Ideological asymmetries in online hostility, intimidation, obscenity, and prejudice.

To investigate ideological symmetries and asymmetries in the expression of online prejudice, we used machine-learning methods to estimate the prevalence of extreme hostility in a large dataset of Twitter messages harvested in 2016. We analyzed language contained in 730,000 tweets on the following dimensions of bias: (1) threat and intimidation, (2) obscenity and vulgarity, (3) name-calling and humiliation, (4) hatred and/or racial, ethnic, or religious slurs, (5) stereotypical generalizations, and (6) negative prejudice. Results revealed that conservative social media users were significantly more likely than liberals to use language that involved threat, intimidation, name-calling, humiliation, stereotyping, and negative prejudice. Conservatives were also slightly more likely than liberals to use hateful language, but liberals were slightly more likely than conservatives to use obscenities. These findings are broadly consistent with the view that liberal values of equality and democratic tolerance contribute to ideological asymmetries in the expression of online prejudice, and they are inconsistent with the view that liberals and conservatives are equally prejudiced.

Expectations about system justification predict the ideological gap in attitudes towards immigrants.

In the U.S. political conservatives hold less favorable attitudes than liberals about immigration and immigrant groups. We hypothesized that one reason for this ideological gap is that conservatives are more likely to believe that immigrants are not as justifying of the American system as they should be. This hypothesis was tested in an online study (N = 404) with respect to four immigrant groups: Europeans, East Asians, Middle Easterners, and Latin Americans. Results revealed that conservatism was positively associated with (a) prescriptive beliefs that immigrants should engage in high levels of system justification, and (b) descriptive beliefs that immigrants-except for Middle Eastern immigrants-generally do endorse high levels of system justification. Importantly, conservatives perceived a bigger difference than liberals between prescriptive and descriptive beliefs about immigrants' system justification levels, and this difference mediated the association between conservatism and attitudes and feelings about non-European (but not European) immigrants. These findings support a new "Perceived System Justification Deficit Model of Prejudice" in which expectations about others' degree of ideological support for the societal status quo may contribute to out-group bias and perhaps even discrimination.

Cognitive-motivational mechanisms of political polarization in social-communicative contexts.

Healthy democratic polities feature competing visions of a good society but also require some level of cooperation and institutional trust. Democracy is at risk when citizens become so polarized that an 'us versus them' mentality dominates. Despite a vast multidisciplinary literature, no coherent conceptual framework of the microlevel dynamics that increase or decrease polarization has been presented. In this Review, we provide a conceptual framework to integrate scientific knowledge about cognitive-motivational mechanisms that influence political polarization and the social-communicative contexts in which they are enacted. Ego-justifying and group-justifying motives lead individuals to defend their own pre-existing beliefs and those of their in-group, respectively. However, a distinct class of system-justifying motives contributes to asymmetric forms of polarization. Whereas conservative-rightist ideology is associated with valuing tradition, social order and maintenance of the status quo, liberal-leftist ideology is associated with a push for egalitarian social change. These cognitive-motivational mechanisms interact with social influence processes linked to communication source, message and channel factors, all of which might contribute to increased or decreased polarization. We conclude with a discussion of unanswered questions and ways in which our framework can be extended to the study of culture and institutions.

Expressive suppression as an obstacle to social change: Linking system justification, emotion regulation, and collective action.

Research on system justification theory suggests that justifying the societal status quo decreases negative emotions, leading to less collective action. In this investigation, we propose that the degree to which negative emotions mediate the link between system justification and collective action may depend upon whether individuals tend to suppress the expression of their negative emotions. We tested this hypothesis in the diverse socio-political contexts of Turkey, Israel, and the U.S. In one correlational study (Study 1) and three experimental studies (Studies 2-4), we observed that the link between system justification and willingness to participate in collective action through anger (Studies 1-2 and 4) and guilt (Study 3) was moderated by expressive suppression. We found that negative emotions mediated the association between system justification and collective action among those who suppress the expression of their emotions less frequently, but not those who use expressive suppression more frequently. These findings suggest that emotion regulation may undermine, rather than facilitate, efforts to engage in collective action even among people who are low in system justification. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11031-021-09883-5.

Toward a neuropsychology of political orientation: exploring ideology in patients with frontal and midbrain lesions.

