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3.
Nature ; 613(7944): 422-423, 2023 Jan.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36631588
4.
JAMA ; 328(24): 2404-2411, 2022 12 27.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36573974

RESUMO

Importance: Labor unionization efforts have resurged in the US, and union membership has been shown to improve worker conditions in some industries. However, little is known about labor unionization membership and its economic effects across the health care workforce. Objectives: To examine the prevalence of labor unionization among health care workers and its associations with pay, noncash benefits, and work hours. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cross-sectional study was conducted using data from the Current Population Survey and Annual Social and Economic Supplement from 2009 through 2021. The US nationally representative, population-based household survey allowed for a sample of 14 298 self-identified health care workers (physicians and dentists, advanced practitioners, nurses, therapists, and technicians and support staff). Exposures: Self-reported membership status or coverage in a labor union. Main Outcomes and Measures: Prevalence and trend in labor unionization. Further comparisons included mean weekly pay, noncash benefits (pension or other retirement benefits; employer-sponsored, full premium-covered health insurance; and employer's contribution to the worker's health insurance plan), and work hours. Results: The 14 298 respondents (81.5% women; 7.1% Asian, 12.0% Black, 8.5% Hispanic, 70.4% White individuals; mean [SD] age, 41.6 [13.4] years) included 1072 physicians and dentists, 981 advanced practitioners, 4931 nurses, 964 therapists, and 6350 technicians and support staff. After weighting, 13.2% (95% CI, 12.5% to 13.8%) of respondents reported union membership or coverage, with no significant trend from 2009 through 2021 (P = .75). Among health care workers, those who were members of a racial or ethnic minority group (Asian, Black, or Hispanic individuals compared with White individuals) and those living in metropolitan areas were more likely to report being labor unionized. Reported unionization was associated with significantly higher reported weekly earnings ($1165 vs $1042; mean difference, $123 [95% CI, $88 to $157]; P < .001) and higher likelihood of having a pension or other retirement benefits at work (57.9% vs 43.4%; risk ratio [RR], 1.33 [95% CI, 1.26 to 1.41]; P < .001) and having employer-sponsored, full premium-covered health insurance (22.2% vs 16.5%; RR, 1.35 [95% CI, 1.17 to 1.53]; P < .001). Union members reported more work hours (37.4 vs 36.3; mean differences, 1.11 [95% CI, 0.46 to 1.75]; P < .001) per week. White workers reported mean weekly earnings that were significantly more than members of racial and ethnic minority groups among nonunionized workers ($1066 vs $1001; mean difference, $65 [95% CI, $40 to $91]; P < .001), but there was no significant difference between the 2 groups among unionized workers ($1157 vs $1170; mean difference, -$13 [95% CI, -$78 to $52]; P = .70). Conclusions and Relevance: From 2009 through 2021, labor unionization among US health care workers remained low. Reported union membership or coverage was significantly associated with higher weekly earnings and better noncash benefits but greater number of weekly work hours.


Assuntos
Pessoal de Saúde , Sindicatos , Adulto , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Estudos Transversais , Etnicidade/estatística & dados numéricos , Pessoal de Saúde/estatística & dados numéricos , Renda , Grupos Minoritários/estatística & dados numéricos , Estados Unidos/epidemiologia , Sindicatos/estatística & dados numéricos , Sindicatos/tendências , Pessoa de Meia-Idade
5.
Mo Med ; 119(5): 406-407, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-36338004
7.
Multimedia | Recursos Multimídia | ID: multimedia-9831

RESUMO

El presidente de la Asociación Sindical de Profesionales de la Salud de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (CICOP), Pablo Maciel, participó el miércoles 20 de abril del Congreso Provincial de Salud 2022 que se está llevando adelante en Mar del Plata hasta el viernes 22. Dicho evento es organizado por el Ministerio de Salud bonaerense a través del Consejo de Salud Provincial (COSAPRO). Junto a representantes de distintos sindicatos y colegios de profesionales, el titular del gremio integró la Mesa Temática: “Organizaciones de trabajadores para un sistema integrado de salud”. Durante su intervención, planteó la necesidad de “buscar estrategias para desandar el camino de la descentralización y autogestión. Dos elementos claves que utiliza el neoliberalismo para debilitar al sector público y naturalizar su concepción mercantilista de la salud”. En esa línea, destacó que “el desafío es reemplazar los programas focalizados de salud financiados con créditos internacionales por planes universales de salud, ejecutados con presupuestos genuinos del Estado”.


