Do political connections facilitate or inhibit firms' digital transformation? Evidence from China's A-share private listed companies.

Given the advent of the digital era, digital transformation has become necessary for enterprise development. Political connections are the most important resources for enterprise development in most countries. However, the impact of political connections on corporate digital transformation has yet to be verified. This study uses ERNIE, a large language model, to construct a measurement of corporate digital transformation from the perspective of digital technology application through a textual analysis of the annual reports of A-share privately listed companies from 2008 to 2020 and analyzes the impact of political connections on corporate digital transformation and its mechanism of action. The findings demonstrate that political connections have a significant inhibitory effect on corporate digital transformation. This conclusion still holds after a series of robustness and endogeneity tests. The mechanism analyses demonstrate that political connections primarily affect corporate digital transformation through three mechanisms: weakening risk, inhibiting innovation, and enhancing resource crowding. We theoretically expand the understanding of the economic impact of political connections and provide new ideas for accelerating enterprise digital transformation from the perspective of policy makers.

Pharmaceutical messianism and the politics of COVID-19 in the United States.

Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, public officials in the United States - from the President to governors, mayors, lawmakers, and even school district commissioners - touted unproven treatments for COVID-19 alongside, and sometimes as opposed to, mask and vaccine mandates. Utilising the framework of 'pharmaceutical messianism', our article focuses on three such cures - hydroxychloroquine, ivermectin, and monoclonal antibodies - to explore how pharmaceuticals were mobilised within politicised pandemic discourses. Using the states of Utah, Texas, and Florida as illustrative examples, we make the case for paying attention to pharmaceutical messianism at the subnational and local levels, which can very well determine pandemic responses and outcomes in contexts such as the US where subnational governments have wide autonomy. Moreover, we argue that aside from the affordability of the treatments being studied and the heterodox knowledge claiming their efficacy, the widespread uptake of these cures was also informed by popular medical (including immunological) knowledge, pre-existing attitudes toward 'orthodox' measures like vaccines and masks, and mistrust toward authorities and institutions identified with the 'medical establishment'. Taken together, our case studies affirm the recurrent nature of pharmaceutical messianism in times of health crises - while also refining the concept and exposing its limitations.

The differential impact of climate interventions along the political divide in 60 countries.

A major barrier to climate change mitigation is the political polarization of climate change beliefs. In a global experiment conducted in 60 countries (N = 51,224), we assess the differential impact of eleven climate interventions across the ideological divide. At baseline, we find political polarization of climate change beliefs and policy support globally, with people who reported being liberal believing and supporting climate policy more than those who reported being conservative (Cohen's d = 0.35 and 0.27, respectively). However, we find no evidence for a statistically significant difference between these groups in their engagement in a behavioral tree planting task. This conceptual-behavioral polarization incongruence results from self-identified conservatives acting despite not believing, rather than self-identified liberals not acting on their beliefs. We also find three interventions (emphasizing effective collective actions, writing a letter to a future generation member, and writing a letter from the future self) boost climate beliefs and policy support across the ideological spectrum, and one intervention (emphasizing scientific consensus) stimulates the climate action of people identifying as liberal. None of the interventions tested show evidence for a statistically significant boost in climate action for self-identified conservatives. We discuss implications for practitioners deploying targeted climate interventions.

Objective numeracy exacerbates framing effects from decision-making under political risk.

While Prospect Theory helps to explain decision-making under risk, studies often base frames on hypothetical events and fail to acknowledge that many individuals lack the ability and motivation to engage in complex thinking. We use an original survey of US adults (N = 2813) to test Prospect Theory in the context of the May 2023 debt ceiling negotiations in the US Congress and assess whether objective numeracy moderates framing effects. We hypothesize and find evidence to suggest that most respondents are risk-averse to potential gains and risk-accepting to potential losses; however, high numerates are more risk-averse and risk-accepting to gains and losses, respectively, than low numerates. We also find that need for cognition interacts with numeracy to moderate framing effects for prospective losses, such that higher need for cognition attenuates risk-acceptance among low numerates and exacerbates risk-acceptance among high numerates. Our results are robust to a range of other covariates and in models accounting for the interaction between political knowledge and need for cognition, indicating joint moderating effects from two knowledge domains similarly conditioned by the desire to engage in effortful thinking. Our findings demonstrate that those who can understand and use objective information may remain subjectively persuaded by certain policy frames.

Measuring political radicalism and extremism in surveys: Three new scales.