How do people form their political beliefs? In an effort to address this question, we adopt a neuropsychological approach. In a natural experiment, we explored links between neuroanatomy and ideological preferences in two samples of brain lesion patients in New York City. Specifically, we compared the political orientations of patients with frontal lobe lesions, patients with amygdala lesions and healthy control subjects. Lesion type classification analyses revealed that people with frontal lesions held more conservative (or less liberal) beliefs than those with anterior temporal lobe lesions or no lesions. Additional analyses predicting ideology by extent of damage provided convergent evidence that greater damage in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex-but not the amygdala-was associated with greater conservatism. These findings were robust to model specifications that adjusted for demographic, mood, and affect-related variables. Although measures of executive function failed to mediate the relationship between frontal lesions and ideology, our findings suggest that the prefrontal cortex may play a role in promoting the development of liberal ideology. Our approach suggests useful directions for future work to address the issue of whether biological developments precede political attitudes or vice versa-or both. This article is part of the theme issue 'The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.

The neural basis of ideological differences in race categorization.

Multiracial individuals are often categorized as members of their 'socially subordinate' racial group-a form of social discrimination termed hypodescent-with political conservatives more likely than liberals to show this bias. Although hypodescent has been linked to racial hierarchy preservation motives, it remains unclear how political ideology influences categorization: Do conservatives and liberals see, feel or think about mixed-race faces differently? Do they differ in sensitivity to Black prototypicality (i.e. skin tone darkness and Afrocentric features) or racial ambiguity (i.e. categorization difficulty) of Black/White mixed-race faces? To help answer these questions, we collected a politically diverse sample of White participants and had them categorize mixed-race faces as Black or White during functional neuroimaging. We found that conservatism was related to greater anterior insula activity to racially ambiguous faces, and this pattern of brain activation mediated conservatives' use of hypodescent. This demonstrates that conservatives' greater sensitivity to racial ambiguity (rather than Black prototypicality) gives rise to greater categorization of mixed-race individuals into the socially subordinate group and tentatively suggests that conservatives may differ from liberals in their affective reactions to mixed-race faces. Implications for the study of race categorization and political psychology are discussed. This article is part of the theme issue 'The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms'.

Drug use and HIV medication adherence in people living with HIV.

BACKGROUND: Opioid and cocaine use epidemics continue to be substantial in the United States and intersect with the HIV epidemic. Antiretroviral medication (ARV) adherence is critical for optimum HIV outcomes. While previous research explored harm reduction strategies to prevent HIV spread for people who use drugs (PWUD), little is known about strategies used by PWUD living with HIV to maintain ARV adherence. Methods: We explored whether PWUD modify their drug use explicitly to maintain ARV adherence, and identified factors associated with this process. We conducted 23 semi-structured interviews. Data were analyzed using a modified framework analysis approach. Results: Participants had a mean age of 54 years and were predominantly male (70%) and non-Hispanic black (65%). Most described periods of being able to adhere to ARVs while still using drugs, difficulty adhering to ARVs while using drugs, and abstinence/near abstinence from drug use. In exploring factors that influenced changes in drug use and ARV adherence behaviors, we noted consistent acknowledgment of the roles of family, partners, or providers. Conclusions: PWUD living with HIV often modify their drug use to improve ARV adherence. Providers caring for this population might consider family or group education models to encourage harm reduction to improve outcomes.

Moral "foundations" as the product of motivated social cognition: Empathy and other psychological underpinnings of ideological divergence in "individualizing" and "binding" concerns.

According to moral foundations theory, there are five distinct sources of moral intuition on which political liberals and conservatives differ. The present research program seeks to contextualize this taxonomy within the broader research literature on political ideology as motivated social cognition, including the observation that conservative judgments often serve system-justifying functions. In two studies, a combination of regression and path modeling techniques were used to explore the motivational underpinnings of ideological differences in moral intuitions. Consistent with our integrative model, the "binding" foundations (in-group loyalty, respect for authority, and purity) were associated with epistemic and existential needs to reduce uncertainty and threat and system justification tendencies, whereas the so-called "individualizing" foundations (fairness and avoidance of harm) were generally unrelated to epistemic and existential motives and were instead linked to empathic motivation. Taken as a whole, these results are consistent with the position taken by Hatemi, Crabtree, and Smith that moral "foundations" are themselves the product of motivated social cognition.

