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Nutrition in early life plays a key role in shaping an infant's future health. There is limited understanding of the perspectives of Vietnamese mothers with children under 24 months of age regarding breastmilk expression, donation and use. In this cross-sectional study, an online survey was administered through two parenting social media communities to assess opinions on breastmilk expression, breastmilk donation including contributions from bereaved mothers and the use of donor human milk. A 4-point Likert scale was used to evaluate respondents' opinions, and demographic and breastfeeding information was collected. Among 375 respondents, almost 30% had received breastmilk from another woman, either through direct breastfeeding (14.7%), expressed breastmilk (12.5%) or from a human milk bank (2.7%). In this survey of 375 mothers, 84.0% indicated they would store excess breastmilk, while 75.7% and 69.6% would donate to a human milk bank or another mother, respectively. When faced with insufficient breastmilk, 88.5% of mothers would seek ways to increase supply, whereas 23.8% considered using commercial milk formula. Regarding milk expression among the 375 mothers, 78.4% preferred electric pumps, compared to 48.6% for manual pumps and 45.9% for hand expression. Additionally, 80.5% of the 375 mothers would suggest donating stored milk to bereaved peers and 85.6% would suggest mothers with mild COVID-19 to continue breastfeeding with precautions. These findings indicate that this sample has positive views on breastfeeding, breastmilk donation and the use of donor human milk.
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BACKGROUND: Breastfeeding is the biological norm for feeding infants and young children. When mothers' breastmilk is unavailable, donor human milk (DHM) from a human milk bank (HMB) becomes the next option for small vulnerable newborns. A comprehensive cost analysis is essential for understanding the investments needed to establish, operate, and scale up HMBs. This study aims to estimate and analyze such costs at the first facility established in Vietnam. METHODS: An activity-based costing ingredients (ABC-I) approach was employed, with the cost perspective from service provision agencies (specifically, the project conducted at Da Nang Hospital for Women and Children and Development Partners). Estimated financial costs, based on actual expenditures, were measured in 2023 local currency and then converted to 2023 US dollars (USD). We examined three scenarios: 1) direct start-up costs + indirect start-up costs + implementation costs, 2) direct start-up costs + implementation costs, and 3) capital costs + implementation costs over the 6.5 years of operation. RESULTS: The total start-up cost was USD 616,263, with total expenditure on direct activities at USD 228,131 and indirect activities at USD 388,132. Investment in equipment accounted for the largest proportion (USD 84,213). The monthly costs of Da Nang HMB were USD 25,217, 14,565, and 9,326, corresponding to scenarios 1, 2, and 3, respectively. Over HMB's 6.5 years of operation, on average, the unit costs were USD 166, USD 96, and USD 62 for DHM received and USD 201, USD 116, and USD 74 for pasteurized DHM meeting specified criteria in the corresponding scenarios. Unit costs were highest in the initial six months, decreased, and reached their lowest levels after a year. Then, the unit costs experienced an increase in late 2020 and early 2021. CONCLUSION: Although the unit cost of DHM in Da Nang HMB is comparable to that in certain neighboring countries, intentional measures to reduce disposal rates, improve HMB efficiency, motivate more community-based donors, and establish an HMB service network should be implemented to lower costs.
