Rita Levi-Montalcini: the neurologist who challenged fascism.

Rita Levi-Montalcini was a researcher in the field of neuroscience, Italian and Jewish in origin, who discovered the nerve growth factor and rightfully earned the 1986 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, alongside her collaborator Stanley Cohen. She was persecuted by the fascist dictatorship of Benito Mussolini and experienced gender and religious discrimination throughout her entire life. Despite these obstacles, she carried out her activities with diligence and grace, becoming a role model in the field. This paper reviews the life and career of Rita Levi-Montalcini.

Rita Levi-Montalcini foi uma pesquisadora no campo das neurociências, de origem Italiana e Judia, que descobriu o fator de crescimento neural e merecidamente recebeu o Prêmio Nobel de Fisiologia ou Medicina de 1986, em conjunto ao seu colaborador Stanley Cohen. Ela foi perseguida pela ditadura fascista de Benito Mussolini, e sofreu discriminação de gênero e religião durante sua vida inteira. A despeito desses obstáculos, sempre exerceu suas atividades com diligência e graça, tornando-se um exemplo nesse campo de estudo. O presente artigo faz uma revisão sobre a vida e carreira de Rita Levi-Montalcini.

The 1918 Influenza Pandemic and the Rise of Italian Fascism: A Cross-City Quantitative and Historical Text Qualitative Analysis.

Evidence linking past experiences of worsening health with support for radical political views has generated concerns about the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic. The influenza pandemic that began in 1918 had a devastating health impact: 4.1 million Italians contracted influenza and about 500 000 died. We tested the hypothesis that deaths from the 1918 influenza pandemic contributed to the rise of Fascism in Italy. To provide a "thicker" interpretation of these patterns, we applied historical text mining to the newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia (Mussolini's newspaper). Our observations were consistent with evidence from other contexts that worsening mortality rates can fuel radical politics. Unequal impacts of pandemics may contribute to political polarization. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(2):242-247. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306574).

Repressive Moralism: World Making and Petty Fascism in Transgender Politics.

The past decade has seen a shift in the way that minorities exert their influence in society. Where in previous decades the emphasis was on winning the hearts and minds of the population at large, a recent strategy has been to ignore general public discourse and only to target specific influential bodies. In this paper we use the example of transgender issues to analyse the socio-psychological dimensions of this approach. We show how some groups promoting these issues eschew a wider social discourse and debate in the mass media, and how their strategy rests on a self-construction as victims of the hetero-normative society, with a concomitant appeal to moral rather than factual argumentation. This is combined with a programme of aggressive challenge to opponents through social media, and sometimes direct action, which effectively closes discussion on the topic. We conclude that these methods have much in common with the oppressive politics of fascist rule.

A puzzling marriage? UNESCO and the Madrid Festival of Science (1955).

From 17 to 22 October 1955, Madrid hosted the UNESCO Festival of Science. In the early years of the Cold War, in a dictatorial country that had recently been admitted into the international community, the festival aimed to spread science to the public through displays of scientific instruments, public lectures, book exhibitions, science writers professional associations, and debates about the use of different media. In this context, foreign visitors, many of whom came from liberal democracies, seemed comfortable in the capital of a country ruled by a dictatorship that had survived after the defeat of fascism in the Second World War and was struggling to gain foreign recognition after years of isolation.This article analyzes the political role of science popularization in Madrid at that time. It approaches the apparently puzzling marriage between UNESCO's international agenda for peace and democracy and the interests of the Francoist elites. Shared views of technocratic modernity, the fight against communism, and a diplomacy that served Spanish nationalism, paved the way for the alliance.

Medical Education for What?: Neoliberal Fascism Versus Social Justice.

In her 2018 book, What the Eyes Don't See, Dr. Mona Hanna-Attisha wrote that it is the duty of doctors to speak out against injustice. In fact, no other physician or institution in Flint had done the research and spoken out, as a whistleblower, against the poisoning of Flint's children by Michigan government. Why had Dr. Hannah-Attisha? Unfortunately, in the absence of a medical education system that teaches community-oriented primary health care in the tradition of the 1978 Alma Ata Declaration, there is little reward in doing so. This article focuses on three movements that are challenging medical education orthodoxy: 1) primary health care 2) the medical humanities and 3) "Study Up your Town" medicine. How can we create a radical health pedagogy - one that draws the links between several pandemics raging across the planet: capitalist collapse, climate disruption, Covid-19, racism, and an emergent neoliberal fascism - to enable doctors, health professionals and citizens to see them as all of one piece? Medical educators must employ critical pedagogy to create legions of "constructive troublemakers" who challenge the social-structural obstacles that are driving millions to premature death. We have reached the "end times." A new "planet medicine" is finally emerging.