Abstinence-reinforcing contingency management improves HIV viral load suppression among HIV-infected people who use drugs: A randomized controlled trial.

BACKGROUND: HIV-infected people who use drugs (PWUD) have poor HIV outcomes. Few studies tested interventions to improve HIV outcomes among PWUD. Abstinence-reinforcing contingency management (CM) reduces drug use and could also improve HIV outcomes. METHODS: From 2012-2017, we conducted a randomized controlled trial testing whether a 16-week abstinence-reinforcing CM intervention improved HIV viral load (VL) among HIV-infected adults using opioids or cocaine. In the CM intervention, drug-free urines led to escalating value of vouchers ($2.50-$80/voucher, $1320 total maximum). In intention-to-treat mixed-effects linear and logistic regression analyses, we examined whether the CM intervention improved log10 VL (primary outcome), abstinence and antiretroviral adherence (secondary outcomes). RESULTS: Thirty-seven participants were randomized to the CM intervention and 36 to control. Median age was 49.2 years; most were male (61.6%) and non-Hispanic black (46.6%). In CM (vs. control) participants, mean reduction in log10 VL was greater (-0.16 log10 VL copies/mL per 4-week period; 95% CI: -0.29 to -0.03, p < 0.05). Over 16 weeks, CM participants had a mean reduction of 0.64 copies/mL in log10 VL greater than control participants. The CM intervention was not significantly associated with abstinence or adherence. CONCLUSIONS: This is the first study to demonstrate improvements in HIV VL via an abstinence-reinforcing CM intervention. Because the CM intervention did not significantly affect abstinence or adherence, the mechanism of its effect is unclear. To end the HIV epidemic, innovative strategies must address individuals with poor HIV outcomes. Abstinence-reinforcing CM may be one potential strategy to improve HIV outcomes among a select group of PWUD.

Rediscovering Tomkins' polarity theory: Humanism, normativism, and the psychological basis of left-right ideological conflict in the U.S. and Sweden.

According to Silvan Tomkins' polarity theory, ideological thought is universally structured by a clash between two opposing worldviews. On the left, a humanistic worldview seeks to uphold the intrinsic value of the person; on the right, a normative worldview holds that human worth is contingent upon conformity to rules. In this article, we situate humanism and normativism within the context of contemporary models of political ideology as a function of motivated social cognition, beliefs about the social world, and personality traits. In four studies conducted in the U.S. and Sweden, normativism was robustly associated with rightist (or conservative) self-placement; conservative issue preferences; resistance to change and acceptance of inequality; right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation; system justification and its underlying epistemic and existential motives to reduce uncertainty and threat; and a lack of openness, emotionality, and honesty-humility. Humanism exhibited the opposite relations to most of these constructs, but it was largely unrelated to epistemic and existential needs. Humanism was strongly associated with preferences for equality, openness to change, and low levels of authoritarianism, social dominance, and general and economic system justification. We conclude that polarity theory possesses considerable potential to explain how conflicts between worldviews shape contemporary politics.

Political psycholinguistics: A comprehensive analysis of the language habits of liberal and conservative social media users.

For nearly a century social scientists have sought to understand left-right ideological differences in values, motives, and thinking styles. Much progress has been made, but-as in other areas of research-this work has been criticized for relying on small and statistically unrepresentative samples and the use of reactive, self-report measures that lack ecological validity. In an effort to overcome these limitations, we employed automated text analytic methods to investigate the spontaneous, naturally occurring use of language in nearly 25,000 Twitter users. We derived 27 hypotheses from the literature on political psychology and tested them using 32 individual dictionaries. In 23 cases, we observed significant differences in the linguistic styles of liberals and conservatives. For instance, liberals used more language that conveyed benevolence, whereas conservatives used more language pertaining to threat, power, tradition, resistance to change, certainty, security, anger, anxiety, and negative emotion in general. In 17 cases, there were also significant effects of ideological extremity. For instance, moderates used more benevolent language, whereas extremists used more language pertaining to inhibition, tentativeness, affiliation, resistance to change, certainty, security, anger, anxiety, negative affect, swear words, and death-related language. These research methods, which are easily adaptable, open up new and unprecedented opportunities for conducting unobtrusive research in psycholinguistics and political psychology with large and diverse samples. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Economic system justification predicts muted emotional responses to inequality.

