RESUMEN
BACKGROUND: Individuals facing socioeconomic hardship experience higher than average rates of chronic disease, such as diabetes, with less access to evidence-based treatment. One solution to address these inequities is a team-based care (TBC) model, defined as one in which at least two providers work collaboratively with a patient and their caregiver(s) to make healthcare decisions. This paper seeks to describe the implementation of a TBC model within a safety-net healthcare setting and determine the extent to which it can be an effective, patient-centered approach to treating individuals with diabetes. METHODS: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with staff (n = 15) and patients (n = 18). Clinical data were extracted from the electronic medical record of patients (n = 1,599) seen at a safety-net health system in Chicago, Illinois, United States. The mixed methods study was guided by implementation science and participatory research principles. Staff interviews were 60 min and covered patient care activities, work flow, perceived patient experience, and facilitators/barriers to care coordination. Patient interviews were 60 min and covered satisfaction, attitudes about diabetes management, quality of life, and technology. Patient interviews were co-analyzed by research staff and members of a patient advisory committee. Clinical data were collected at an index visit, two years prior and at one-year follow up (n = 1,599). RESULTS: Four themes emerged from the interviews: (1) patients perceived the TBC model to be patient centered and of high quality; (2) technology can be an innovative tool, but barriers exist; (3) diabetes management is a complex process; and (4) staff communication enhances care coordination, but misinterpreting roles reduces care coordination. From pre-enrollment to the follow-up period, we found a statistically significant increase in missed visits, decrease in hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c), decrease in body mass index, and decrease in the percent of patients with high blood pressure. We found that each medical visit during the follow-up period was associated with an HbA1c decrease of 0.26 points. CONCLUSIONS: A TBC model is a patient-centered approach to providing care to patients with complex health needs, such as diabetes, patients were satisfied with the care they were receiving, and the model was associated with an improvement in clinical outcomes.
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Diabetes Mellitus , Grupo de Atención al Paciente , Humanos , Grupo de Atención al Paciente/organización & administración , Masculino , Femenino , Persona de Mediana Edad , Diabetes Mellitus/terapia , Chicago , Atención Dirigida al Paciente/organización & administración , Entrevistas como Asunto , Adulto , Anciano , Investigación Cualitativa , Proveedores de Redes de Seguridad/organización & administraciónRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: Racial inequities in life expectancy, driven by structural racism, have been documented at the state and county levels; however, less information is available at the city level where local policy change generally happens. Furthermore, an assessment of life expectancy during the decade preceding COVID-19 provides a point of comparison for life expectancy estimates and trends post COVID-19 as cities recover. METHODS: Using National Vital Statistics System mortality data and American Community Survey population estimates, we calculated the average annual city-level life expectancies for the non-Hispanic Black (Black), non-Hispanic White (White), and total populations. We then calculated the absolute difference between the Black and White life expectancies for each of the 30 cities and the U.S. We analyzed trends over four time periods (2008-2010, 2011-2013, 2014-2016, and 2017-2019). RESULTS: In 2017-2019, life expectancies ranged from 72.75 years in Detroit to 83.15 years in San Francisco (compared to 78.29 years for the U.S.). Black life expectancy ranged from 69.94 years in Houston to 79.04 years in New York, while White life expectancy ranged from 75.18 years in Jacksonville to 86.42 years in Washington, DC. Between 2008-2010 and 2017-2019, 17 of the biggest cities experienced a statistically significant improvement in life expectancy, while 9 cities experienced a significant decrease. Black life expectancy increased significantly in 14 cities and the U.S. but decreased significantly in 4 cities. White life expectancy increased significantly in 17 cities and the U.S. but decreased in 8 cities. In 2017-2019, the U.S. and all but one of the big cities had a significantly longer life expectancy for the White population compared to the Black population. There was more than a 13-year difference between Black and White life expectancies in Washington, DC (compared to 4.18 years at the national level). From 2008-2010 to 2017-2019, the racial gap decreased significantly for the U.S. and eight cities, while it increased in seven cities. CONCLUSION: Urban stakeholders and equity advocates need data on mortality inequities that are aligned with city jurisdictions to help guide the allocation of resources and implementation of interventions.