'Psychosis of civilization': a colonial-situated diagnosis.

In the late 1930s, when colonial psychiatry was well established in the Maghreb, the diagnosis 'psychosis of civilization' appeared in some psychiatrists' writings. Through the clinical case of a Libyan woman treated by the Italian psychiatrist Angelo Bravi in Tripoli, this article explores its emergence and its specificity in a differential approach, and highlights its main characteristics. The term applied to subjects poised between two worlds: incapable of becoming 'like' Europeans - a goal to which they seem to aspire - but too far from their 'ancestral habits' to revert for a quiet life. The visits of these subjects to colonial psychiatric institutions, provided valuable new material for psychiatrists: to see how colonization impacted inner life and to raise awareness of the long-term socio-political dangers.

Aleturgia do currículo cultural na Educação Física: experiências pedagógicas potencializadoras de subjetividades não-fascistas / Aleturgy of the cultural curriculum in Physical Education: pedagogical experiences that leverage non-fascist subjetivities / Aleturgia del currículo cultural en Educación Física: experiencias pedagógicas que potencializan las subjetividades no fascistas

Objetivo: ampliar a concepção de fascismo, relacionando-o com propostas conservadoras e reacionárias do componente, por se basearem na assimilação das diferenças e na apropriação humanística, respaldadas na crença da homogeneização das teorias psicobiológicas ou mesmo das metanarrativas críticas. Metodologia: método filosófico, que neste caso, articula de forma original a produção mais recente sobre o currículo cultural de Educação Física com o construto filosófico foucaultiano e deleuze-guattariano. Considerações finais: indicamos que a partir de sua aleturgia, o currículo cultural de Educação Física aqui alvitrado pode ser uma alternativa para potencializar subjetividades não-fascistas.

Objetive: expand the concept of fascism, relating it to conservative and reactionary proposals of the component, as they are based on the assimilation of differences and humanistic appropriation, supported by the belief in the homogenization of psychobiological theories or even critical metanarratives. Methodology: philosophical method, which in this case, articulates in an original way the most recent production on the cultural curriculum of Physical Education with the Foucault and Deleuze-Guattarian philosophical construct. Conclusion: we indicate that from its aleturgy, the cultural curriculum of Physical Education presented here can be an alternative to leverage non-fascist subjectivities.

Objetivo: amplíarel concepto de fascismo, relacionándolo con propuestas conservadoras y reaccionarias del componente, ya que se basan en la asimilación de las diferencias y la apropiación humanista, apoyadas por la creencia en la homogeneización de teorías psicobiológicaso incluso metanarrativas críticas. Metodología: método filosófico, que en este caso articula de manera original la producción más reciente sobre el currículum cultural de Educación Física con la construcción filosófica Foucault y Deleuze-Guattarian. Conclusión: indicamos que desde su aleturgia, el plan de estudios cultural de Educación Física presentado aquí puede ser una alternativa para potencializar las subjetividades nos fascistas.

Optimizing and normalizing the population through hormone therapies in Italian science, c.1926-1950.

This essay explores how hormone treatments were used to optimize and normalize individuals under Italian Fascism. It does so by taking the activities of the Biotypological Orthogenetic Institute - an Italian eugenics and endocrinological centre founded by Nicola Pende in 1926 - as the prime example of a version of eugenics, biotypology, which was based on hormone therapies. This essay first demonstrates that Italian Fascist biopolitics was not only concerned with increasing the size of the Italian population, but also with improving its quality. It suggests that under the Italian Fascist regime hormone therapies became eugenic tools of intervention to improve the Italian race. Second, while Pende's institute purportedly enhanced men and women, its activities show the extent to which the 'techniques of normalization' pursued by the Fascist regime were both systematic and invasive.

The "Authoritarian Personality" Reconsidered: the Phantom of "Left Fascism".