Subject(s)
Costs and Cost Analysis , Milk Banks , Milk, Human , Humans , Vietnam , Milk Banks/economics , Female , Infant, Newborn , Infant , Breast Feeding/economicsABSTRACT
Carbon offset frameworks like the UN Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) have largely overlooked interventions involving food, health, and care systems, including breastfeeding. The innovative Green Feeding Climate Action Tool (GFT) assesses the environmental impact of commercial milk formula (CMF) use, and advocates for breastfeeding support interventions as legitimate carbon offsets. This paper provides an overview of the GFT's development, key features, and potential uses. The offline and online GFT were developed using the DMADV methodology (Define, Measure, Analyze, Design, Verify). The GFT reveals that the production and use of CMF by infants under 6 months results in annual global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of between 5.9 and 7.5 billion kg CO2 eq. and consumes 2,562.5 billion liters of water. As a national example, in India, one of the world's most populous countries, CMF consumption requires 250.6 billion liters of water and results in GHG emissions ranging from 579 to 737 million kg CO2 eq. annually, despite the country's high breastfeeding prevalence among infants under 6 months. The GFT mainly draws on data for low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), as many high-income countries (HICs) do not collect suitable data for such calculations. Despite poor official data on breastfeeding practices in HICs, GFT users can input their own data from smaller-scale surveys or their best estimates. The GFT also offers the capability to estimate and compare baseline with counterfactual scenarios, such as for interventions or policy changes that improve breastfeeding practices. In conclusion, the GFT is an important innovation to quantify CMF's environmental impact and highlight the significance of breastfeeding for planetary as well as human health. Women's contributions to environmental preservation through breastfeeding should be recognized, and breastfeeding interventions and policies should be funded as legitimate carbon offsets. The GFT quantifies CMF's carbon and water footprints and facilitates financing breastfeeding support as a carbon offset initiative under CDM funding facilities.
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Policy-makers need to rethink the connections between the economy and health. The World Health Organization Council on the Economics of Health for All has called for human and planetary health and well-being to be moved to the core of decision-making to build economies for health. Doing so involves valuing and measuring what matters, more and better health financing, innovation for the common good and rebuilding public sector capacity. We build on this thinking to argue that breastfeeding should be recognized in food and well-being statistics, while investments in breastfeeding should be considered a carbon offset in global financing arrangements for sustainable food, health and economic systems. Breastfeeding women nourish half the world's infants and young children with immense quantities of a highly valuable milk. This care work is not counted in gross domestic product or national food balance sheets, and yet ever-increasing commercial milk formula sales are counted. Achieving global nutrition targets for breastfeeding would realize far greater reductions in greenhouse gas emissions than decarbonizing commercial milk formula manufacturing. New metrics and financing mechanisms are needed to achieve the health, sustainability and equity gains from more optimal infant and young child feeding. Properly valuing crucial care and environmental resources in global and national measurement systems would redirect international financial resources away from expanding carbon-emitting activities, and towards what really matters, that is, health for all. Doing so should start with considering breastfeeding as the highest quality, local, sustainable first-food system for generations to come.
Les responsables politiques doivent repenser les liens entre économie et santé. Le Conseil de l'Organisation mondiale de la Santé sur l'économie de la santé pour tous a demandé que le bien-être et la santé, aussi bien de l'humain que de la planète, soient désormais au cÅur du processus de prise de décisions afin de créer des économies au service de la santé. Il est donc impératif d'identifier et de valoriser ce qui compte, d'accroître et d'optimiser le financement de la santé, d'innover pour le bien commun et de renforcer les capacités du secteur public. En partant de cette réflexion, nous plaidons pour une reconnaissance de l'allaitement dans les statistiques relatives à l'alimentation et au bien-être, et estimons que tout investissement réalisé dans ce domaine devrait être considéré comme un crédit-carbone dans le cadre des modalités financières mondiales liées aux systèmes économiques et sanitaires ainsi qu'à une alimentation durable. Les femmes allaitantes nourrissent la moitié des enfants en bas âge dans le monde avec d'immenses quantités de lait extrêmement précieux. Ces activités de soins ne sont pas comptabilisées dans le produit intérieur brut ou les bilans alimentaires nationaux, contrairement aux ventes de lait maternisé en constante progression. Atteindre les cibles mondiales de nutrition pour l'allaitement contribuerait davantage à réduire les émissions de gaz à effet de serre que décarboner la production de lait maternisé. De nouveaux paramètres et mécanismes de financement sont nécessaires pour bénéficier des avantages en matière de santé, de durabilité et d'équité qui découlent d'une meilleure alimentation des nourrissons et jeunes enfants. Valoriser correctement les principales ressources consacrées à l'environnement et aux soins dans les systèmes de mesure nationaux et mondiaux permettrait de détourner les moyens financiers internationaux du développement d'activités à fort taux d'émissions pour les rediriger vers ce qui compte vraiment, c'est-à-dire la santé pour tous. Et pour y parvenir, la première étape consisterait à reconnaître l'allaitement comme l'aliment de base, local, durable et de qualité pour les générations futures.
