processes between Ministries and disputes within them. It also observed the poor adherence to official guidelines due to technical-political criteria (power relations, social, media, academic, judiciary, and legislative pressure). Some cases showed a strong tension between the government and its opposition over the discussion of technologies. Each province in Argentina has autonomously defined its policies on health technologies for COVID-19, and decision-making in public administration was disorderly, complex, and non-linear during the pandemic.


En pandemia, en Argentina y en otros países se observó variabilidad en las políticas públicas implementadas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para prevención y tratamiento de la COVID-19. El objetivo fue analizar cómo se procesaron en Argentina los movimientos de coordinación vs. cooperación, y de autonomía vs. reparto de autoridad entre entidades, explorando asimetrías entre diferentes entidades en la implementación de políticas públicas sobre tecnologías sanitarias en pandemia y las influencias de otros actores. Se realizó una revisión documental del período 2020-2021 (informes técnicos publicados por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, organismos nacionales y sociedades científicas, leyes, fallos judiciales, prensa, encuestas y entrevistas en profundidad a miembros de los Ministerios de Salud de Argentina). Se indagó sobre procesos y resultados de la toma de decisiones en los Ministerios de Salud, mapeando la cobertura y recomendación de cada tecnología y el partido político provincial gobernante. Hubo heterogeneidad en resultados y procesos entre los Ministerios, y disputas en el interior de los mismos. La adherencia a recomendaciones oficiales fue baja, influyendo distintos criterios técnico-políticos (relaciones de poder, presión social, de los medios, académicos, poder Judicial y Legislativo). En algunos casos se observó una fuerte tensión entre oficialismo y oposición al partido gobernante a partir de la discusión sobre tecnologías. Cada provincia argentina definió sus políticas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para COVID-19 con autonomía, y la toma de decisiones en la administración pública en pandemia fue desordenada, compleja y no lineal.


Na Argentina, assim como em outros países, houve uma variabilidade de políticas públicas relacionadas às tecnologias de saúde implementadas no combate e tratamento da COVID-19 durante a pandemia. Este estudo buscou analisar como ocorreram a articulação vs. cooperação, e a autonomia vs. divisão de poderes entre as entidades na Argentina, explorando assimetrias entre diferentes entidades na implementação de políticas públicas relacionadas a tecnologias de saúde na pandemia, bem como as influências de outros atores. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental para o período de 2020-2021 (relatórios técnicos publicados pela Organização Mundial da Saúde, agências nacionais e sociedades científicas, leis, decisões judiciais, imprensa, pesquisas e entrevistas em profundidade com membros dos Ministérios da Saúde da Argentina). Os processos e os resultados da tomada de decisão nos Ministérios da Saúde foram analisados, traçando a cobertura e orientações de cada tecnologia e o partido político no poder na província. Observou-se uma heterogeneidade nos resultados e processos entre os Ministérios, e disputas em seu interior. Houve uma baixa adesão às orientações oficiais, influenciada por diferentes critérios técnico-políticos (relações de poder, pressão social, midiática, acadêmica, do poder Judiciário e do Legislativo). Em alguns casos, observou-se uma forte tensão entre governo e oposição a partir da discussão das tecnologias. Cada província da Argentina definiu suas políticas sobre tecnologias de saúde para a COVID-19 de forma autônoma, e a tomada de decisões na administração pública foi desordenada, complexa e não linear durante a pandemia.


COVID-19 , Health Policy , Pandemics , COVID-19/prevention & control , COVID-19/epidemiology , Argentina , Humans , Pandemics/prevention & control , Health Policy/legislation & jurisprudence , Biomedical Technology/legislation & jurisprudence , Politics , SARS-CoV-2 , Federal Government , Public Policy
11.
Behav Brain Sci ; 47: e85, 2024 May 13.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38738362

One example of proxy failure is current antisexist and antiracist policies. One of the most popular proxy in them is the number of representatives of marginalized groups - women and nonwhite people - in power structures. Here I show that such measures do not lead to combating sexism and racism, which flourish despite their application.