Although humans display inequality aversion, many people appear to be untroubled by widespread economic disparities. We suggest that such indifference is partly attributable to a belief in the fairness of the capitalist system. Here we report six studies showing that economic ideology predicts self-reported and physiological responses to inequality. In Studies 1 and 2, participants who regard the economic system as justified, compared with those who do not, report feeling less negative emotion after watching videos depicting homelessness. In Studies 3-5, economic system justifiers exhibit low levels of negative affect, as indexed by activation of the corrugator supercilii muscle, and autonomic arousal, as indexed by skin conductance, while viewing people experiencing homelessness. In Study 6, which employs experience-sampling methodology, everyday exposure to rich and poor people elicits less negative emotion among system justifiers. These results provide the strongest evidence to date that system-justifying beliefs diminish aversion to inequality in economic contexts.

Ideological justification of the sectarian political system in Lebanon.

We start by summarizing recent research on system justification theory, highlighting studies conducted outside the U.S. to expand the cross-national scope of the theory. Next we describe major findings in social and political psychology pertaining to religiosity, political conservatism, and various forms of system justification before turning to a specific case of entrenched inequality, namely the sectarian political system in Lebanon. We discuss the results of a nationally representative survey of 500 Lebanese adults conducted in 2016. Consistent with system justification theory, we observed that religiosity and political conservatism were positively associated with general and economic forms of system justification as well as support for the sectarian political system in Lebanon. We situate these findings in a broader historical and cultural analysis of Lebanon and other sectarian societies and highlight ways in which applying psychological theories and methods to novel and distinctive socio-ecological contexts can lead to practical insights and perhaps even policy recommendations.

Setting the record straight: System justification and rigidity-of-the-right in contemporary Hungarian politics.

Despite international concern about the resurgence of right-wing authoritarianism and xenophobic prejudice throughout Central and Eastern Europe, researchers have argued recently that rightists may be less cognitively rigid and system-justifying than liberals and leftists in the context of Hungary (Kelemen, Szabó, Mészáros, László, & Forgas, 2014; Lönnqvist, Szabó, & Kelemen, 2019). We identify shortcomings of the research on which these claims are based and provide evidence that "rigidity-of-the-right" does indeed characterise contemporary Hungarian politics. Specifically, we hired professional survey firms to administer measures of personal needs for order and structure, system justification and political orientation to two large, nationally representative samples in Hungary. Results revealed that self-identified rightists scored higher than leftists on needs for order and structure and system justification (Study 1, N = 1005) and that supporters of right-wing parties (Fidesz and Jobbik) scored higher on both general and economic system justification than supporters of liberal and leftist parties (Study 2, N = 886). In exploratory analyses, we also observed that rightists expressed more intolerance than leftists toward groups that are commonly mistreated in Eastern Europe, including the Roma, religious minorities and sexual minorities.

Rationale and design of a randomized pragmatic trial of patient-centered models of hepatitis C treatment for people who inject drugs: The HERO study.

BACKGROUND: Although people who inject drugs (PWID) having the highest incidence and prevalence of hepatitis C virus (HCV) in the US, HCV treatment is rarely provided to PWID due to assumptions about poor adherence and reinfection risk. As direct-acting antiviral agents (DAAs) have achieved sustained virologic response (SVR) rates of 95% or more, evidence-based strategies are urgently needed to demonstrate real-world effectiveness in marginalized patient populations such as PWID. The objectives of this study are: 1) to determine whether either of two patient-centered treatment models - patient navigation (PN) or modified directly observed therapy (mDOT) - results in more forward movement along the HCV care cascade including treatment initiation, adherence, and SVR; 2) using quantitative and qualitative methods, to understand factors associated with lack of treatment uptake, poor adherence (<80%), failure to achieve SVR, DAA resistance, and HCV reinfection. METHODS: The HERO study is a multi-site, pragmatic randomized clinical trial conducted in eight states where 754 HCV-infected PWID were randomly assigned to either PN or mDOT. CONCLUSIONS: This study addresses an urgent need for timely and accurate information on optimal models of care to promote HCV treatment initiation, adherence, treatment completion and SVR among PWID, as well as rates and factors associated with reinfection and resistance after treatment. This clinical trial has the potential to provide valuable information on how to reduce the burden of the HCV epidemic in PWID.