Los responsables de formular las políticas deben volver a plantearse las conexiones entre la economía y la salud. El Consejo sobre la Economía de la Salud para Todos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud ha pedido que la salud y el bienestar humanos y del planeta se sitúen en el centro de la toma de decisiones a fin de desarrollar economías para la salud. Esto requiere valorar y medir lo que importa, más y mejor financiación sanitaria, innovación para el bien común y reconstrucción de la capacidad del sector público. Nos basamos en este pensamiento para argumentar que la lactancia materna debería reconocerse en las estadísticas de alimentación y bienestar, mientras que las inversiones en lactancia materna deberían considerarse como una compensación de emisiones de carbono en los acuerdos globales de financiación para sistemas alimentarios, sanitarios y económicos sostenibles. Las mujeres lactantes alimentan a la mitad de los bebés y niños pequeños del mundo con inmensas cantidades de una leche muy valiosa. Este trabajo de cuidados no se contabiliza en el producto interior bruto ni en los balances alimentarios nacionales y, sin embargo, sí se contabilizan las ventas cada vez mayores de leche de fórmula comercial. Alcanzar los objetivos mundiales de nutrición para la lactancia materna supondría una reducción mucho mayor de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero que descarbonizar la fabricación de leche de fórmula comercial. Se necesitan nuevas métricas y mecanismos de financiación para lograr los beneficios en materia de salud, sostenibilidad y equidad de una alimentación más óptima de los bebés y los niños pequeños. Una valoración adecuada de los cuidados esenciales y de los recursos medioambientales en los sistemas de medición globales y nacionales redirigiría los recursos financieros internacionales lejos de la expansión de las actividades que emiten carbono, y hacia lo que realmente importa, es decir, la salud para todos. En este contexto, habría que empezar por considerar la lactancia materna como el sistema de primera alimentación de mayor calidad, local y sostenible para las generaciones futuras.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding , Humans , Infant , World Health Organization , Global Health , Female , InvestmentsABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: The Philippines has enacted maternity protection policies, such as the 105-Day Expanded Maternity Leave Law and the Expanded Breastfeeding Promotion Act of 2009, to protect, promote, and support breastfeeding. This study aimed to review the content and implementation of maternity protection policies in the Philippines and assess their role in enabling recommended breastfeeding practices. It also identified bottlenecks to successful implementation from the perspectives of mothers and their partners, employers, and authorities from the government and non-government organizations involved in developing, implementing, monitoring, and enforcing maternity protection policies. METHODS: This study employed a desk review of policies, guidelines, and related documents on maternity protection, and in-depth interviews. Of the 87 in-depth interviews, there were 12 employed pregnant women, 29 mothers of infants, 15 partners of the mothers, 12 employers and 19 key informants from the government and non-government organizations. Respondents for the in-depth interviews were from the Greater Manila Area and were recruited using purposive snowball sampling. Data were collected from December 2020 to April 2021. RESULTS: The study shows that maternity protection policies in the Philippines are mostly aligned with the maternity protection standards set by the International Labour Organization. However, their role in improving breastfeeding practices is limited because: (1) not all working women have access to maternity protection entitlements; (2) the duration of maternity leave entitlements is inconsistent with the World Health Organization's recommended duration of exclusive breastfeeding; (3) there are gaps in policy implementation including: a lack of monitoring systems to measure the availability, functionality, and usage of lactation spaces; limited workplace support for breastfeeding; poor communication of maternity and paternity entitlements; and limited breastfeeding advocacy and promotion; and (4) there is limited integration between maternity protection and breastfeeding promotion interventions. CONCLUSIONS: There is a need to (1) strengthen communication about and promotion of maternity and paternity entitlements for mothers, fathers and employers, (2) improve monitoring and enforcement mechanisms to ensure utilization of entitlements among mothers, (3) develop modalities to extend the coverage of maternity entitlements to the informal sector, (4) fully cover paid leave entitlements from social insurance or public funding sources in line with International Labour Organization recommendations, and (5) revisit the limitations on the coverage of paternity entitlement.