Fertility variation among the U.S. foreign stock population in 1900

PIP: In the late 19th century, the US population included a large number of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants from European countries, often with relatively high fertility levels. This article investigates the degree to which fertility behavior changed as a result of social structural characteristics of the environment such as urbanization and children's role, the diffusion of fertility values and information from the native population, and the role of cultural values or resistance to change. By 1900 nationality groups within urban and rural environments in the US were showing amazingly similar degrees of adaptation in fertility patterns. Distinctive fertility patterns were being maintained over generations, but there appeared to be little inherence in the national culture or mentalities of the various European populations which retarded the speed of reproductive change, or even the legitimacy of smaller families. The clear continuing variations by nationality in fertility were geared to reflect social structural differences such as agricultural background and the functional role of children, rather than unique cultural outlooks. Even within the 1st generation, fertility variation across states responded in a regular manner to social structural factors, such as the agricultural orientation of the population and the importance of child labor. Other evidence suggests that some diffusion of fertility values must have been occurring from the native white to the foreign born population, especially within the urban parts of the US where greater contact was probably facilitated. The foreign born seemed particularly resistant to adoption of low fertility behavior in rural states where they comprised a significant segment of the population, and thus were probably able to isolate themselves more easily. These results do not support the notion of relative unique cultural adaptation. It may be that studies of the European transition have placed too much emphasis on cultural mentalities within various populations as a cause of different reproductive trends.^ieng

The old-new distinction and naturalization: 1900.

PIP: The author analyzes differences in naturalization baetween "old" groups of migrants coming primarily from Northern and Western Europe and "new" migrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. The primary focus is on naturalization as a measure of assimilation into the United States. Reasons for differences between the two groups are discussed^ieng

Own-child estimates of U. S. white fertility, 1886-1899.

PIP: Uses data from a 1/750 household sample of the 1900 census manuscripts to make own-child estimates of fertility behavior among American white women in the years between 1886 and 1899. Fertility behavior is estimated by linking children's records with those of their mothers. New estimates of American total fertility rates for each year are provided separately for native and foreign-born whites. The degree of conscious control of fertility at this important period in American demographic history is estimated on the basis of age-specific patterns of reproduction. Variations in fertility patterns within major regional and urban-rural residence categories are analyzed, especially for the last 5 years of the century. Data on trends in fertility in the last 14 years of the century suggest the close correspondence between the fertility decline and the development of a mass educational system, particularly for native whites. Patterns for the foreign born during this time period are less easily interpretable within a modernization framework. Evidence on patterns of family limitation indicates the degree to which this period represented a transition from the minimal degree of conscious control over fertility at earlier points in the 19th century to the extremely rationalized system of reproduction which developed after 1940. The significant amount of fertility control at this time is not surprising, given other related studies, particularly since highly effective methods of birth control were probably not generally practiced. Abortion, however, may have been a very important means of family limitation. Patterns of reproduction in the late 1880s were highly varied within the United States. Native white women in the urban North Atlantic region had essentially achieved modern patterns of fertility limitation by the turn of the century, while Southern farm women were only a few steps removed from natural fertility. Important questions are raised concerning how populations with relatively similar cultural and ethnic heritages could achieve such different reproduction patterns. Charts and graphs illustrating birth rates, fertility rates and patterns are given.^ieng

Patterns of suburban population growth, 1970--75.

Population redistribution within U.S. suburban rings between 1970 and 1975 was characterized by frequent population declines for individual suburbs. On the whole, recent spatial patterns of suburban population decline are similar in nature, if not overall levels, to those found in the 1950s and 1960s. Population decline is greatest in the inner suburbs, and is also evident, to some extent, in the most peripheral suburbs. Patterns for all metropolitan areas mask clear variation among metropolitan areas. This variation is related to metropolitan age or historical period of development.

The applicability of the burgess zonal hypothesis to urban Canada.

A replication for Canada of Schnore's studies of socio-economic differentiation between United States central cities and suburbs produces generally similar results, although the Canadian patterns are by no means as pronounced or conclusive. Older, larger and highly suburbanized Canadian areas are most apt to have high-status groups over-represented in the suburbs and low-status groups over-represented in the central city. Furthermore, this pattern of socio-economic differentiation is found less often in Canadian areas than in the United States areas which tend to be older and larger. A study of change over time also suggests a movement toward socio-economic differentiation between city and suburb. These results are consistent with the Burgess zonal hypothesis which argues that lower-status groups increasingly inhabit the central section and upperstatus groups the outskirts as cities grow.

The relationship of the crude birth rate and its components to social and economic development.