This article explores the question of "Left fascism," which emerged in relation to discussions around the Student Movement in the German Federal Republic in the crucial decade between 1967-1977. The term was originally coined by Jürgen Habermas in a lecture entitled "The Phantom Revolution and its Children" in which he suggests that the extreme voluntarism of the students could not but be characterized as "Left fascist." Such a characterization becomes the basis for a vitally important exchange of letters between Herbert Marcuse and Theodor W. Adorno from January to August of 1969 on the relation between theory and praxis. After first sketching Adorno's conception of the "authoritarian personality," with the help of Sándor Ferenczi's concept of the "identification with the aggressor," the article proceeds to examine the exchange of the letters between Adorno and Marcuse, illustrating Adorno's changed orientation: that "fascism" or "authoritarianism" maybe either left or right. Finally, some conclusions are drawn about the authoritarian tendencies of the contemporary Left.

Mente fascista / Fascist mind / Mente fascista / L'esprit fasciste

O artigo discute o estado de mente fascista a partir da contribuição de Christopher Bollas. Dialoga também com filósofos que se interessaram pelo tema: Hannah Arendt e Giorgio Agamben. A mente fascista não é parlamentar (com vários pontos de vista em confronto, em diálogo), mas imperial: com um único ponto de vista fixo. Torna-se inumana. Para chegar a isso os fascistas desencadeiam uma guerra permanente primeiro contra si - por meio de múltiplos assassinatos contra as partes de seu self amoroso, reparador, compassivo - e depois contra os outros, eleitos para esse fim. Para eliminar toda a oposição interna, a mente fascista conta com a ideologia, crença, convicção - antídotos da dúvida, da hesitação -, convergindo para um campo de certezas. Projeções de partes do seu self serão lançadas para o outro: partes más, preconceituosas, desdenhadoras. Também se valem da introjeção extrativa, como defesa letal: roubando do outro - o inimigo eleito - partes de seu self.

The article discusses the state of the fascist mind, taking into account Christopher Bollas' contribution. It also establishes a fruitful dialogue with other philosophers who are interested in the subject: Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben. The fascist mind is not parliamentary (with several conflicting points of view, in dialogue) but imperial: with a single fixed viewpoint. It becomes inhuman. In order to do that, fascists unleash an ongoing war, first against themselves - through multiple murderous actions against the parts of their loving, repairing, compassionate self - and, then, against the "others" chosen for that end. To eliminate all internal opposition, the fascist mind relies on ideology, belief, conviction - antidotes to doubt, hesitation - converging to a field of certainties. Projections of parts of her self will be thrown at the other: evil, biased, scornful parts. They also use extractive introjection, as a lethal defense: stealing from the other - the elect enemy - parts of their selves.

El artículo discute el estado de la mente fascista a partir de la contribución de Christopher Bollas. Dialoga también con otros filósofos que se interesaron por el tema: Hannah Arendt y Giorgio Agamben. La mente fascista no es parlamentaria (con varios puntos de vista en confrontación, en diálogo) pero si imperial: con un único punto de vista fijo. Se convierte en inhumana. Para llegar a eso los fascistas desencadenan una guerra permanente primero contra sí mismos - a través de múltiples asesinatos contra las partes de su propio self amoroso, reparador, compasivo - y luego contra los otros, elegidos para ese fin. Para eliminar toda la oposición interna, la mente fascista cuenta con la ideología, creencia, convicción - antídotos de la duda, de la vacilación - convergiendo hacia un campo de certezas. Las proyecciones de partes de su self serán lanzadas para el otro: partes malas, preconcebidas, despreciadoras. Se valen también de la introyección extractiva, como defensa letal: robando del otro - el enemigo elegido - partes de su self.

L'article discute l'état d'esprit fasciste à partir de la contribution de Christopher Bollas. Il dialogue également avec d'autres philosophes qui s'intéressent à cette thématique: Hannah Arendt et Giorgio Agamben. L'esprit fasciste n'est pas parlementaire (avec plusieurs points de vue en confrontation, en dialogue), mais impérial (avec un seul point de vue fixe). Il devient ainsi inhumain. Pour y arriver, les fascistes développent une guerre permanente, d'abord contre eux-mêmes - par des multiples assassinats contre de parts de leur self amoureux, réparateur, compatissant - et puis contre les autres, élus pour cette fin. Pour supprimer toute opposition interne, l'esprit fasciste compte sur l'idéologie, la croyance, la conviction - antidotes du doute, de l'hésitation - de façon à converger vers un champ de certitudes. Projections de parts de son self seront lancées vers l'autre: des parts méchantes, pleines de préjugés, méprisantes. Il s'utilise également de l'introjection extractive, en tant que défense létale: il vole de l'autre - l'ennemi élu - des parts de son self.