Public Policy , Racism , Sexism , Humans , Female , Male
12.
Accid Anal Prev ; 202: 107612, 2024 Jul.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38703590

The paper presents an exploratory study of a road safety policy index developed for Norway. The index consists of ten road safety measures for which data on their use from 1980 to 2021 are available. The ten measures were combined into an index which had an initial value of 50 in 1980 and increased to a value of 185 in 2021. To assess the application of the index in evaluating the effects of road safety policy, negative binomial regression models and multivariate time series models were developed for traffic fatalities, fatalities and serious injuries, and all injuries. The coefficient for the policy index was negative, indicating the road safety policy has contributed to reducing the number of fatalities and injuries. The size of this contribution can be estimated by means of at least three estimators that do not always produce identical values. There is little doubt about the sign of the relationship: a stronger road safety policy (as indicated by index values) is associated with a larger decline in fatalities and injuries. A precise quantification is, however, not possible. Different estimators of effect, all of which can be regarded as plausible, yield different results.


Accidents, Traffic , Safety , Accidents, Traffic/mortality , Accidents, Traffic/prevention & control , Accidents, Traffic/statistics & numerical data , Humans , Norway , Wounds and Injuries/prevention & control , Wounds and Injuries/mortality , Wounds and Injuries/epidemiology , Public Policy , Models, Statistical , Regression Analysis , Automobile Driving/legislation & jurisprudence , Automobile Driving/statistics & numerical data
14.
J Environ Manage ; 357: 120647, 2024 Apr.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38583385

Subsidy policies are instrumental in driving the development of new energy. However, the effective allocation of new energy subsidies over time is challenging given fiscal constraints. This study addresses this challenge by considering the learning effect associated with the new energy industry. A two-stage dynamic programming model is proposed to capture the investment decision-making process of companies under new energy subsidy policies and government subsidy setups. Theoretical findings suggest that company investment decisions in new energy are influenced by a guiding principle: The subsidy rate should be negatively correlated with the variation rate of production scale increment (VRPSI). We calibrate this investment decision principle using wind power data from 14 countries. According to this principle, excessive subsidy rates may result in a low VRPSI, thereby diminishing future investment profitability in the new energy industry and leading to subsidy inefficiency. Upon investigating the efficiency of annual subsidy allocation, we find that the subsidy rates were potentially set too high in 2014, 2016, and 2017. Furthermore, the government should exercise caution regarding an inefficient subsidy pattern whereby companies invest in new energy only when the subsidy rate exceeds a certain threshold, neglecting traditional power sources. It is crucial to note that although this study uses wind power industry data for calibration and simulation, the theoretical model can be broadly applied to other new energy industries and emerging industries with increasing marginal net profit.


Industry , Wind , Public Policy , Models, Theoretical , Investments
15.
Health Res Policy Syst ; 22(1): 47, 2024 Apr 15.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38622666

BACKGROUND: Generally, public health policy-making is hardly a linear process and is characterized by interactions among politicians, institutions, researchers, technocrats and practitioners from diverse fields, as well as brokers, interest groups, financiers and a gamut of other actors. Meanwhile, most public health policies and systems in Africa appear to be built loosely on technical and scientific evidence, but with high political systems and ideologies. While studies on national health policies in Africa are growing, there seems to be inadequate evidence mapping on common themes and concepts across existing literature. PURPOSE: The study seeks to explore the extent and type of evidence that exist on the conflict between politics and scientific evidence in the national health policy-making processes in Africa. METHODS: A thorough literature search was done in PubMed, Cochrane Library, ScienceDirect, Dimensions, Taylor and Francis, Chicago Journals, Emerald Insight, JSTOR and Google Scholar. In total, 43 peer-reviewed articles were eligible and used for this review. RESULT: We found that the conflicts to evidence usage in policy-making include competing interests and lack of commitment; global policy goals, interest/influence, power imbalance and funding, morals; and evidence-based approaches, self-sufficiency, collaboration among actors, policy priorities and existing structures. Barriers to the health policy process include fragmentation among actors, poor advocacy, lack of clarity on the agenda, inadequate evidence, inadequate consultation and corruption. The impact of the politics-evidence conflict includes policy agenda abrogation, suboptimal policy development success and policy implementation inadequacies. CONCLUSIONS: We report that political interests in most cases influence policy-makers and other stakeholders to prioritize financial gains over the use of research evidence to policy goals and targets. This situation has the tendency for inadequate health policies with poor implementation gaps. Addressing these issues requires incorporating relevant evidence into health policies, making strong leadership, effective governance and a commitment to public health.