Using well-known techniques of regression analysis, we decompose the crude birth rate into six analytical components, indicating illegitimacy, the marriage rate, legitimate fertility, and sex and age composition. All the components except sex structure are important in determining differences in crude birth rates across countries of the world. The model is elaborated by showing how economic development affects the crude birth rate through its basic demographic components.

Social structure and U.S. inter-state fertility differentials in 1900.

This paper investigates the importance of agricultural land shortages versus modernization of the society in influencing inter-state differentials in fertility in 1900, when the United States was in mid-transition. Urbanization and manufacturing characteristics of states were the strongest correlates of variations in the index of total fertility because urban-industrialism depressed both the probability of marriage and marital fertility. Other modern characteristics of American states were also important in understanding variations in marital fertility. Low labor force employment of children and farm mechanization, integrally related characteristics, seemed to depress levels of marital fertility in many parts of the United States, independent of the urban-industrial system. Agricultural land opportunity had little overall effect on marital fertility; however, it was quite important in understanding variations in patterns of marriage.

Metropolitan retail nucleation.

We argue that U.S. metropolitan retail nucleation, as represented by sales in the Central Business District and in retail centers, is a consequence of population growth in at least three transportation epochs, the walking and horse era, the electric streetcar era, and the automobile period. Population growth in each epoch has had a different effect on retail nucleation, with the most recent growth having had a pronounced positive effect on development of retail centers and a slight negative effect on the sales of the Central Business District.

Constraints, satisfaction and residential mobility: Speare's model reconsidered.

Our study has shown that the stress threshold model, as formulated by Speare, only works partially. Consistent with Speare's model, we have found that subjective satisfaction is a strong predictor of thoughts about moving. Thoughts about moving is a good predictor of actual mobility. There are, however, three major problems with the model: stress as measured by satisfaction is not a particularly good predictor of actual mobility, although it does have some indirect influence through thoughts about moving; the "structural" variables have a strong independent impact on the mobility process beyond satisfaction; the satisfaction variables have little influence in mediating the effects of structural variables on mobility thoughts and behavior. The question of why our results differ from Speare's cannot be definitively answered here. We believe that our research has certain virtues in its direct measurement of satisfaction with home and community and also its much larger sample of movers. Speare's sample may have the virtue of being more representative of a large urban population since it was drawn from all segments of Rhode Island. Yet, while our sample is selective of areas within Seattle, we believe it provides a good representation of a wide variety of residential environments. Overall, our results are more consistent with the other studies which have addressed these issues (Bach and Smith, 1977; Lee, 1978; Michelson, 1977; Newman and Duncan, 1979), although the methods and approaches are not identical. Some of these studies were reviewed in the first part of the paper. We believe that understanding of the attitudinal predictors of changing residence is roughly at the same stage as research in the early post-World War II period on the attitudinal correlates of fertility behavior among American women. Research such as the Princeton study (Westoff et al., 1961; 1963) demonstrated that a variety of social attitudes about home, family, work and childbearing correlated poorly with levels of fertility. In contrast, such variables as objective religious affiliation, educational attainment, and race were clear correlates of fertility behavior. We still do not fully understand why these structural variables are important but we know that they are key predictors of behavior.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

American family building strategies in 1900: stopping or spacing.

Contemporary populations frequently space the births of children, and also attempt to stop childbearing after achieving a desired family size. While stopping behavior was evident in European populations in the late nineteenth century, little is known about the degree to which they attempted to space their children at specific interval lengths. This paper compares spacing patterns among various groups of white U.S. women in 1900, who were distinguished by varying family sizes and levels of fertility control. On the whole, there is little evidence of childspacing differences among native white populations, except for some very low parity women. The findings support the continued analysis of age patterns of fertility as the major means for determining the onset of conscious family limitation.

Urban industrial structure and fertility: the case of large American cities.

PIP: This report discusses how the Industrial Revolution led to decreased patterns of fertility in the United States. Structural changes in population and how employment transformations led to growing literacy which, in turn, led to a decrease in fertility are noted. The article explains how a variety of variables--such as occupational structure, education systems, female employment in industry, and marriage patterns led to a decrease in fertility. A mathematical model describing the industrial structure of the cities and urban fertility is presented. The authors conclude that both social structure and group characteristics contribute to lower fertility levels in the United States.^ieng

The ecology of race and socioeconomic distress: infant and working-age mortality in Chicago.

We examine the effects of education, unemployment, and racial segregation on age-, sex-, and race-specific mortality rates in racially defined Chicago community areas from 1989 to 1991. Community socioeconomic factors account for large observed areal variations in infant and working-age mortality, but especially working-age mortality for the black population. For black men, the mortality consequences of living in economically distressed communities are quite severe. Segregation effects on mortality are more modest and largely operate through neighborhood socioeconomic conditions, although some direct effects of segregation on mortality for blacks are apparent.