Memoria e identidad : una reflexión desde la italia postfascista / Memory and Identity. A reflection from post fascist Italy

Este articulo aborda la compleja cuestión de las memorias múltiples. Caracteriza los acontecimientos políticos en la Italia de posguerra, poniendo el foco en el caso de la masacre nazi de las Fosas Ardeatinas (Fosse Ardeatine). Se analiza así el modo de registro de los hechos en el imaginario colectivo y su relación con la memoria, el duelo y los procesos de identidad.

This article addresses the complex issue of multiple memories. It characterizes political events in post-war Italy, focusing on the case of the Nazi massacre of the Ardeatine pits (Fosse Ardeatine). The way of recording events in the collective imagination and its relationship with memory, mourning and identity processes is analyzed.

[Public health in Franco's Spain as seen from the World Health Organization: the Brockington Report (1967)]. / La sanidad franquista vista desde la Organización Mundial de la Salud: el Informe Brockington (1967).

The aim of this note is to introduce the report on the health system of Spain written in 1967 by the WHO expert on Public Health Administration, and retired professor of the University of Manchester, Prof. CF Brockington, I summarise along general lines the relationships established between Spain and the WHO, describe the role of consultants, give an outline of the character of this author and the political context of the time. I also describe the difficulties encountered with his recommendations, which can nevertheless be viewed as seminal contributions to the major changes that were to take place during the Spanish Democratic Transition. The full text of the Report, in Spanish, can be accessed in the online Appendix of this article.

Political terrorism and affective polarization in "black" and "red" terrorists in Italy during the years 1968-1988.

Psychiatric evaluations of violent political crime were mostly performed on a case-by-case basis in a forensic environment, which made them unduly dependent on categories of presumed dangerousness and legal responsibility, rather than on a clinical definition of their mental status. In referring to such "clinical" definitions, the disorder we have in mind is not limited to the major, agitated psychotic manias or mixed states. The presence of a dominant temperament, or protracted hypomania, is enough by itself to explain an individual's engagement in a wide range of activities, not necessarily sociopathic or violent. We put forward the hypothesis that formal and transpolitical radical choices, either in favor of an illegal lifestyle or of activities involving a high level of risk, may be linked with certain mental states, especially when considering small clandestine groups showing a high level of internal ideological consensus, and a no-return attitude toward a commitment to radical choices. Available data about the psycho(patho)logical profile of terrorists are still hard to come by. The only available studies are those on identified living terrorists (judging by the trials of those who personally admitted to having been terrorists), and statistical data imply a number of documented cases belonging to the same terrorist organization. In Italy, the period often called the "years of lead [bullets]" displays an interesting viewpoint for the study of terrorist psychology, for two main reasons: first of all, it is a historically defined period (1968-1988), and second, the number of ascertained participants in terrorist activities was quite large.

Christian psychopathology: psychiatry and knowledge for the sake of salvation in the early years of Francoism.

After World War II came to an end, General Franco's regime attempted to step aside from the defeated fascist states by emphasizing its Catholic character. The change of image culminated in 1947 with the establishment of Spain as a Catholic State by means of the Law of Succession. This process generated the national catholic ideology, which became, during the first decades of the dictatorship, the hegemonic instrument for the transformation of Spanish society in an anti-modernizing way. Scientific activity was not excluded from these changes, and a Catholic science conveying universal values and in harmony with the faith was strongly encouraged. One example of this Catholic science was the psychiatric approach developed by Juan José López Ibor during the first Francoist period, including the concepts of anagogy, the perfection instinct, psychagogy and, above all, anxious thymopathy and life anguish. This paper analyses the Christian background of these notions, their scientific repercussions and their social utility for the dictatorship. This paper emphasizes the consideration of these key notions of Spanish psychiatry during the First Francoism as knowledge of salvation, i.e., as conveyors of assumed eternal values in accordance with the prevailing view of Catholicism. On the other hand, it points to the functioning of these concepts as a part of the regulatory network designed and deployed by Francoism to promote submission and resignation in the Spanish population.