Firearm Ownership and Support for Political Violence in the United States.

Importance: Little is known about support for and willingness to engage in political violence in the United States. Such violence would likely involve firearms. Objective: To evaluate whether firearm owners' and nonowners' support for political violence differs and whether support among owners varies by type of firearms owned, recency of purchase, and frequency of carrying a loaded firearm in public. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cross-sectional nationally representative survey study was conducted from May 13 to June 2, 2022, among US adult members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, including an oversample of firearm owners. Exposure: Firearm ownership vs nonownership. Main Outcomes and Measures: Main outcomes concern (1) support for political violence, in general and to advance specific political objectives; (2) personal willingness to engage in political violence, by severity of violence and target population; and (3) perceived likelihood of firearm use in political violence. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions and adjusted prevalence differences, with P values adjusted for the false-discovery rate and reported as q values. Results: The analytic sample comprised 12 851 respondents: 5820 (45.3%) firearm owners, 6132 (47.7%) nonowners without firearms at home, and 899 (7.0%) nonowners with firearms at home. After weighting, 51.0% (95% CI, 49.9%-52.1%) were female, 8.5% (95% CI, 7.5%-9.5%) Hispanic, 9.1% (95% CI, 8.1%-10.2%) non-Hispanic Black, and 62.6% (95% CI, 61.5%-63.8%) non-Hispanic White; the mean (SD) age was 48.5 (18.0) years. Owners were more likely than nonowners without firearms at home to consider violence usually or always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives (owners: 38.8%; 95% CI, 37.3%-40.4%; nonowners: 29.8%; 95% CI, 28.5%-31.2%; adjusted difference, 6.5 percentage points; 95% CI, 4.5-9.3 percentage points; q < .001) but were not more willing to engage in political violence. Recent purchasers, owners who always or nearly always carry loaded firearms in public, and to a lesser extent, owners of assault-type rifles were more supportive of and willing to engage in political violence than other subgroups of firearm owners. Conclusions and Relevance: In this study of support for political violence in the United States, differences between firearm owners and nonowners without firearms at home were small to moderate when present. Differences were greater among subsets of owners than between owners and nonowners. These findings can guide risk-based prevention efforts.

The Political Economy of Digital Health Equity: Structural Analysis.

Digital technologies have produced many innovations in care delivery and enabled continuity of care for many people when in-person care was impossible. However, a growing body of research suggests that digital health can also exacerbate health inequities for those excluded from its benefits for reasons of cost, digital literacy, and structural discrimination related to characteristics such as age, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. In this paper, we draw on a political economy perspective to examine structural barriers to progress in advancing digital health equity at the policy level. Considering the incentive structures and investments of powerful actors in the field, we outline how characteristics of neoliberal capitalism in Western contexts produce and sustain digital health inequities by describing 6 structural challenges to the effort to promote health equity through digital health, as follows: (1) the revenue-first incentives of technology corporations, (2) the influence of venture capital, (3) inequitable access to the internet and digital devices, (4) underinvestment in digital health literacy, (5) uncertainty about future reimbursement of digital health, and (6) justified mistrust of digital health. Building on these important challenges, we propose future immediate and long-term directions for work to support meaningful change for digital health equity.

Racial Disparity in Social Work Professional Licensure Exam Pass Rates: Examining Institutional Characteristics and State Licensure Policy as Predictors.

PURPOSE: The Association of Social Work Boards (2022a) released a report evidencing test-taker demographics as the strongest predictor of professional licensure exam pass-rates. The purpose of this study was to examine statistical predictors of social work professional licensure exam pass rate disparities between first-time Black/African American and White test-takers. MATERIALS AND METHODS: The study addressed the following research question: To what extent do institutional and state licensure characteristics predict race-based disparities in social work licensure exam pass rates? To answer this question, the authors built a data set in an Excel spreadsheet comprised of institutional and state licensure variables using publicly available and reliable sources. RESULTS: States requiring more clinical supervision hours and imposing higher licensure fees tended to report higher overall pass rates on the ASWB exam. Additionally, a notable correlation was found between states with a higher proportion of Black/African American residents and increased pass rates. Conversely, states that had established a larger number of licensure tiers typically saw lower overall pass rates. Furthermore, it was noted that schools located in the Southern U.S. demonstrated significantly lower ASWB pass rates compared to schools in other regions of the country. DISCUSSION: Recommendations are made regarding future research efforts and professional licensure and regulation standards. CONCLUSION: Pass rate disparities have implications for individual exam-takers and their families; for clients and constituencies; and for social work practice, research, ethics, and education.