Gaps in HCV Knowledge and Risk Behaviors among Young Suburban People Who Inject Drugs.

BACKGROUND: Hepatitis C virus (HCV) among young suburban people who inject drugs (PWID) is a growing epidemic in the United States, yet little is known about the factors contributing to increased exposure. The goal of this study was to explore and assess HCV knowledge and attitudes about treatment and identify risk behaviors among a cohort of young suburban PWID. Methods: We conducted interviews with New Jersey (NJ) service providers and staff from the state's five syringe service programs to inform a semistructured survey addressing HCV knowledge, treatment, and risk factors among young suburban PWID. We then used this survey to conduct qualitative interviews with 14 young suburban PWID (median age 26 years) in NJ between April and May 2015. Data were analyzed using a modified grounded theory approach and coded to identify thematic relationships among respondents. Results: Most participants had substantial gaps in several aspects of HCV knowledge. These included: HCV transmission, HCV symptoms, and the availability of new direct-acting antiviral therapy. Participants also downplayed the risk of past and current risk behaviors, such as sharing drug paraphernalia and reusing needles, which also reflected incomplete knowledge regarding these practices. Conclusion: Young suburban PWID are not receiving or retaining accurate and current HCV information. Innovative outreach and prevention messages specifically tailored to young suburban PWID may help to disseminate HCV prevention and treatment information to this population.

Author Correction: Electrically pumped photonic integrated soliton microcomb.

The original version of this Article contained an error in the first sentence of the Acknowledgements, which incorrectly read 'This publication was supported by Contract HR0011-15-C-0055 (DODOS) from the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), Defense Sciences Office (DSO).' The correct version states 'Microsystems Technology Office (MTO)' in place of 'Defense Sciences Office (DSO)'. This has been corrected in both the PDF and HTML versions of the Article.

False Equivalence: Are Liberals and Conservatives in the United States Equally Biased?

On the basis of a meta-analysis of 51 studies, Ditto et al. (this issue, p. 273) conclude that ideological bias is equivalent on the left and right of U.S. politics. In this commentary, we contend that this conclusion does not follow from the review and that Ditto and his colleagues are too quick to embrace a false equivalence between the liberal left and the conservative right. For one thing, the issues, procedures, and materials used in the studies reviewed by Ditto and his colleagues were selected for purposes other than the inspection of ideological asymmetries. Consequently, methodological choices made by researchers were systematically biased to avoid producing differences between liberals and conservatives. We also consider the broader implications of a normative analysis of judgment and decision making and demonstrate that the bias examined by Ditto and his colleagues is not, in fact, an irrational bias, and that it is incoherent to discuss bias in the absence of standards for assessing accuracy and consistency. Other conclusions about domain-general asymmetries in motivated social cognition have suggested that epistemic virtues are more prevalent among liberals than conservatives, and these conclusions are closer to the truth of the matter when it comes to current American politics. Finally, we question the notion that the research literature in psychology is necessarily characterized by liberal bias, as several authors have claimed.

Electrically pumped photonic integrated soliton microcomb.

Microcombs provide a path to broad-bandwidth integrated frequency combs with low power consumption, which are compatible with wafer-scale fabrication. Yet, electrically-driven, photonic chip-based microcombs are inhibited by the required high threshold power and the frequency agility of the laser for soliton initiation. Here we demonstrate an electrically-driven soliton microcomb by coupling a III-V-material-based (indium phosphide) multiple-longitudinal-mode laser diode chip to a high-Q silicon nitride microresonator fabricated using the photonic Damascene process. The laser diode is self-injection locked to the microresonator, which is accompanied by the narrowing of the laser linewidth, and the simultaneous formation of dissipative Kerr solitons. By tuning the laser diode current, we observe transitions from modulation instability, breather solitons, to single-soliton states. The system operating at an electronically-detectable sub-100-GHz mode spacing requires less than 1 Watt of electrical power, can fit in a volume of ca. 1 cm3, and does not require on-chip filters and heaters, thus simplifying the integrated microcomb.