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COVID-19 , Pandemias , Humanos , Estados Unidos/epidemiología , Ciudades/epidemiología , Blanco , Esperanza de VidaRESUMEN
OBJECTIVES: To examine city-level kidney disease mortality rates and Black:White racial inequities for the USA and its largest cities, and to determine if these measures changed over the past decade. METHODS: We used National Vital Statistics System mortality data and American Community Survey population estimates to calculate age-standardized kidney disease mortality rates for the non-Hispanic Black (Black), non-Hispanic White (White), and total populations for the USA and the 30 most populous US cities. We examined two time points, 2008-2013 (T1) and 2014-2018 (T2), and assessed changes in rates and inequities over time. Racial inequities were measured with Black:White mortality rate ratios and rate differences. RESULTS: Kidney disease mortality rates varied from 2.5 (per 100,000) in San Diego to 24.6 in Houston at T2. The Black kidney disease mortality rate was higher than the White rate in the USA and all cities studied at both time points. In T2, the Black mortality rate ranged from 7.9 in New York to 45.4 in Charlotte, while the White mortality rate ranged from 2.0 in San Diego to 18.6 in Indianapolis. At T2, the Black:White rate ratio ranged from 1.79 (95% CI 1.62-1.99) in Philadelphia to 5.25 (95% CI 3.40-8.10) in Washington, DC, compared to the US rate ratio of 2.28 (95% CI 2.25-2.30). Between T1 and T2, only one city (Nashville) saw a significant decrease in the Black:White mortality gap. CONCLUSIONS: The largest US cities experience widely varying kidney disease mortality rates and widespread racial inequities. These local data on racial inequities in kidney disease mortality can be used by city leaders and health stakeholders to increase awareness, guide the allocation of limited resources, monitor trends over time, and support targeted population health strategies.
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Enfermedades Renales , Población Blanca , Negro o Afroamericano , Ciudades/epidemiología , Femenino , Humanos , Masculino , Grupos Raciales , Estados Unidos/epidemiologíaRESUMEN
Breastfeeding confers substantial health benefits to women and infants. While disparities in breastfeeding persist in the United States, the extent of these disparities at the local level is unclear. This study aimed to identify local level and racial/ethnic breastfeeding disparities within Chicago. A community-based representative survey including questions on breastfeeding was conducted in Chicago. We estimated the proportion of women who breastfed their last child for any length of time and who breastfed at 6 months by neighborhood and maternal characteristics. We performed Rao-Scott corrected chi-squared tests to analyze factors hypothesized to be associated with breastfeeding. Between March 2015 and September 2016, 641 women with at least one live birth completed the survey. We found no differences by community area in the breastfeeding initiation or breastfeeding for at least 6 months. Puerto Rican women had the lowest prevalence of breastfeeding initiation and continuation at 6 months in contrast to Mexican women who reported the highest prevalence of these practices. We found breastfeeding disparities between Puerto Rican and Mexican Hispanic subgroups. Policies and programs aimed at increasing breastfeeding should prioritize groups that are least likely to initiate breastfeeding or most likely to breastfeed for a limited duration.
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Lactancia Materna/estadística & datos numéricos , Chicago/epidemiología , Estudios Transversales , Femenino , Hispánicos o Latinos/estadística & datos numéricos , Humanos , Encuestas y CuestionariosRESUMEN
OBJECTIVES: To investigate local-level adult influenza and pneumococcal vaccination disparities to inform targeted interventions. METHODS: Questions on influenza and pneumococcal vaccination uptake were included in a door-to-door community-based representative survey conducted in 10 Chicago, Illinois, neighborhoods in 2015 and 2016. A total of 1543 adults completed the survey, including 172 adults aged 65 years or older. We calculated adult influenza (≥ 18 years) and pneumococcal (≥ 65 years) vaccination coverage by community area and respondent characteristics. RESULTS: We observed significant differences in pneumococcal vaccination coverage between community areas (range = 18%-91%). Influenza vaccination coverage differed by gender, age, insurance coverage, acculturation, and confidence or trust in physician. Non-Hispanic Blacks were more likely to be vaccinated when they had higher confidence or trust in their physician (45% vs 20%; P < .01). Mexicans who reported less acculturation were more likely to be vaccinated than were Mexicans who were more acculturated (41% vs 27%; P = .02). CONCLUSIONS: Striking disparities between neighborhoods and racial/ethnic groups in adult influenza and pneumococcal vaccination coverage highlight the need for improved local-level immunization coverage data.