Navigating University Openness in Research Policy Inconsistent with Indigenous Data Sovereignty: A Case Analysis.

Indigenous nations and communities in the United States have rights as sovereign governments to exercise control and ownership over all data and information generated by or from the tribes, tribal members, or tribal resources. Indigenous nations exercise these rights through data ownership policies established in response to unethical research practices in research involving Indigenous communities. Most universities in the U.S. have "openness in research" policies to ensure academic freedom to publish freely, exercised by retaining university control of data. Here, we describe our study of cultural ecosystem services in the St. Louis River estuary region (Nagaajiwanaang in the language Ojibwemowin) in Duluth, Minnesota, and Superior, Wisconsin, U.S., an area that includes portions of the 1854 and 1842 Ceded Territories and reservation lands of a local band of Ojibwe (hereafter referred to as "the Band"). In this university-led, Band-supported study, both the university and the Band sought ownership of data collected based on their respective policies, resulting in a research delay of nearly a year. We found that open research policies that do not consider Indigenous sovereignty can hamper collaboration between university researchers and tribal nations, even when there is broad agreement on research goals and objectives. University open research policies that do not explicitly address Indigenous sovereignty fall short of the open research principles they intend to support and should be revised. Formal adoption of principles for ethical research with sovereign tribal governments by universities is needed to improve coordination and trust among university and tribal researchers and members.

Impact of OPTN policy 3.7D providing waiting time modification for candidates affected by race-inclusive eGFR calculations: Early results from a single center.

INTRODUCTION: OPTN Policy 3.7D, implemented January 5, 2023, mandates that all kidney transplant programs modify waiting time for candidates affected by race-inclusive eGFR calculations. We report the early impact of this policy change. METHODS: Our transplant program reviewed all listed transplant candidates and identified patients potentially eligible for waiting time modification. Eligible candidates received waiting time modification after submission of supporting evidence to the OPTN. We reviewed the impact on waiting time and transplant activity through October 1, 2023. RESULTS: Forty-six adult patients on our center's active waiting list self-identified as Black/African American. 25 (54.3%) candidates qualified for waiting time modification. A median 451 (321, 1543.5) additional days of waiting time was added for qualifying patients. Of the 25 patients who qualified for waiting time modification, 11 patients received a deceased donor kidney in the early period following waiting time modification, including 5 patients transplanted within 1 month after modification. CONCLUSIONS: Policy 3.7D is one of few national mandates to address specifically structural racism within transplantation. Implementation has yielded near immediate effects with greater than 40% of time-adjusted patients at our center receiving a deceased donor kidney transplant in the initial months after policy enactment. Early assessment demonstrates great potential impact for this policy.

Trends in dental visits among US adults from 1997 through 2019: Implications for policy reform.

BACKGROUND: Examination of serial cross-sectional national surveys from a representative sample of the population can identify patterns and help support policy development. METHODS: The authors used data from the National Health Interview Survey on US adults reporting a dental visit in the past 12 months to examine trends from 1997 through 2019. Groups analyzed were based on sociodemographic factors including residence in a metropolitan statistical area, race and ethnicity, family income level, and geographic region. RESULTS: Over the 23-year period, the authors found differences for family income level, living in a rural (nonmetropolitan vs metropolitan) area, race and ethnicity, and geographic region (P < .0001). When stratified by family income, racial disparities have diminished. Gaps in dental service use are long-standing for rural nonmetropolitan communities. CONCLUSIONS: Relative to urban locales, rural communities experienced persistent disparities in the use of the oral health care delivery system throughout the 23 years measured. Strategies to create innovative models of care are needed to address oral health needs in underserved rural communities. PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: Policy is needed to foster a shift toward population health that will incentivize a health care system that reduces financial barriers and enhances health outcomes for adult oral health, especially for rural areas.