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding , Mothers , Infant , Humans , Female , Pregnancy , Philippines , Employment , PolicyABSTRACT
There is a growing recognition globally that care regarding lactation following a perinatal death needs to potentially offer the opportunity for maternal donation. This article discusses this experience and perspectives from a human milk bank (HMB) in Vietnam. This is a descriptive exploratory case study that has a long tradition in both the social and health sciences. Triangulated data collection involved a review of video data, interview data with the donor, and data review for the Da Nang HMB, a Center for Excellence in Breastfeeding. We found that although it is common for mothers in Vietnam to donate breastmilk to HMBs, it is less common for this to occur following perinatal loss. We offer a descriptive case study of the maternal loss of twins and a subsequent choice to donate for approximately 1 month to the Da Nang HMB, the first HMB in Vietnam. We discuss four reasons derived from this case regarding donation following perinatal loss. (1) A strong motivation to donate breastmilk when aware of the service, (2) donating breastmilk helped her deal with grief, (3) family members supported her through this tough time and supported her decision, and (4) health staff supported her decision. While human milk sharing (e.g., wet nursing) has been practiced in Vietnam, breastmilk donation from bereaved mothers has neither been discussed nor well-researched. Because maternal grief is complex and individual, deciding to donate breastmilk is a personal decision that needs to be supported, without creating guilt for those who do not wish to donate.
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Women's lifelong health and nutrition status is intricately related to their reproductive history, including the number and spacing of their pregnancies and births, and for how long and how intensively they breastfeed their children. In turn, women's reproductive biology is closely linked to their social roles and situation, including regarding economic disadvantage and disproportionate unpaid work. Recognizing, as well as reducing and redistributing women's care and domestic work (known as the 'Three Rs'), is an established framework for addressing women's inequitable unpaid care work. However, the care work of breastfeeding presents a dilemma, and is even a divisive issue, for advocates of women's empowerment, because reducing breastfeeding and replacing it with commercial milk formula risks harming women's and children's health. It is therefore necessary for the interaction between women's reproductive biology and infant care role to be recognized in order to support women's human rights and enable governments to implement economic, employment and other policies to empower women. In this paper, we argue that breastfeeding-like childbirth-is reproductive work that should not be reduced and cannot sensibly be directly redistributed to fathers or others. Rather, we contend that the Three Rs agenda should be reconceptualized to isolate breastfeeding as 'sexed' care work that should be supported rather than reduced with action taken to avoid undermining breastfeeding. This means that initiatives toward gender equality should be assessed against their impact on women's ability to breastfeed. With this reconceptualization, adjustments are also needed to key global economic institutions and national statistical systems to appropriately recognize the value of this work. Additional structural supports such as maternity protection and childcare are needed to ensure that childbearing and breastfeeding do not disadvantage women amidst efforts to reduce gender pay gaps and gender economic inequality. Distinct policy interventions are also required to facilitate fathers' engagement in enabling and supporting breastfeeding through sharing the other unpaid care work associated with parents' time-consuming care responsibilities, for both infants and young children and related household work.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding , Women's Rights , Pregnancy , Infant , Child , Female , Humans , Child, Preschool , Socioeconomic Factors , Nutritional Status , Child Health , Women's Health , Infant CareABSTRACT