Assuntos
Política de Saúde , Prestação Integrada de Cuidados de Saúde , Argentina , Sindicatos
10.
Work ; 71(3): 527-537, 2022.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35253714

RESUMO

BACKGROUND: In general, companies with trade unions perform better in occupational health and safety, therefore, we assume that these companies should have performed better in transition to healthy and safe telework if compared with other companies. OBJECTIVE: The objective of the study was to assess the role of company trade unions on the implementation of telework arrangements in Latvia during the 1st emergency state in spring 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. METHODS: A web-based survey based on snowball sampling method and social media advertisements was used to gather information from teleworkers. After data cleaning, answers from 422 teleworkers reporting having (wTU) or not having trade unions (nTU) in their companies were included in the analysis. RESULTS: There was a significantly higher percentage of workers with teleworking experience in companies with no trade unions (37.4% nTU versus 18.1% wTU). More respondents from companies with trade unions reported buying a new computer and headphones which means that more persons had to invest their finances to be able to perform their work. Workers from companies with no trade unions were more often advised on home office ergonomics (21.2% wTU versus 28.1% nTU). The odds of all analyzed health problems (pain, sore eyes, and anxiety) were increased in workers who reported having trade unions. CONCLUSION: Companies with trade unions were less ready for the forced transition to teleworking. These results contradict the traditional understanding of trade unions as a promoting factor for a healthy and safe working environment.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , COVID-19/epidemiologia , Humanos , Sindicatos , Letônia , Pandemias , SARS-CoV-2 , Teletrabalho
11.
Health Promot Int ; 37(2)2022 Apr 29.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34617107

RESUMO

A recent article brought together the health benefits of unionization and working under collective agreements. It was noted how Canadian health promotion texts, reports and statements made no mention of unionization and working under collective agreements as promoting health. This was seen as a significant omission and reasons for this were considered. In this article this analysis is extended to consider how contributors to the flagship health promotion journal Health Promotion International (HPI) conceptualize unions, unionization and working under collective agreements as promoting health. Of 2443 articles published in HPI since its inception, 87 or 3.6% make mention of unions, unionization, collective agreements or collective bargaining, with most saying little about their promoting health. Instead, 20 make cursory references to unions or merely see them as providing support and engagement opportunities for individuals. Forty-five depict unions or union members as involved in a health promotion programme or activity carried out by the authors or by government agencies. Only 33 articles explicitly mention unions, unionization or collective agreements as potentially health promoting, representing 1.3% of total HPI content since 1986. We conclude that the health promoting possibilities of unionization and working under collective agreements is a neglected area amongst HPI contributors. Reasons for this are explored and an Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development report on the importance of collective bargaining is drawn upon to identify areas for health promotion research and action.


Assuntos
Negociação Coletiva , Sindicatos , Bibliometria , Canadá , Promoção da Saúde , Humanos , Estados Unidos
12.
Physis (Rio J.) ; 32(1): e320109, 2022. tab
Artigo em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1376001

RESUMO

Resumo O artigo aborda a atuação política conjunta de entidades médicas nacionais brasileiras de 1999 a 2015, destacando elementos de sua origem, trajetória e configuração institucional. Foram analisados temas, bandeiras de luta, posicionamentos e estratégias na agenda dessas organizações. O estudo envolveu revisão bibliográfica e análise documental, ancoradas no institucionalismo histórico. Os resultados indicam processos de surgimento inter-relacionados, mais evidentes entre a Associação Médica Brasileira e o Conselho Federal de Medicina, repercutindo nas trajetórias e configurações institucionais. Observaram-se conexões entre aspectos históricos, institucionais e a atuação política das entidades. A ênfase na unidade representativa contribuiu para a conformação de uma agenda conjunta influenciada pela parceria entre as entidades, com incorporação posterior da Federação Nacional dos Médicos. Sua atuação foi voltada para o Legislativo, e simultaneamente para os setores público e privado de saúde, com crescimento de posicionamentos contrários às políticas de saúde do governo federal. A ação política se desenvolveu sem alterações de arranjo representativo trino, composto por conselho, associação e sindicato, favorecendo a definição de acordos em espaços intermediários de representação. A agenda corporativa dúbia e a defesa do exercício liberal influenciam a atuação contraditória das entidades médicas brasileiras, com desdobramentos no apoio político e incorporação desses profissionais ao SUS.