The impact of corporate governance on the total factor productivity of pharmaceutical enterprises: a study based on the fsQCA method.

The pharmaceutical industry is an important industry for the national economy and the people's livelihood, which is not only beneficial to the people's livelihood, but also has huge commercial value. How to promote the development of Chinese pharmaceutical industry is an urgent problem to be solved. In this study, 47 listed pharmaceutical companies are taken as cases, and Qualitative Comparative Analysis of Fuzzy Sets (fsQCA) is used to analyze the influence of five antecedent conditions on the total factor productivity of pharmaceutical enterprises from the perspective of corporate governance, and to explore the composition to Total Factor Productivity (TFP) improvement. The results are as follows. First, single corporate governance factor does not constitute the necessary condition to improve the TFP of pharmaceutical enterprises. Second, there are three configurations of high TFP of pharmaceutical enterprises, among these, two configurations belong to regulatory constraints type and one configuration belongs to the active board type. There is only one configurations to low TFP of pharmaceutical enterprises: the passive board. Based on the perspective of configuration, this paper discusses how corporate governance drives TFP improvement in pharmaceutical enterprises, which can provide systematic thinking and practical guidance for each company to promote its TFP improvement according to its own corporate structure.

Mental health, ethnicity and the UK armed forces: Historical lessons for research and policy.

BACKGROUND: UK armed forces have recruited from other races and ethnicities at times of crisis. To meet diversity targets, they have also recruited indigenous groups of non-White British heritage. Considered at greater risk of mental health problems generally, these populations are likely to suffer more in combat and in transition to civilian life. Yet, there is little data on how they fare. METHODS: A scoping review was conducted of peer-reviewed studies of psychological illnesses suffered by racial and ethnic minority soldiers from World War One to the present, together with research at the National Archives, Wellcome Trust Archives and the Imperial War Museum for unpublished studies. RESULTS: British commanders and psychiatrists argued that 'martial races' were protected against post-traumatic illnesses because of an innate resilience related to a rural heritage. Consequently, low morale and breakdown were interpreted as malingering to avoid combat. Indian troops received lower levels of psychiatric care than provided for British soldiers delivered with limited cultural understanding. Inferior terms and conditions were offered to Indian soldiers with lesser opportunities for promotion. These practices, established in both World Wars, continued for Gurkha and Commonwealth soldiers recruited to meet manpower and diversity targets. Disproportionate complaints of discrimination may explain why ethnic minority status is a risk factor for mental illness. CONCLUSION: Management patterns laid down during the Imperial era continue to influence current practice for ethnic minority service personnel. Yet, armed forces can play a positive role in fostering diversity and integration to provide protective factors against mental illness.

The effect of immigration policy reform on mental health in people from minoritised ethnic groups in England: an interrupted time series analysis of longitudinal data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study cohort.

BACKGROUND: In 2012, the UK Government announced a series of immigration policy reforms known as the hostile environment policy, culminating in the Windrush scandal. We aimed to investigate the effect of the hostile environment policy on mental health for people from minoritised ethnic backgrounds. We hypothesised that people from Black Caribbean backgrounds would have worse mental health relative to people from White ethnic backgrounds after the Immigration Act 2014 and the Windrush scandal media coverage in 2017, since they were particularly targeted. METHODS: Using data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study, we performed a Bayesian interrupted time series analysis, accounting for fixed effects of confounders (sex, age, urbanicity, relationship status, number of children, education, physical or mental health impairment, housing, deprivation, employment, place of birth, income, and time), and random effects for residual temporal and spatial variation. We measured mental ill health using a widely used, self-administered questionnaire on psychological distress, the 12-item General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12). We compared mean differences (MDs) and 95% credible intervals (CrIs) in mental ill health among people from minoritised ethnic groups (Black Caribbean, Black African, Indian, Bangladeshi, and Pakistani) relative to people of White ethnicity during three time periods: before the Immigration Act 2014, after the Immigration Act 2014, and after the start of the Windrush scandal media coverage in 2017. FINDINGS: We included 58 087 participants with a mean age of 45·0 years (SD 34·6; range 16-106), including 31 168 (53·6%) female and 26 919 (46·3%) male participants. The cohort consisted of individuals from the following ethnic backgrounds: 2519 (4·3%) Black African, 2197 (3·8%) Black Caribbean, 3153 (5·4%) Indian, 1584 (2·7%) Bangladeshi, 2801 (4·8%) Pakistani, and 45 833 (78·9%) White. People from Black Caribbean backgrounds had worse mental health than people of White ethnicity after the Immigration Act 2014 (MD in GHQ-12 score 0·67 [95% CrI 0·06-1·28]) and after the 2017 media coverage (1·28 [0·34-2·21]). For Black Caribbean participants born outside of the UK, mental health worsened after the Immigration Act 2014 (1·25 [0·11-2·38]), and for those born in the UK, mental health worsened after the 2017 media coverage (2·00 [0·84-3·15]). We did not observe effects in other minoritised ethnic groups. INTERPRETATION: Our finding that the hostile environment policy worsened the mental health of people from Black Caribbean backgrounds in the UK suggests that sufficient, appropriate mental health and social welfare support should be provided to those affected. Impact assessments of new policies on minority mental health should be embedded in all policy making. FUNDING: Wellcome Trust.