Background: Donor human milk (DHM) is essential to the operation of human milk banks (HMB). This study examined characteristics and factors associated with higher volumes of DHM donation at the first HMB in Vietnam. Method: Data from an online HMB monitoring system collected between February 2017 and July 2022 included demographic characteristics, child information, the timing of donation, and the volume of DHM. Higher volume is defined as equal to or greater than the median DHM volume per donor of 14.4â liters (L). Potential contributors to higher DHM volume were examined using the chi-square test in univariate and multivariable logistic regression analysis. Results: During the 5.5-year operation, this HMB recruited 517 donors with an average age of 28.6 years. Approximately 60.9% of donors had a college or higher degree and 97.3% gave birth in Da Nang city. Of these donors, the prevalence of cesarean birth was 48.2%, preterm births was 40.2%, and 27.9% had babies with a birth weight of less than 1,500â g. There was a similar proportion of donors between the hospital (48.2%) and community (51.8%). On average, hospital donors started their donations 15 days after birth when their newborns were 33.9 weeks corrected age compared to 63 days and 47.7 weeks among community-based donors. The overall median volume of DHM per donor was 14.4â L over a period of 46 days. The amount and duration were higher in community-based donors (17.5â L in 72 days, 300â ml/day) than those in the hospital (8.4â L in 30 days, 258â ml/day). More than 37% of donors contacted the HMB themselves; the remainder were introduced by health professionals. Factors associated with higher volumes of DHM included higher education (OR: 1.77; 95% CI: 1.09, 2.87), having a full-term newborn (OR: 2.46; 95% CI: 1.46, 4.13), and community-based donors (OR: 2.15; 95% CI: 1.22, 3.78). Conclusions: Mothers with higher education and from the community donate more breastmilk over a longer duration than those with lower education and from the hospital. Breastfeeding protection, promotion, and support should be offered to all mothers with specialized breastfeeding support for mothers of preterm and sick infants. This will ensure mothers have sufficient breastmilk for their newborns and potentially surplus breastmilk for donation.
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(1) Background: Routine episiotomy is not recommended by international guidelines; however, it occurs at a high rate in Vietnam. (2) Methods: A process to reduce unnecessary episiotomies was developed and implemented as part of the Centers of Excellence for Breastfeeding initiative, which aims to deliver high-quality breastfeeding and early essential newborn care services within a supportive policy environment. The aim of this project report is to outline the steps undertaken to reduce episiotomies, the experience in pilot hospitals, and the process towards changing policy. (3) Results: During the 14 months following the change in episiotomy policy, pilot hospital records showed no infant death or injury. Monthly monitoring data from four pilot hospitals showed that the prevalence of episiotomy was substantially lower than the average in national hospitals in Vietnam. Facilitators to reducing the episiotomy rate include the incentive of Centers of Excellence for Breastfeeding designation and supportive hospital leadership. Challenges include the ambiguity of Vietnam's national guideline on episiotomy and lack of routine monitoring on the episiotomy rate and indications. (4) Discussion: Our experience suggests that through training and routine monitoring hospitals can apply a policy of selective episiotomy and reduce the practice, particularly among multiparous women, and improve breastfeeding rates.(5) Conclusions: Sharing our experience of implementing this process and offering four areas for action will hopefully contribute to expanded use of mother-friendly, evidence-based care as policy and routine practice in Vietnam and similar settings.