Health Policy , Policy Making , Humans , Public Policy , Politics , Africa
16.
Alcohol Alcohol ; 59(3)2024 Mar 16.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38632828

AIMS: Sweeping policy changes during the COVID-19 pandemic increased alcohol availability through permitted to-go sales, potentially posing unique risks to college students. While to-go sales may make binge drinking more convenient, little remains known about these practices. Therefore, this study aimed to assess whether drinking establishments' to-go sales practices are associated with their other operational practices and state policy. METHOD: This cross-sectional analysis included 221 randomly selected bars, nightclubs, and restaurants within two miles of a large public university. Telephone interviews assessed establishment practices, and the Alcohol Policy Information System provided state alcohol to-go laws. Regression models tested whether establishment to-go sales practices were associated with their business practices (logistic regression) and state policy (generalized estimating equations). RESULTS: Nearly one-half (44.8%) of drinking establishments sold alcohol to-go. Establishments with higher vodka prices had nearly 30% higher odds of selling spirits to-go (aOR = 1.29) and establishments offering happy hours specials had more than twice the odds of selling beer (aOR = 2.22), wine (aOR = 2.53), and spirits to-go (aOR = 2.60). Additionally, establishments that implemented physical distance requirements had higher odds of selling wine to-go (aOR = 3.00). State to-go laws were associated with higher odds of selling wine (aOR = 3.99) and spirits to-go (aOR = 5.43) in the full sample and beer to-go (aOR = 4.92) in urban counties. CONCLUSIONS: Establishments that sell alcohol to-go tend to engage in other practices designed to drive sales. Evaluations of alcohol to-go sales laws on risky consumption among priority populations, including college students, are urgently needed to inform decisions about how to appropriately regulate sales.


Alcohol Drinking , COVID-19 , Humans , Universities , Cross-Sectional Studies , Pandemics , Ethanol , Alcoholic Beverages , Commerce , Public Policy
17.
PLoS One ; 19(4): e0299841, 2024.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38593149

When COVID-19 was first introduced to the United States, state and local governments enacted a variety of policies intended to mitigate the virulence of the epidemic. At the time, the most effective measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 included stay-at-home orders, closing of nonessential businesses, and mask mandates. Although it was well known that regions with high population density and cold climates were at the highest risk for disease spread, rural counties that are economically reliant on tourism were incentivized to enact fewer precautions against COVID-19. The uncertainty of the COVID-19 pandemic, the multiple policies to reduce transmission, and the changes in outdoor recreation behavior had a significant impact on rural tourism destinations and management of protected spaces. We utilize fine-scale incidence and demographic data to study the relationship between local economic and political concerns, COVID-19 mitigation measures, and the subsequent severity of outbreaks throughout the continental United States. We also present results from an online survey that measured travel behavior, health risk perceptions, knowledge and experience with COVID-19, and evaluation of destination attributes by 407 out-of-state visitors who traveled to Maine from 2020 to 2021. We synthesize this research to present a narrative on how perceptions of COVID-19 risk and public perceptions of rural tourism put certain communities at greater risk of illness throughout 2020. This research could inform future rural destination management and public health policies to help reduce negative socioeconomic, health and environmental impacts of pandemic-derived changes in travel and outdoor recreation behavior.