Examining racial and ethnic heat exposure disparities in New York City (NYC) across different spatial and political scales through geographic effect measure modification.

Structural racism in the United States has resulted in neighborhoods with higher proportions of non-Hispanic Black (Black) or Hispanic/Latine residents having more features that intensify, and less that cool, the local-heat environment. This study identifies areas of New York City (NYC) where racial/ethnic heat exposure disparities are concentrated. We analyzed data from the 2013-2017 American Community Survey, U.S Landsat-8 Analysis Ready Data on summer surface temperatures, and NYC Land Cover Dataset at the census tract-level (n = 2098). Four cross-sectional regression modeling strategies were used to estimate the overall City-wide association, and associations across smaller intra-city areas, between tract-level percent of Black and percent Hispanic/Latine residents and summer day surface temperature, adjusting for altitude, shoreline, and nature-cover: overall NYC linear, borough-specific linear, Community District-specific linear, and geographically weighted regression models. All three linear regressions identified associations between neighborhood racial and ethnic composition and summer day surface temperatures. The geographically weighted regression models, which address the issue of spatial autocorrelation, identified specific locations (such as northwest Bronx, central Brooklyn, and uptown Manhattan) within which racial and ethnic disparities for heat exposures are concentrated. Through examining the overall effects and geographic effect measure modification across spatial scales, the results of this study identify specific geographic areas for intervention to mitigate heat exposure disparities experienced by Black and Hispanic/Latine NYC residents.

The contribution of Dutch municipalities to stimulate smoke-free outdoor sports clubs: a qualitative study.

Local governments may play a key role in making outdoor sports clubs smoke free. This study aims to assess the activities, motives, challenges and strategies of Dutch municipalities regarding stimulating outdoor sports clubs to become smoke free. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 19 policy officers of different municipalities in the Netherlands. The included municipalities varied in terms of region, population size and degree of urbanization. Data were analyzed using content analysis. Municipalities stimulated sports clubs to become smoke free by providing information and support and, to a lesser extent, by using financial incentives. Motives of municipalities varied from facilitating a healthy living environment for youth, responding to denormalization of smoking and aligning with goals formulated in national prevention policy. Policy officers faced several challenges, including limited capacity and funds, a reluctance to interfere with sports clubs and little support within the municipal organization. These challenges were addressed by employing various strategies such as embedding smoke-free sports in a broader preventive policy, setting a good example by creating outdoor smoke-free areas around municipal buildings, and collaborating with stakeholders in the municipality to join forces in realizing smoke-free sports clubs. Municipalities demonstrated evident motivation to contribute to a smoke-free sports environment. Currently, most municipalities fulfil an informative and supportive role, while some municipalities still explore their role and position in relation to supporting sports clubs to become smoke free. Other municipalities have established, according to them, effective strategies.

The relationship between political ideology and judgements of bias in distributional outcomes.