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The Mothers' Milk Tool was developed to make more visible the economic value contributed to society by women's unpaid care work through breastfeeding infants and young children. This manuscript describes the development and display key features of the tool, and reports results for selected countries. For the development, we used five steps: (1) defining the tool by reviewing existing tools and scholarly literature to identify uses, approaches, design features, and required data characteristics for a suitable product; (2) specifying the best open-access data available for measurement and easy updating; (3) analyzing development options; (4) testing predictive models to fill identified breastfeeding data gaps; and (5) validating the tool with prospective users and against previous research. We developed an Excel-based tool that allows working offline, displaying preloaded data, imputing data, and inputting users' data. It calculates annual quantities of milk produced by breastfeeding women for children aged 0-35.9 months, and the quantities lost compared to a defined biologically feasible level. It supports calculations for an individual mother, for countries, and global level. Breastfeeding women globally produce around 35.6 billion liters of milk annually, but 38.2% is currently "lost" due to cultural barriers and structural impediments to breastfeeding. The tool can also attribute a monetary value to the production. In conclusion, the Mothers' Milk Tool shows what is at risk economically if women's important capacity for breastfeeding is not protected, promoted, and supported by effective national policies, programs, and investments. The tool is of value to food and health policymakers, public officials, advocates, researchers, national accountants and statisticians, and individual mother/baby dyads, and will assist consideration of breastfeeding in food balance sheets and economic production statistics. The tool supports the 2015 Call to Action by the Global Breastfeeding Collective by facilitating the tracking of progress on breastfeeding targets.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding , Milk, Human , Infant , Child , Humans , Female , Child, Preschool , Prospective Studies , MothersABSTRACT
[This corrects the article DOI: 10.3389/fnut.2022.1049610.].
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The Philippine Milk Code was enacted in 1986 to protect breastfeeding and reduce inappropriate marketing of breastmilk substitutes (BMS). The Philippine Milk Code is categorized as "substantially aligned" with the International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes ("the Code"), but its provisions are assessed as relatively weak in prohibiting promotion to the general public. The extent to which violations of the Philippine Milk Code persist in traditional media platforms and in the digital space has not been systematically explored. This study employed a cross-sectional multimedia audit to examine the marketing and promotion of products under the scope of the Code, as well as those regulated by the Philippine Milk Code. Through a media monitoring conducted from March to September 2018, a total of 430 unique television (n = 32), printed (n = 87) and online (n = 311) promotional materials were identified. A coding tool was used to analyze the content, including the marketing elements used in the materials. Our findings show that commercial milk formula (CMF) for children ≥36 months old was the most promoted type of product (n = 251); and staging of events (n = 211), provision of special discounts or financial inducements (n = 115) and the use of taglines (n = 112) were the most used marketing elements. Promotion of CMF for children <36 months old was uncommon, which supports the conclusion that there is broad compliance with the Philippine Milk Code in terms of the types of products promoted. However, analysis of marketing elements reveals that the CMF industry circumvents the Philippine Milk Code through the use of false and misleading health and nutrition claims, emotionally manipulative language in promotional materials, and cross-promotion. The findings indicate gaps in enforcement and regulatory measures that require urgent attention.
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Background: Microbiological quality is one of the key safety standards in human milk bank (HMB) operations. We describe the profiles of bacteria in donor human milk (DHM) before and after the pasteurization of samples collected from breastfeeding women in the hospital and from the community in the first HMB in Vietnam. Methods: Data were collected between February 2017 and January 2022 from an online HMB monitoring system. First, DHM samples were cultured, and the number of colony-forming units (CFU) were counted before (n = 708) and after pasteurization (n = 1146). The gram-staining method combined with the Vitek 2 Compact system were used to identify types of organisms at the Da Nang Hospital for Women and Children's Laboratory. Passing criteria for DHM included pre-pasteurization samples had a total colony count <105 CFU/mL and post-pasteurization was <10 CFU/mL. Results: During five years of operation, Da Nang HMB had 491 donors (48.7% were hospital and the rest community donors) who donated an average amount of 14.2 L over 45 days. Of this DHM volume, 84.9% of donor samples passed the pre- and post-pasteurization microbiological tests. DHM from community donors had a higher pass rate (87.8%) compared to that from hospital donors (79.5%). Before pasteurization, 15.4% of DHM samples had a bacteria count <103 CFU/mL, 63.0% had 103-<105 CFU/mL, and 21.6% had ≥105 CFU/mL. Most of the unpasteurized DHM samples (93.0%) had microorganism growth: with one organism (16.4%), two (33.9%), three or more (43.6%). After pasteurization, 17.9% samples had a bacteria count of 1−9 CFU/mL and 7.2% had ≥10 CFU/mL. DHM samples from community donors had a lower bacterial count and number of organisms than those from hospital donors both before and after pasteurization. The highest microorganisms from unpasteurized DHM samples were Staphylococcus epidermidis (74.2%), Acinetobacter sp. (52.1%), gram-positive bacillus (51.7%), Staphylococcus coagulase-negative (15.8%), and Staphylococcus aureus (10.5%). Common microorganisms from pasteurized DHM were gram-positive bacillus (21.0%), Staphylococcus epidermidis (3.9%), and Acinetobacter sp. (0.9%). Samples from the hospital tended to have a higher contamination with those microorganisms than those from community donors. Conclusions: The majority of DHM samples in Da Nang passed microbiological testing criteria. DHM from community donors had higher pass rates than hospital donors. Corrective actions are needed to improve HMB operations and hospital microbiological quality standards, as well as general improvements in water and sanitation.
