ABSTRACT
Women's lifelong health and nutrition status is intricately related to their reproductive history, including the number and spacing of their pregnancies and births, and for how long and how intensively they breastfeed their children. In turn, women's reproductive biology is closely linked to their social roles and situation, including regarding economic disadvantage and disproportionate unpaid work. Recognizing, as well as reducing and redistributing women's care and domestic work (known as the 'Three Rs'), is an established framework for addressing women's inequitable unpaid care work. However, the care work of breastfeeding presents a dilemma, and is even a divisive issue, for advocates of women's empowerment, because reducing breastfeeding and replacing it with commercial milk formula risks harming women's and children's health. It is therefore necessary for the interaction between women's reproductive biology and infant care role to be recognized in order to support women's human rights and enable governments to implement economic, employment and other policies to empower women. In this paper, we argue that breastfeeding-like childbirth-is reproductive work that should not be reduced and cannot sensibly be directly redistributed to fathers or others. Rather, we contend that the Three Rs agenda should be reconceptualized to isolate breastfeeding as 'sexed' care work that should be supported rather than reduced with action taken to avoid undermining breastfeeding. This means that initiatives toward gender equality should be assessed against their impact on women's ability to breastfeed. With this reconceptualization, adjustments are also needed to key global economic institutions and national statistical systems to appropriately recognize the value of this work. Additional structural supports such as maternity protection and childcare are needed to ensure that childbearing and breastfeeding do not disadvantage women amidst efforts to reduce gender pay gaps and gender economic inequality. Distinct policy interventions are also required to facilitate fathers' engagement in enabling and supporting breastfeeding through sharing the other unpaid care work associated with parents' time-consuming care responsibilities, for both infants and young children and related household work.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding , Women's Rights , Pregnancy , Infant , Child , Female , Humans , Child, Preschool , Socioeconomic Factors , Nutritional Status , Child Health , Women's Health , Infant CareABSTRACT
COVID-19 and the associated lockdowns meant many working parents were faced with doing paid work and family care at home simultaneously. To investigate how they managed, this article draws a subsample of parents in dual-earner couples (n = 1536) from a national survey of 2722 Australian men and women conducted during lockdown in May 2020. It asked how much time respondents spent in paid and unpaid labour, including both active and supervisory care, and about their satisfaction with work-family balance and how their partner shared the load. Overall, paid work time was slightly lower and unpaid work time was very much higher during lockdown than before it. These time changes were most for mothers, but gender gaps somewhat narrowed because the relative increase in childcare was higher for fathers. More mothers than fathers were dissatisfied with their work-family balance and partner's share before COVID-19. For some the pandemic improved satisfaction levels, but for most they became worse. Again, some gender differences narrowed, mainly because more fathers also felt negatively during lockdown than they had before.
ABSTRACT
In Australia, as in many industrialized countries, the past 50 years have been marked by increasing female labor-force participation. It is popularly speculated that this might impose a mental-health burden on women and their children. This analysis aimed to examine the associations between household labor-force participation (household employment configuration) and the mental health of parents and children. Seven waves of data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children were used, comprising 2004-2016, with children aged 4-17 years). Mental health outcome measures were the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (children/adolescents) and 6-item Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (parents). A 5-category measure of household employment configuration was derived from parental reports: both parents full-time, male-breadwinner, female-breadwinner, shared-part-time employment (both part-time) and father full-time/mother part-time (1.5-earner). Fixed-effects regression models were used to compare within-person effects, controlling for time-varying confounders. For men, the male-breadwinner configuration was associated with poorer mental health compared with the 1.5-earner configuration (ß = 0.21, 95% confidence interval: 0.05, 0.36). No evidence of association was observed for either women or children. This counters prevailing social attitudes, suggesting that neither children nor women are adversely affected by household employment configuration, nor are they disadvantaged by the extent of this labor-force participation. Men's mental health appears to be poorer when they are the sole household breadwinner.
Subject(s)
Employment/psychology , Family Characteristics , Mental Health , Parents/psychology , Women, Working/psychology , Adolescent , Australia , Child , Child, Preschool , Employment/statistics & numerical data , Female , Humans , Longitudinal Studies , Male , Psychology, ChildABSTRACT
In 1999, two leading Australian academics challenged Australian universities to lead moves to better manage employees' maternity and breastfeeding needs, and 'bring babies and breasts into workplaces'. This paper addresses the question of how universities cope with the need for women to breastfeed, by exploring barriers facing women who combine breastfeeding and paid work at the Australian National University (ANU). Data were collected through online surveys in 2013 using mixed method, case study design, nested within a larger national study. Participants were 64 working mothers of children aged 0-2 years from the ANU community of employees and users of on-campus child care. Responses highlighted the ad hoc nature of support for breastfeeding at ANU. Lack of organisational support for breastfeeding resulted in adverse consequences for some ANU staff. These included high work-related stresses and premature cessation of breastfeeding among women who had intended to breastfeed their infants in line with health recommendations.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding/statistics & numerical data , Child Care/organization & administration , Organizational Culture , Organizational Policy , Women, Working/statistics & numerical data , Workplace/organization & administration , Attitude to Health , Australia , Child, Preschool , Female , Humans , Infant , Infant, NewbornABSTRACT
Contemporary expectations of good parenting hold that focused, intensive parental attention is essential to children's development. Parental input is viewed as a key determinant in children's social, psychological and educational outcomes, with the early years particularly crucial. However, increased rates of maternal employment mean that more parents are juggling work and family commitments and have less non-work time available to devote to children. Yet studies find that parental childcare time has increased over recent decades. In this paper, we explore the detail of this trend using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Time Use Survey (TUS), 1992 and 2006. To investigate whether discourses on intensive parenting are reflected in behaviour, we examine a greater range of parent-child activities than has been undertaken to date, looking at trends in active childcare time (disaggregated into talk-based, physical and accompanying care activities); time in childcare as a secondary activity; time spent in the company of children in leisure activities; and time spent in the company of children in total. We also investigate whether the influence of factors known to predict parental time with children (gender, education, employment status and the age of children) have changed over time. We contextualize our analyses within social and economic trends in Australia and find a compositional change in parental time, with more active childcare occurring within less overall time, which suggests more intensive, child-centred parenting. Fathers' parent-child time, particularly in physical care, increased more than mothers' (from a much lower base), and tertiary education no longer predicts significantly higher childcare time.
Subject(s)
Father-Child Relations , Mother-Child Relations , Parenting/psychology , Adolescent , Age Factors , Australia , Child , Child, Preschool , Educational Status , Employment/psychology , Employment/statistics & numerical data , Female , Humans , Infant , Infant, Newborn , Male , Mother-Child Relations/psychology , Sex Factors , Time FactorsABSTRACT
How does parental education affect time in the paid workforce and time with children? Potentially, the effects are contradictory. An economic perspective suggests higher education means a pull to the market. Human capital theory predicts that, because higher education improves earning capacity, educated women face higher opportunity costs if they forego wages, so will allocate more time to market work and less to unpaid domestic labour. But education may also exercise a pull to the home. Attitudes to child rearing are subject to strong social norms, and parents with higher levels of education may be particularly receptive to the current social ideal of attentive, sustained and intensive nurturing. Using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics Time-use Survey 1997, this study offers a snapshot of how these contradictory pulls play out in daily life. It finds that in Australia, households with university-educated parents spend more daily time with children than other households in physical care and in developmental activities. Sex inequality in care time persists, but fathers with university education do contribute more time to care of children, including time alone with them, than other fathers. Mothers with university education allocate more daily time than other mothers to both childcare and to paid work.