Abstract The article addresses the joint political action of Brazilian national medical entities from 1999 to 2015, highlighting elements of their origin, trajectory and institutional configuration. Themes, flags of struggle, positions and strategies in the agenda of these organizations were analyzed. The study involved bibliographic review and documentary analysis, anchored in historical institutionalism. The results indicate interrelated processes of creation, more evident between the Brazilian Medical Association and the Federal Council of Medicine, reflecting on the trajectories and institutional configurations. There were connections between historical and institutional aspects and the political action. The emphasis on the representative unit contributed to a joint agenda influenced by the partnership between the entities, with subsequent incorporation of the National Federation of Physicians. Its performance was focused on the Legislature, and simultaneously to the public and private health sectors, with growth of positions contrary to the federal health policies. The political action developed without changes of trine representative arrangement, composed of council, association and union, favoring the definition of agreements in intermediate spaces. The dubious corporate agenda and the defense of the liberal practice influence the contradictory performance of Brazilian medical entities, with consequences in political support and incorporation of these professionals to the SUS.


Assuntos
Sociedades Médicas/história , Sociedades Médicas/organização & administração , Ativismo Político , Sindicatos/organização & administração , Política , Sistema Único de Saúde , Brasil
13.
Rio de Janeiro; s.n; 2022. 191 f p. fig.
Tese em Português | LILACS | ID: biblio-1378907

RESUMO

A partir da compreensão que a formação de valores públicos e a cultura política são partes constituintes da política e dos processos de mudança histórica, a presente tese aborda o debate sobre o saneamento em jornais comerciais e populares como parte integrante do processo de politização da saúde que desembocou na Reforma Sanitária de 1920. A análise de diferentes periódicos comerciais do período aponta que os integrantes do Movimento Pró-Saneamento se articularam à imprensa por meio de suas redes de sociabilidade e fizeram da comunicação um instrumento político para a efetivação de mudanças institucionais para a saúde pública. Entre 1916 e 1920, a interpretação que repunha a saúde como problema central para a formação nacional e responsabilidade do governo federal se sedimentou no debate público e se estabeleceu como parte do senso comum, antecipando a consolidação do aparato institucional. A vocalização pública dos argumentos e propostas do Movimento Pró-Saneamento não encontrou um público apático ou indiferente entre os grupos populares. A consideração de periódicos produzidos por trabalhadores e moradores dos subúrbios cariocas publicados no período anterior à publicização do argumento pró-saneamento identificou que a saúde era objeto de reivindicações e se articulava a diferentes pautas de lutas populares. Suas formulações sobre a saúde e o adoecimento antecipavam elementos que estariam presente nas teses do movimento pró-saneamento, tais como as relações entre abandono pelo Estado e adoecimento e entre as condições de vida, de trabalho e saúde. Durante o período de maior publicização do argumento sanitarista, trabalhadores e suburbanos estabeleceram afinidades e críticas à proposta de saneamento. O saneamento ao qual esses diferentes grupos de trabalhadores se referiam guardava aproximações e cruzamentos com a proposta dos sanitaristas ao mesmo tempo em que apontava para outros sentidos, vinculados a uma gramática de luta própria. Por meio do periodismo, parcelas mais amplas da população politizaram a saúde, apontaram contradições e lacunas existentes entre os argumentos e as práticas das autoridades sanitárias, imprimiram novos sentidos a palavra saneamento e reivindicaram melhorias em suas condições de vida e trabalho. Por fim, a tese argumenta que o processo de Reforma Sanitária colocado em curso na década de 1920 pode ser compreendido como um momento que não se encerrou nas formulações e ações de uma determinada elite política e intelectual, mas que abrigou também a agência de grupos sociais subalternizados.