Subject(s)
Milk Banks , Milk, Human , Child , Pregnancy , Female , Humans , Animals , Milk, Human/microbiology , Vietnam , Milk/microbiology , Pasteurization/methods , ColostrumABSTRACT
Nutrition policies are critical frameworks for tackling the triple burden of malnutrition, including undernutrition (i.e., stunting and wasting), overweight, and hidden hunger (i.e., micronutrient deficiencies). We examined (1) the alignment of recent National Nutrition Strategies and Action Plans (NNS) in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam with recent global and regional recommendations and standards with a focus on maternal, infant, and young child nutrition and (2) changes compared to the previous NNS. We extracted information regarding the context, objectives, interventions, indicators, strategies, and coordination mechanisms from the most recent NNSs in Cambodia (2019-2023), Laos (2021-2025), and Vietnam (2021-2030). Recent NNSs aimed to reduce malnutrition among priority populations and described program development, monitoring, and evaluation plans for the following interventions: breastfeeding promotion, improved complementary feeding, dietary diversity, safe water, food security, nutritional/health campaigns, strategies for vulnerable groups, and strengthening of policies related to food and nutrition. Direct interventions to improve women's general nutrition (outside of pregnancy) and adolescent nutrition were not the focus of any NNSs. Although some indicators (e.g., wasting and exclusive breastfeeding) were covered in all recent NNSs, other indicators (e.g., low birth weight and childhood overweight and obesity) were inconsistently incorporated. In comparison to the previous NNS, the following interventions were discontinued in three countries: dietary counseling, maintaining physical activity, monitoring weight gain during pregnancy, maternal micronutrient supplementation, and nutrition and HIV. Despite similarities in structure and content, the recent NNSs of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam do not consistently align with global and regional recommendations. Variations in the types of interventions and indicators included may reflect a shift in priorities, attention, or resources. In conclusion, the NNSs of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam exhibit both structural and content similarities; however, certain interventions and indicators vary across countries and differ from global and regional recommendations. Enhancing alignment while prioritizing country-specific needs, optimizing coordination, ensuring policy efficacy, and updating nutrition strategy data for cross-country comparisons and knowledge exchange is critical to ensure progress on reducing malnutrition in the region.
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Breastfeeding is essential for child survival but globally less than fifty percent of infants receive adequate breastfeeding. Gaps in breastfeeding knowledge and misinformation are widespread. Mass media aims to motivate mothers and families, encourage care-seeking, improve social norms, and counteract misleading advertising. However, the costs and coverage of mass media are not well documented. Our study provides a cost-accounting of four large-scale mass media interventions and coverage obtained through mass media. We retrospectively calculated annual costs and costs per beneficiary of mass media interventions based on expenditure records in four countries. The interventions were a part of multi-component breastfeeding strategies in Bangladesh, Burkina Faso, Nigeria, and Vietnam. Annual costs ranged from 566,366 USD in Nigeria to 1,210,286 USD in Vietnam. The number of mothers of children under two years and pregnant women ranged from 685,257 to 5,566,882, and all designated recipients reached during the life of programs ranged from 1,439,040 to 11,690,453 in Burkina Faso and Bangladesh, respectively. The cost per mother varied from USD 0.13 USD in Bangladesh to 0.85 USD in Burkina Faso. Evaluations showed that mass media interventions reached high coverage and frequent exposure. This analysis documents the financial costs and budgetary needs for implementing mass media components of large-scale breastfeeding programs. It provides annual costs, cost structures, and coverage achieved through mass media interventions in four low- and middle-income countries.