We examine judgements of bias in distributional outcomes. Such judgements are often based on imbalance in distributional outcomes, namely, the under- or over-representation of a target group relative to some baseline. Using data from 26 studies (N = 14,925), we test how these judgements of bias vary with the target group's characteristics (traditionally dominant or non-dominant) and the observer's political ideology (liberal or conservative). We find that conservatives set a higher threshold for recognizing bias against traditionally non-dominant targets (women, Black people, immigrants), as compared with liberals. Conversely, liberals set a higher threshold for recognizing bias against traditionally dominant targets (men, white people, native-born citizens), as compared with conservatives. However, these relationships between political ideology and judgements of bias diminish when the targets are unknown or ideologically irrelevant. These findings emphasize the context-dependency of bias judgements and underscore the importance of stimulus sampling and appropriate selection of controls.

Evaluating ApoL1 Genetic Testing Policy Options for Transplant Centers: A Delphi Consensus Panel Project with Stakeholders.

BACKGROUND: Apolipoprotein L1 (ApoL1) variants G1 and G2 are associated with a higher risk of kidney disease. ApoL1 risk variants are predominantly seen in individuals with sub-Saharan African ancestry. In most transplant centers, potential organ donors are being selectively genetically tested for ApoL1 risk variants. Transplant programs have highly variable ApoL1 testing practices and need guidance on essential ApoL1 clinical policy questions. METHODS: We conducted a Delphi consensus panel focused on ApoL1 clinical policy questions, including who gets tested, who decides whether testing occurs, how test results are shared, who receives test results, and how test results are used. A total of 27 panelists across seven stakeholder groups participated: living kidney donors ( n =4), deceased donor family members ( n =3), recipients of a deceased donor kidney ( n =4), recipients of a living donor kidney ( n =4), nephrologists ( n =4), transplant surgeons ( n =4), and genetic counselors ( n =4). Nineteen panelists (70%) identified as Black. The Delphi panel process involved two rounds of educational webinars and three rounds of surveys administered to panelists, who were asked to indicate whether they support, could live with, or oppose each policy option. RESULTS: The panel reached consensus on one or more acceptable policy options for each clinical policy question; panelists supported 18 policy options and opposed 15. Key elements of consensus include the following: ask potential donors about African ancestry rather than race; make testing decisions only after discussion with donors; encourage disclosure of test results to blood relatives and organ recipients but do not require it; use test results to inform decision making, but never for unilateral decisions by transplant programs. CONCLUSIONS: The panel generally supported policy options involving discussion and shared decision making among patients, donors, and family stakeholders. There was general opposition to unilateral decision making and prohibiting donation altogether.

Social work's opportunity and obligation to achieve population health equity.

US healthcare remains a system in crisis, wherein spending outpaces other Western economies but health inequities match those of an emerging market economy. As a country founded in tenets of white supremacy, structural racism persists as evidenced by longstanding race-based disparities. Although the population health approach offers a potential framework for preventative and community-based health, without overt race-conscious design, race-based disparities will be replicated. This article outlines the current US context and healthcare policy changes that led to population health taking hold. It then articulates social work's pivotal role in population health by explicitly challenging colorblindness to reach race-based health equity. Opportunities for social work practice, leadership, and research are discussed.

Policy solutions to eliminate racial and ethnic child health disparities in the USA.

Societal systems act individually and in combination to create and perpetuate structural racism through both policies and practices at the local, state, and federal levels, which, in turn, generate racial and ethnic health disparities. Both current and historical policy approaches across multiple sectors-including housing, employment, health insurance, immigration, and criminal legal-have the potential to affect child health equity. Such policies must be considered with a focus on structural racism to understand which have the potential to eliminate or at least attenuate disparities. Policy efforts that do not directly address structural racism will not achieve equity and instead worsen gaps and existing disparities in access and quality-thereby continuing to perpetuate a two-tier system dictated by racism. In Paper 2 of this Series, we build on Paper 1's summary of existing disparities in health-care delivery and highlight policies within multiple sectors that can be modified and supported to improve health equity, and, in so doing, improve the health of racially and ethnically minoritised children.

Can federal policy help overcome systemically reinforced racial inequities in social determinants of health? An observational study of Georgia and neighboring U.S. states.