Based on the understanding that the formation of public values and political culture are constituent parts of politics and processes of historical change, this thesis addresses the debate on sanitation in commercial and popular newspapers as an integral part of the process of politicization of health that led to the Brazilian Sanitary Reform of 1920. The analysis of different commercial journals of the period points out that the members of the Pro-Sanitation Movement articulated themselves to the press through their networks and made of this communication media a political instrument to effect institutional changes for public health. Between 1916 and 1920, the interpretation that repositioned health as a central problem for national formation and responsibility of the federal government became sedimented in the public debate and established as a part of the common sense, anticipating the consolidation of the institutional apparatus. The public vocalization of the Pro-Sanitation Movement's arguments and proposals did not find an apathetic or indifferent audience among the popular segments. The consideration of the newspapers produced by popular segments and published in the period before the publicizing of the pro-sanitation argument identified that health was an object of claims and articulated with different agendas of popular struggles. Their formulations on health and illness anticipated elements that would be present in the theses of the pro-sanitation movement, such as the relations between abandonment by the State and illness, as well as between life and working conditions and health. During the period of greater publicization of the pro-sanitation argument, workers and residents of the suburbs established affinities and criticisms to the sanitation proposal. The sanitation to which the workers referred kept approximations and intersections with the health reformers proposal, while it pointed to other meanings linked to its own grammar of struggle. Through journalism, wider segments of the population politicized health, pointed out contradictions and gaps between the arguments and practices of health authorities, gave new meanings to the word sanitation and claimed improvements in their living and working conditions. Finally, the thesis argues that the process of Sanitary Reform set in motion in the 1920s can be understood as a moment that did not end in the formulations and actions of a particular political and intellectual elite, but also harboured the agency of subalternized social segments.


Assuntos
Política , Saúde Pública , Reforma dos Serviços de Saúde , História do Século XX , Sindicatos , Meios de Comunicação de Massa , Brasil
14.
Am J Ind Med ; 64(12): 1040-1044, 2021 12.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34541689

RESUMO

BACKGROUND: This study sought to examine the association between labor union presence and return to work after occupational injury or illness (RTW) among workers in South Korea. METHODS: We analyzed the first (2018) and second (2019) wave data from the Panel Study of Workers' Compensation Insurance in South Korea. The cohort consisted of 3,294 workers who had suffered occupational injury or illness and completed their convalescence by 2017. We examined whether RTW was associated with the presence of labor unions in the workplace at the time of the occupational injury or illness occurred. RESULTS: Compared to workers without labor unions, those with labor unions were more likely to report RTW (prevalence ratio: 1.35, 95% confidence interval: 1.20-1.51) after adjusting for potential confounders, including employment status, duration of convalescence, and severity of injury or illness. CONCLUSION: This study found that labor union presence was associated with RTW among workers who suffered occupational injury or illness in South Korea.


Assuntos
Traumatismos Ocupacionais , Humanos , Sindicatos , Estudos Longitudinais , Traumatismos Ocupacionais/epidemiologia , República da Coreia/epidemiologia , Retorno ao Trabalho , Indenização aos Trabalhadores
15.
PLoS One ; 16(12): e0261212, 2021.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34898619

RESUMO

We apply a shift-share approach and historical unionisation data from 1918 to study the impact of regional unionisation changes in Norway on regional wage and productivity growth, job-creation and -destruction and social security uptake during the period 2003-2012. As unionisation increases, wages grow. Lay-offs through plant closures and shrinking workplaces increase, causing higher retirement rates, while job creation, plant entry and other social security uptakes are unaffected. Productivity grows, partly by enhanced productivity among surviving and new firms and partly by less productive firms forced to close due to increased labour costs. Thus, unions promote creative destruction.


Assuntos
Sindicatos/economia , Sindicatos/tendências , Local de Trabalho/economia , Eficiência , História do Século XX , História do Século XXI , Humanos , Renda/tendências , Sindicatos/história , Noruega , Salários e Benefícios/economia , Salários e Benefícios/tendências
16.
Rev Esp Salud Publica ; 952021 Oct 22.
Artigo em Espanhol | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34675181

RESUMO

Due to the sudden impact that the Covid-19 pandemic had on people´s lives in March 2020 after the declaration of the state of alarm and the limitations that were adopted regarding the mobility and confinement of the population, there were repercussions both in health as well as at work and the economy of the country. For this reason, Comisiones Obreras took on the challenge of informing, advising and training workers on the adoption of preventive measures and we took part in the social dialogue so that the regulatory protection would be the best guarantee for people who became ill, reduced their work activity or had to continue their essential activity with the best health and safety conditions; collaborating with the Administration and demanding its intervention in the areas that required it, as well as demanding the consideration of occupational disease for staff exposed in the health and social-health sector. This crisis has highlighted an aspect that has not yet been overcome: the necessary coordination that must exist between the Health and Labour authorities in order to attend to health in companies in its broadest sense, that is, Public Health. Whoever controls compliance with occupational health aspects must have the competences and power to act in the field of Public Health.