Subject(s)
Breast Feeding , Mass Media , Infant , Child , Humans , Female , Pregnancy , Burkina Faso , Bangladesh , Vietnam , Nigeria , Retrospective StudiesABSTRACT
The prevalence of early and exclusive breastfeeding in Vietnam remains sub-optimal. The objective of this study was to determine factors associated with early initiation of breastfeeding (EIBF) and exclusive breastfeeding for the first 3 days after birth (EBF3D). We conducted a population-based, cross-sectional survey of 726 mothers with children aged 0-11 months in two provinces and one municipality from May to July 2020. Multinomial logistic regression was used to examine factors associated with EIBF and EBF3D. The prevalence of EIBF was 39.7% and EBF3D 18.0%. The EIBF prevalence is positively associated with immediate and uninterrupted skin-to-skin contact (SSC) for 10-29 min (aOR: 2.55; 95% CI: 1.49, 4.37), 30-59 min (aOR: 4.15; 95% CI: 2.08, 8.27), 60-80 min (aOR: 4.35; 95% CI: 1.50, 12.6), or ≥90 min (aOR: 5.87; 95% CI: 3.14, 10.98). EIBF was negatively associated with cesarean birth (aOR: 0.24; 95% CI: 0.11, 0.51), bringing infant formula to the birth facility (aOR: 0.49; 95% CI: 0.30, 0.78), purchased it after arrival (aOR: 0.37; 95% CI: 0.24, 0.60), or did both (aOR: 0.43; 95% CI: 0.21, 0.89). EBF3D was negatively associated with cesarean section birth (aOR: 0.15; 95% CI: 0.06, 0.39), vaginal birth with episiotomy (aOR: 0.40; 95% CI: 0.18, 0.88), bringing formula to the maternity facility (aOR: 0.03; 95% CI: 0.01, 0.07), purchased it after arrival (aOR: 0.02; 95% CI: 0.01, 0.06) or did both (aOR: 0.04; 95% CI: 0.02, 0.10). Receiving counseling from any source was not significantly associated with early breastfeeding practices. Policy and health service delivery interventions should be directed at eliminating infant formula from birthing environments, reducing unnecessary cesarean sections and episiotomies, providing immediate and uninterrupted SSC for all births, and improving breastfeeding counseling and support.
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The Philippines has adopted policies to protect, promote, and support breastfeeding on par with global standards, yet the impact of these policies is not well understood. This study assesses the adequacy and potential impact of breastfeeding policies, as well as the perceptions of stakeholders of their effectiveness and how to address implementation barriers. This mixed methods study entailed a desk review of policies and documents and in-depth interviews with 100 caregivers, employees, employers, health workers, and policymakers in the Greater Manila Area. Although the Philippines has a comprehensive breastfeeding policy framework, its effectiveness was limited by structural and individual barriers. Structural barriers included inconsistent breastfeeding promotion, limited access of mothers to skilled counseling, limited workplace breastfeeding support, gaps in legal provisions, weak monitoring and enforcement of the Philippine Milk Code, and the short duration and limited coverage of maternity leave. Individual barriers included knowledge and skills gaps, misconceptions, and low self-confidence among mothers due to insufficient support to address breastfeeding problems, misconceptions in the community that undermine breastfeeding, limited knowledge and skills of health workers, and insufficient support extended to mothers by household members. Breastfeeding policies in the Philippines are consistent with global standards, but actions to address structural and individual barriers are needed to enhance their effectiveness for improving breastfeeding practices.