This paper introduces three new scales to measure left- and right-wing radical as well as general extremist attitudes that can be applied across Western European countries. We therefore propose a thorough conceptualization of extremist attitudes that consists of two dimensions: general extremism, by which we understand attitudes that oppose the constitutional democratic state, and another dimension that differentiates between right- and left-wing radicalism by which we understand people who take far-reaching but often one-sided positions on political issues (e.g., on nationalism or anti-imperialism) by advocating fundamental socio-political change. Based on data from Germany, Great Britain, and the Netherlands (n = 6,201) we created short indices for general extremism and left- and right-wing radicalism. We check for convergence validity by assessing the psychometric properties of the extracted indices, i.e. their internal coherence and the degree to which a scale is able to distinguish strongly extremist and non-extremist individuals. Finally, we correlate the scales with various constructs that are likely related to extremist attitudes in order to assure external or construct validity. The results indicate that the three scales are highly valid and applicable across three Western European countries. Overall, we find that about two to four percent of citizens in each country hold left-wing or right-wing extremist attitudes.

Factors affecting major depression in Iran: a mixed-method study.

Depression is a major cause of disability and, if left untreated, can increase the risk of suicide. Evidence on the determinants of depression is incomplete, making it challenging to interpret results across studies. This study aims to identify the social, economic, environmental, political, and technological factors influencing the great recession in Iran. The study was conducted in two parts. The first step involved a literature review to identify the factors, using PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science for the search. The reference lists of all identified articles were reviewed to find relevant studies, and the extracted information was summarized and reported descriptively. The second steps involved compiling and consulting 14 experts from different fields, using a framework analysis method. Twenty-four articles were used as primary sources of information, and a total of 28 factors were found to exist. After removing duplicates and related factors, 19 of these were subsequently declared as factors, resulting in a total of 36 determinants being identified. Most of these factors belong to the social category. The health policies implemented have a significant impact on disease risk factors and ultimately their occurrence. Political decisions and policy-making processes play a crucial role in all areas, particularly in addressing disease risk factors. Severe depression can disrupt all aspects of the healthcare system, underscoring the importance of access to care. Policies concerning physical education, transportation, nutrition, employment, green spaces, recreational facilities, and tobacco are vital in this context. The influence of health policies on disease risk factors and disease occurrence is profound. Severe depression can have far-reaching effects on the healthcare system, emphasizing the critical need for access to care. The formulation of policies to combat depression must be thoroughly evaluated in terms of economic, political, social, technological, and environmental factors. The findings suggest that addressing social inequalities and emphasizing the role of political action, as highlighted by the social determinants of health, should be top priorities in addressing depression. Efforts to prevent depression should incorporate ecological approaches that consider the impact of the socioeconomic environment on depressive symptoms.

January 6 arrests and media coverage do not remobilize conservatives on social media.

Social media's pivotal role in catalyzing social movements is widely acknowledged across scientific disciplines. Past research has predominantly explored social media's ability to instigate initial mobilization while leaving the question of its capacity to sustain these movements relatively uncharted. This study investigates the persistence of movement activity on Twitter and Gab following a substantial on-the-ground mobilization event catalyzed by social media-the StoptheSteal movement culminating in the January 6th Capitol attack. Our findings indicate that the online communities active in the January 6 mobilization did not display substantial remobilization in the subsequent year. These results highlight the fact that further exploration is needed to understand the factors shaping how and when movements are sustained by social media. In this regard, our study provides valuable insights for scientists across diverse disciplines, on how certain social media platforms may contribute to the evolving dynamics of collective action.

The statistical and dynamic modeling of the first part of the 2013-2014 Euromaidan protests in Ukraine: The Revolution of Dignity and preceding times.

Ukraine's tug-of-war between Russia and the West has had significant and lasting consequences for the country. In 2013, Viktor Yanukovych, the Ukrainian president aligned with Russia, opted against signing an association agreement with the European Union. This agreement aimed to facilitate trade and travel between the EU and Ukraine. This decision sparked widespread protests that coalesced in Kyiv's Maidan Square, eventually becoming known as the Euromaidan protests. In this study, we analyze the protest data from 2013, sourced from Ukraine's Center for Social and Labor Research. Despite the dataset's limitations and occasional inconsistencies, we demonstrate the extraction of valuable insights and the construction of a descriptive model from such data. Our investigation reveals a pre-existing state of self-excitation within the system even before the onset of the Euromaidan protests. This self-excitation intensified during the Euromaidan protests. A statistical analysis indicates that the government's utilization of force correlates with increased future protests, exacerbating rather than quelling the protest movement. Furthermore, we introduce the implementation of Hawkes process models to comprehend the spatiotemporal dynamics of the protest activity. Our findings highlight that, while protest activities spread across the entire country, the driving force behind the dynamics of these protests was the level of activity in Kyiv. Furthermore, in contrast to prior research that emphasized geographical proximity as a key predictor of event propagation, our study illustrates that the political alignment among oblasts, which are the distinct municipalities comprising Ukraine, had a more profound impact than mere geographic distance. This underscores the significance of social and cultural factors in molding the trajectory of political movements.