Debido al súbito impacto que sobre la vida de las personas tuvo la pandemia de la COVID-19 en marzo de 2020 tras la declaración del estado de alarma y las limitaciones que se adoptaron respecto a la movilidad y el confinamiento de la población, hubo repercusiones tanto en la salud como en el trabajo y la economía del país. Por ello, en Comisiones Obreras asumimos el reto de informar, asesorar y formar a las personas trabajadoras sobre la adopción de medidas de prevención, y participamos en el diálogo social para que el amparo normativo fuese lo más garantista para las personas que enfermaron, redujeron su actividad laboral o tuvieron que seguir la actividad esencial en las mejores condiciones de seguridad y salud; colaborando, además, con la Administración y exigiendo su intervención en los ámbitos que lo requerían, y reclamando, asimismo, la consideración de enfermedad profesional para el personal expuesto en el sector sanitario y sociosanitario. Esta crisis ha dejado evidencia de un aspecto que no por antiguo está superado: la necesaria coordinación que ha de existir entre las autoridades sanitarias y laborales, para atender así la salud en las empresas en su sentido más amplio, es decir, como Salud Pública. Quien controla el cumplimiento de los aspectos de salud laboral tiene que tener competencias y facultades para actuar en Salud Pública.


Assuntos
COVID-19 , Pandemias , Humanos , Sindicatos , Pandemias/prevenção & controle , SARS-CoV-2 , Espanha
17.
Am J Ind Med ; 64(9): 723-730, 2021 09.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34346103

RESUMO

BACKGROUND: Transit workers have jobs requiring close public contact for extended periods of time, placing them at increased risk for severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 infection and more likely to have risk factors for coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19)-related complications. Collecting timely occupational data can help inform public health guidance for transit workers; however, it is difficult to collect during a public health emergency. We used nontraditional epidemiological surveillance methods to report demographics and job characteristics of transit workers reported to have died from COVID-19. METHODS: We abstracted demographic and job characteristics from media scans on COVID-19 related deaths and reviewed COVID-19 memorial pages for the Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) and Transport Workers Union (TWU). ATU and TWU provided a list of union members who died from COVID-19 between March 1-July 7, 2020 and a total count of NYC metro area union members. Peer-reviewed publications identified through a scientific literature search were used to compile comparison demographic statistics of NYC metro area transit workers. We analyzed and reported characteristics of ATU and TWU NYC metro area decedents. RESULTS: We identified 118 ATU and TWU NYC metro area transit worker COVID-19 decedents with an incidence proportion of 0.3%. Most decedents were male (83%); median age was 58 years (range: 39-71). Median professional tenure was 20 years (range: 2-41 years). Operator (46%) was the most reported job classification. More than half of the decedents (57%) worked in positions associated with close public contact. CONCLUSION: Data gathered through nontraditional epidemiological surveillance methods provided insight into risk factors among this workforce, demonstrating the need for mitigation plans for this workforce and informing transit worker COVID-19 guidance as the pandemic progressed.


Assuntos
COVID-19/mortalidade , Sindicatos , Doenças Profissionais/mortalidade , Vigilância em Saúde Pública/métodos , Meios de Transporte , Adulto , Idoso , Feminino , Humanos , Masculino , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Cidade de Nova Iorque/epidemiologia
18.
Cien Saude Colet ; 26(6): 2323-2333, 2021.
Artigo em Português, Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34231742

RESUMO

In the light of the comparative analysis of health systems, we discuss three strategic phenomena for the SUS universalization, as follows: a) health tax expenditures; b) State funding of private plans for public servants; and c) trade union's demand for private health plans. Among the ideal types of health systems, SUS is universal in law, but hybrid in practice: Beveridgian in primary health care (PHC) and mixed in specialized/hospital care; without really being universal (public spending is only 43% of total health expenditure). There is a massive state subsidy to the private sector, through health tax expenditures (30% of the federal health budget) and financing of private plans for public servants, which generates incoherence, segmentation of the health system and inequities. Despite the general support to the SUS, the union movements have been using private health plans in collective recruitment (76% of them), reinforcing the private sector. Reducing health tax expenditures - including state funding of servants' private plans - would significantly increase the SUS budget and facilitate articulation between health workers and trade unionists, bringing the high strength of unions closer to the long struggle for the universality of the SUS and PHC.