BACKGROUND: Despite increasing attention to racial inequities in social determinants of health and health outcomes, less attention has been focused on how structural barriers - embedded in programs and codified in laws - shape opportunities to achieve health. METHODS: To better understand how U.S. federal policies targets structural barriers to opportunity and health at the population level, we conducted a legal review to identify landmark pieces of federal policy that held potential to impact key social determinants of health. Then, using publicly available data for Georgia and five neighboring U.S. states (Alabama, Florida, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee), we conducted an observational case study to examine recent trends for access to health care, housing, and education because they were each associated with comprehensive federal legislation meant to alleviate inequities resulting from long-standing structural barriers and were each identified by Healthy People 2030 as key social determinants of health. RESULTS: From 2010 to 2021, population-level improvements were seen in health insurance rates, mortgage and rental burden, and educational attainment, with improvements seen for both Black and White populations in Georgia, regionally in the Southeast region, and nationally in the United States. However, seemingly meaningful gaps between the Black and White populations across social determinants of health have not been eliminated at any geographical level. CONCLUSIONS: This analysis adds to a growing body of evidence that historically racialized social structures hamper Black populations' opportunities to build wealth, gain a quality education, own a home in a neighborhood of opportunity, and access health care, compared to their White peers. Given that the root causes of health disparities and inequities lie at the intersection of health, health care, economics, education, and other social systems, a multisectoral approach to policy is needed to address these systemic issues. While federal laws do provide momentum for proximal benefits for social change, in modern federalism they alone are insufficient to address needed local system change and nonlegal policy interventions, implemented at the local programmatic level, may serve as complementary mechanism to address the lingering effects of barriers to equal opportunity.

Addressing Structural Racism Through Public Policy Advocacy: A Policy Statement From the American Heart Association.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the American Heart Association created a new 2024 Impact Goal with health equity at its core, in recognition of the increasing health disparities in our country and the overwhelming evidence of the damaging effect of structural racism on cardiovascular and stroke health. Concurrent with the announcement of the new Impact Goal was the release of an American Heart Association presidential advisory on structural racism, recognizing racism as a fundamental driver of health disparities and directing the American Heart Association to advance antiracist strategies regarding science, business operations, leadership, quality improvement, and advocacy. This policy statement builds on the call to action put forth in our presidential advisory, discussing specific opportunities to leverage public policy in promoting overall well-being and rectifying those long-standing structural barriers that impede the progress that we need and seek for the health of all communities. Although this policy statement discusses difficult aspects of our past, it is meant to provide a forward-looking blueprint that can be embraced by a broad spectrum of stakeholders who share the association's commitment to addressing structural racism and realizing true health equity.

"They Protect us as if they were our Mom" Masking Attitudes from Freelist Survey Data and Qualitative Interviews in San Diego School Communities.

BACKGROUND: Despite being disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 due to a lack of structural support, marginalized communities have been largely ignored in the politically polarized debate over school masking. In response to this, we sought to explore masking attitudes by centering the voices of parents and children at historically marginalized, predominantly Hispanic schools in southern California. METHODS: We conducted a mixed-methods study with parents and children attending 26 low-income predominantly Hispanic-serving elementary schools. A random sample of parents was asked to provide a freelist of words they associate with masking. A subset of parents with children aged 4-6 was recruited from these surveys to participate in parent-child interviews (PCI). We calculated Smith's salience index for all unique items, stratifying by language (English/Spanish). Item salience guided PCI thematic analysis for additional context and meaning. RESULTS: 648 participants provided 1118 unique freelist items in English and Spanish. 19 parent-child pairs were interviewed, 11 in Spanish and 8 in English. The most salient words were "safety"(0.37), "protection"(0.12), "prevention"(0.05), "health"(0.04), "good"(0.03), "can't breathe"(0.03), "necessary"(0.02), "care"(0.02), "precaution"(0.02), and "unnecessary"(0.02). Spanish speakers had a more favorable view of masking than English speakers, particularly regarding "protection" (0.20 vs 0.08) and "prevention" (0.10 vs 0.02). DISCUSSION: Masking is an affordable individual-level risk mitigation that protects the communities that have inequitably shouldered the burdens of the COVID-19 pandemic. We recommend that policymakers prioritize the views of those most impacted when deciding on risk mitigation policies like school masking.