Presidents and vaccines: head of state inoculation as a tool for vaccine promotion.

Introduction: Vaccine hesitancy, an important threat to global health, has increased since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The public vaccination of high-profile figures, such as heads of state, has been touted as a potential tool for increasing vaccine acceptance among the general population. However, systematic information on such role modelling is lacking and existing studies focus on a small number of high-income countries. We take advantage of the COVID-19 pandemic to fill this gap. Methods: Through a systematic search of internet sources, we first document that most global leaders supported the vaccination campaign and actively communicated their vaccination status to the public. We then turn to a case study to provide experimental evidence on vaccine role modelling for a country in Africa - the region that is most lagging behind in achieving universal immunization coverage. We rely on a randomized survey experiment with 600 citizens in the Democratic Republic of Congo and take advantage of the fact that the Congolese President publicly received a COVID-19 vaccine during the survey period. Results and discussion: Our findings demonstrate that the impact of political leader's role modelling is moderated by trust and depends on media outreach and access. When trust in leaders is lacking, or news on their actions is inaccessible, alternative ambassadors and effective communication methods become crucial in motivating and informing the public. This may be especially relevant in fragile states and remote regions.

Assessment of the impact of COVID-19 and political instability on mental health of university students in Sudan.

Background: The mental health of students plays a crucial role in their learning and performance. The COVID-19 pandemic, the political turmoil and a coup in Sudan has exacerbated stress and anxiety among university students in Sudan due to uncertainty about their academic activities. Aim: To assess post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) occurrence and coping strategies adopted by university students in Sudan. Methods: This cross-sectional survey was conducted from March to June 2022. It used the Coping Orientation to Problems Experienced (Brief-COPE) and Impact of Event Scale-Revised (IES-R) questionnaires to assess the occurrence of PTSD and coping strategies among 596 university students in Sudan. Descriptive statistics were used to determine the frequency and percentage, Student's t test was used to compare the means of 2 groups and one-way analysis of variance to compare the means of ≥ 3 groups. Results: There was a high prevalence of PTSD among the students, with a score of 31.2 (SD 16.4). The total score of PTSD was higher among female students. Around 36% of the students had a PTSD score > 37, which is considered high enough to suppress immune function. The most widely adopted coping strategies were religion and acceptance of the situation, while substance use was the least. Students who had COVID-19 infection during the pandemic differed significantly from uninfected students in the application of coping strategies. In contrast, students whose family members or friends had COVID-19 were not significantly different from students with uninfected family members or friends in the application of the coping strategies, such as self-blame, denial, substance use, and behavioural disengagement. Conclusion: We recommend the initiation and implementation of psychological counselling programmes for university students in Sudan onsite or remotely. Further research should be carried out to assess the long-term effects of the pandemic and the political conflicts so as to design and implement appropriate and efficient interventions.

The politics and governance of drug production in public-private partnerships: Brazil's response to hepatitis C.

The local manufacture of advanced pharmaceutical products has been a long-standing objective of health and industry policy in many developing countries, including in Latin America. This strategy has been applied to fight epidemics such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and the COVID-19 pandemic. However, we still know little about the politics and governance that enable such arrangements, especially when there is no consent from the originator company. This study focuses on the case of Brazil, a country that is well-known for its health-industry policy, which includes the local production of direct-acting antivirals (DAAs), a new treatment for hepatitis C. We seek to explain the factors that have contributed to Brazil's successful production of generic versions of DAAs, and, later, to the decision by the Ministry of Health (MoH) to procure drugs from multinational pharmaceutical companies rather than from local laboratories. A lack of support for domestic production by important stakeholders, the patent holder's attempt to block domestic production and the MoH's adoption of more modern treatment guidelines under a different procurement logic all created an unfavourable environment for local production and procurement of DAAs. Our study draws implications for middle-income countries that wish to produce drugs domestically without voluntary license agreements.

Did private election administration funding advantage Democrats in 2020?