COVID-19 , Tourism , Humans , Pandemics/prevention & control , COVID-19/epidemiology , COVID-19/prevention & control , Travel , Public Policy
18.
Health Phys ; 126(6): 405-418, 2024 Jun 01.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38568161

ABSTRACT: The harm that society expects from ionizing radiation does not match experience. Evidently there is some basic error in this assumption. A reconsideration based on scientific principles shows how simple misunderstandings have exaggerated dangers. The consequences for society are far-reaching. The immediate impact of ionizing radiation on living tissue is destructive. However, this oxidative damage is similar to that produced during normal metabolic activity where the subsequent biological reaction is not only protective but also stimulates enhanced protection. This adaptation means that the response to oxidative damage depends on past experience. Similarly, social reaction to a radiological accident depends on the regulations and attitudes generated by the perception of previous instances. These shape whether nuclear technology and ionizing radiation are viewed as beneficial or as matters to avoid. Evidence of the spurious damage to society caused by such persistent fear in the second half of the 20 th century suggests that these laws and attitudes should be rebased on evidence. The three stages of radiological impact-the initial physical damage, the subsequent biological response, and the personal and social reaction-call on quite different logic and understanding. When these are confused, they lead to regulations and public policy decisions that are often inept, dangerous, and expensive. One example is when the mathematical rigor of physics, appropriate to the immediate impact, is misapplied to the adaptive behavior of biology. Another, the tortured historical reputation of nuclear technology, is misinterpreted as justifying a radiological protection policy of extreme caution.Specialized education and closed groups of experts tend to lock in interdisciplinary misperceptions. In the case of nuclear technology, the resulting lack of independent political confidence endangers the adoption of nuclear power as the replacement for fossil fuels. In the long term, nuclear energy is the only viable source of large-scale primary energy, but this requires a re-working of public understanding.


Nuclear Energy , Radiation Protection , Radiation Protection/standards , Radiation Protection/legislation & jurisprudence , Radiation Protection/methods , Humans , Radiation Injuries/prevention & control , Radioactive Hazard Release/prevention & control , Public Policy
19.
Int J Health Policy Manag ; 13: 8068, 2024.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38618829

BACKGROUND: Alcohol industry organisations occupy a prominent position in UK alcohol policy, but their involvement has been contested by public health bodies on the basis that a conflict of interest (COI) exists between their economic objectives and those of public health. There are ongoing debates in the research literature about how to conceptualise COI and mitigate this in health research and practise. However, less attention has been paid to these issues in relation to the alcohol industry specifically. This article explores similarities and differences in beliefs among alcohol policy actors regarding COI and the implications of engagement with the alcohol industry in the context of UK public health policy. METHODS: Semi-structured interviews with a range of policy actors (n=26) including medical professionals, parliamentarians, civil servants, academic researchers, health campaigners, and alcohol industry representatives. Interviews with alcohol industry representatives were supplemented with an analysis of industry responses to a public consultation. All data was thematically coded using NVivo software. RESULTS: Two competing "coalitions" were identified, expressing beliefs about COI linked to alcohol industry engagement. Both divergent and convergent beliefs were expressed by the two coalitions in relation to the type of industry actor, form of engagement, the policy issue under discussion and the stage of policy process. CONCLUSION: Alcohol policy is a complex and contested space in which policy actors have differing, nuanced and contingent understandings of COI and identify varying risks associated with alcohol industry engagement. In identifying the areas of convergence and diversion in both understanding and evaluation of COI in alcohol-specific settings, these findings will assist both decision-makers and non-governmental actors in developing policies and guidelines to manage potential COI in future.


Conflict of Interest , Public Policy , Humans , Ethanol , Public Health , United Kingdom
20.
Science ; 384(6691): 9, 2024 Apr 05.
Article En | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-38574127

In a world where biodiversity is on the line on many fronts-from armed conflict to pandemics to climate change-defending institutions that have effectively managed it is paramount. In the global effort to protect biodiversity, Mexico has been at the forefront. In particular, for more than 30 years, Mexico's National Commission for the Knowledge and Use of Biodiversity (CONABIO) has promoted research, compiled information on the biodiversity of Mexico and elsewhere, and connected academia, government, and society to guide decision-making. Unfortunately, the demise of CONABIO, which began in 2018 under the current administration, may be fully realized soon. Last month, the Mexican government announced its intent to reduce CONABIO from a multi-ministry federal government agency to a branch within the environment ministry. This will strip CONABIO of its independent voice, credibility, and influence on national and international policy. As this decision is open for public comment, it is important for the scientific community to speak out strongly against this change.


Biodiversity , Public Policy , Mexico , Government Agencies
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