À luz da análise comparada de sistemas de saúde (SS), discutimos três fenômenos estratégicos para a universalização do SUS: a) os gastos tributários em saúde; b) o financiamento estatal de planos privados de servidores públicos; c) a demanda sindical por planos privados. Dentre os tipos-ideais de SS, o SUS é universal na lei, mas híbrido na prática: beveridgeano na atenção primária à saúde (APS) e misto no cuidado especializado/hospitalar; sem ser universal na realidade (gastos públicos são só 43% dos gastos totais em saúde). Há grande subsídio estatal ao setor privado, via gastos tributários em saúde (30% do orçamento federal na saúde) e financiamento de planos privados para servidores públicos, o que gera incoerência, segmentação do sistema de saúde e iniquidades. Apesar do apoio genérico ao SUS, os movimentos sindicais vem usando planos de saúde na contratação coletiva (76% deles), reforçando o setor privado. A redução dos gastos tributários em saúde - incluindo o financiamento estatal dos planos privados de servidores - aumentaria significativamente o orçamento do SUS e facilitaria a articulação entre sanitaristas e sindicalistas, aproximando a grande força dos sindicatos da longa luta pela universalidade do SUS e da APS.


Assuntos
Gastos em Saúde , Seguro Saúde , Humanos , Sindicatos , Setor Privado
19.
Epidemiology ; 32(5): 721-730, 2021 09 01.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34224470

RESUMO

BACKGROUND: Over the last several decades in the United States, socioeconomic life-expectancy inequities have increased 1-2 years. Declining labor-union density has fueled growing income inequities across classes and exacerbated racial income inequities. Using Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) data, we examined the longitudinal union-mortality relationship and estimated whether declining union density has also exacerbated mortality inequities. METHODS: Our sample included respondents ages 25-66 to the 1979-2015 PSID with mortality follow-up through age 68 and year 2017. To address healthy-worker bias, we used the parametric g-formula. First, we estimated how a scenario setting all (versus none) of respondents' employed-person-years to union-member employed-person-years would have affected mortality incidence. Next, we examined gender, racial, and educational effect modification. Finally, we estimated how racial and educational mortality inequities would have changed if union-membership prevalence had remained at 1979 (vs. 2015) levels throughout follow-up. RESULTS: In the full sample (respondents = 23,022, observations = 146,681), the union scenario was associated with lower mortality incidence than the nonunion scenario (RR = 0.90, 95% CI = 0.80, 0.99; RD per 1,000 = -19, 95% CI = -37, -1). This protective association generally held across subgroups, although it was stronger among the more-educated. However, we found little evidence mortality inequities would have lessened if union membership had remained at 1979 levels. CONCLUSIONS: To our knowledge, this was the first individual-level US-based study with repeated union-membership measurements to analyze the union-mortality relationship. We estimated a protective union-mortality association, but found little evidence declining union density has exacerbated mortality inequities; importantly, we did not incorporate contextual-level effects. See video abstract at, http://links.lww.com/EDE/B839.


Assuntos
Renda , Sindicatos , Adulto , Idoso , Escolaridade , Humanos , Expectativa de Vida , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Grupos Raciais , Estados Unidos/epidemiologia
20.
New Solut ; 31(3): 361-366, 2021 11.
Artigo em Inglês | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34229527

RESUMO

Construction workers, their unions, and the construction industry face important challenges in addressing substance use disorders and mental health issues. To examine these issues further, we spoke with Chris Trahan Cain, Executive Director of CPWR-The Center for Construction Research and Training, a nonprofit organization that is affiliated with North America's Building Trades Unions and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health. As the chair of the North America's Building Trades Unions opioid task force, she has been working with construction unions and employers to develop primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention methods to help combat the opioid epidemic, other substance use disorders and to improve worker mental health.


Assuntos
Indústria da Construção , Saúde do Trabalhador , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias , Feminino , Humanos , Sindicatos , Saúde Mental , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/epidemiologia , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/prevenção & controle , Estados Unidos
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