Private donors contributed more than $350 million to local election officials to support the administration of the 2020 election. Supporters argue these grants were neutral and necessary to maintain normal election operations during the pandemic, while critics worry these grants mostly went to Democratic strongholds and tilted election outcomes. How much did these grants shape the 2020 presidential election? To answer this question, we collect administrative data on private election administration grants and election outcomes. We then use advances in synthetic control methods to compare presidential election results and turnout in counties that received grants to counties with similar election results and turnout before 2020. While Democratic counties were more likely to apply for a grant, we find that the grants did not have a noticeable effect on the presidential election. Our estimates of the average effect on Democratic vote share range from 0.03 to 0.36 percentage points. Our estimates of the average effect of receiving a grant on turnout range from 0.03 to 0.14 percentage points. Across specifications, our 95% CIs typically include negative effects and all fail to include effects on Democratic vote share larger than 0.58 percentage points and effects on turnout larger than 0.40 percentage points. We characterize the magnitude of our effects by asking how large they are compared to the margin by which Biden won the 2020 election. In simple bench-marking exercises, we find that the effects of the grants were likely too small to have changed the outcome of the 2020 presidential election.

Dreaming of a Bright Future: Statistics, Disaster, and the Birth of Energopolitics in 1930s Chile.

In 1939, directly after the worst earthquake in the country's history, the Chilean state began implementing an electrification program. This plan shaped energy goals for years to come and defined the interconnected grid that dominates the country's energy infrastructure today. Based on extensive archival work, this article describes the birth of energopolitics in the country, using technology sociologist Michel Callon's notion of "interessement" to describe the strategies of a group of engineers who acted as system builders. Their four main strategies were embracing technological futurisms, forging heterogeneous networks, articulating and mobilizing knowledge, and using crises as windows of opportunity for change. The article shows not only the historical impact of past energy choices on today's world but also that current challenges to energy transitions are not without precedent. Using a sociological framework to tell this story allows us to highlight the mechanisms through which energy systems can change.

Revolution and Resistance in the Desert: The Guggenheim System's Impact on Nitrate Mining and Society in Atacama, 1926-31.

In 1926, during an economic crisis that severely impacted the mining industry, Guggenheim Brothers, the Guggenheim family business, implemented a new technological system to extract saltpeter from the Atacama Desert in northern Chile. Known as the Guggenheim system, this cutting-edge technological innovation had a significant impact on regional society and facilitated the introduction of Chilean saltpeter into the global fertilizer market. For this system to succeed, however, it had to incorporate a sociopolitical strategy based on a highly hierarchical and well-controlled labor force. Through their political and cultural influence in the region, the Guggenheim family's industry transformed a remote area into a state periphery, creating new ways of inhabiting the desert within a strict framework in which workers' lives were regulated by company-imposed labor discipline. With more political power than the state, the Guggenheim family sought to suppress any social agency deemed dangerous to the production of saltpeter.

Fragile Foundations: Tracing Argentina's Semiconductor Saga amid Institutional Turmoil.

This article suggests that the persistent pattern of political and economic instability in Argentina has affected the development of semiconductor technology in Argentina, affecting secure resources, financial stability, and appropriate institutional frameworks. This article reconstructs Argentina's history of semiconductor technology to understand the initial research, development, and production of semiconductor technology and the emergence of the field of electronics knowledge in a peripheral country like Argentina. In-depth interviews with key players and analysis of institutional documents shed light on the achievements of the protagonists and their relationship to the country's political and economic context.

Approaching the SDG targets with sustained political commitment: drivers of the notable decline in maternal and neonatal mortality in Morocco.

BACKGROUND: Between 2000 and 2017/2018, Morocco reduced its maternal mortality ratio by 68% and its neonatal mortality rate by 52%-a higher improvement than other North African countries. We conducted the Exemplars in Maternal and Neonatal Health study to systematically and comprehensively research factors associated with this rapid reduction in mortality over the past two decades. METHODS: The study was conducted from September 2020 to December 2021 using mixed methods, including: literature, database and document reviews, quantitative analyses of national data sets and qualitative key-informant interviews at national and district levels. Analyses were based on a conceptual framework of drivers of health and survival of mothers and neonates. RESULTS: A favourable political and economic environment, and a high political commitment encouraged prioritisation of maternal and neonatal health (MNH) by aligning evidence-based policy and technical approaches. Five main factors accounted for Morocco's success: (1) continuous increases in antenatal care and institutional delivery and reductions socioeconomically-based inequalities in MNH service usage; (2) health-system strengthening by expanding the network of health facilities, with increased uptake of facility birthing, scale-up of the production of midwives, reductions in financial barriers and, later in the process, attention to improving the quality of care; (3) improved underlying health status of women and changes in reproductive patterns; (4) a supportive policy and infrastructure environment; and 5) increased education and autonomy of women. CONCLUSION: Our study provides evidence that supportive changes in Morocco's policy environment for maternal health, backed by greater political will and increased resources, significantly contributed to the dramatic progress in reducing maternal and neonatal mortality. While these efforts were successful in improving MNH in Morocco, several implementation challenges still require special attention and renewed political attention is needed.