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Disparidades en Atención de Salud/estadística & datos numéricos , Vacunas contra la Influenza/uso terapéutico , Vacunas Neumococicas/uso terapéutico , Aculturación , Adolescente , Adulto , Negro o Afroamericano/estadística & datos numéricos , Factores de Edad , Anciano , Chicago/epidemiología , Femenino , Encuestas de Atención de la Salud , Humanos , Cobertura del Seguro/estadística & datos numéricos , Masculino , Americanos Mexicanos/estadística & datos numéricos , Persona de Mediana Edad , Aceptación de la Atención de Salud/estadística & datos numéricos , Factores Sexuales , Factores Socioeconómicos , Población Blanca/estadística & datos numéricos , Adulto JovenRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: In Chicago in 2018, the average life expectancy (ALE) for NH Blacks was 71.5 years, 9.1 fewer years than for NH Whites (80.6 years). Inasmuch as some causes of death are increasingly recognized products of structural racism, in urban areas, such causes may have potential for reducing racial inequities through public health intervention. Our purpose is to allocate racial inequities in ALE in Chicago to differentials in cause-specific mortality. METHODS: Using multiple decrement processes and decomposition analysis, we examine cause-specific mortality in Chicago to determine the causes of death that contribute to the gap in life expectancy between NH Blacks and NH Whites. RESULTS: Among females, the racial difference in ALE was 8.21 years; for males, it was 10.53 years. We find that cancer and heart disease mortality account for 3.03 years or 36% of the racial gap in average life expectancy among females. Differences in homicide and heart disease mortality rates comprised over 45% of the disparity among males. CONCLUSIONS: Strategies for improving inequities in life expectancy should account for differences between males and females in cause-specific mortality rates. In urban areas with high levels of segregation, reducing inequities in ALE may be possible by dramatically reducing mortality rates from some causes. CONTRIBUTION: This paper illustrates the state of inequities in ALE between NH Blacks and NH Whites in Chicago for the period just prior to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, using a well-established method of decomposing mortality differentials for sub-populations.
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Cardiopatías , Pandemias , Masculino , Femenino , Humanos , Causas de Muerte , Chicago , Esperanza de Vida , MortalidadRESUMEN
Importance: US cities have substantial, but varying, levels of racial mortality inequities, a consequence of structural racism. As committed partners increasingly pledge to eliminate health inequities, local data are required to focus and unify efforts. Objective: To analyze the contributions of 26 cause-of-death categories to Black to White life expectancy gaps within 3 large US cities. Design, Setting, and Participants: In this cross-sectional study, data were extracted from the 2018 and 2019 National Vital Statistics System Multiple Cause of Death Restricted Use data files for deaths by race, ethnicity, sex, age, place of residence, and underlying and contributing causes of death in Baltimore, Maryland; Houston, Texas; and Los Angeles, California. Life expectancy at birth was calculated for non-Hispanic Black and non-Hispanic White populations overall and by sex using abridged life tables with 5-year age intervals. Data analysis was performed from February to May 2022. Main Outcomes and Measures: Using the Arriaga method, the proportion of the Black to White life expectancy gap was calculated overall and by sex for each city that was attributable to 26 cause-of-death categories defined using the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, Tenth Revision codes for underlying and contributing causes of death. Results: A total of 66â¯321 death records from 2018 to 2019 were analyzed, with 29â¯057 individuals (44%) were identified as Black, 34â¯745 (52%) as male, and 46â¯128 (70%) as aged 65 years and older. Black to White life expectancy gaps were 7.60 years for Baltimore, 8.06 years for Houston, and 9.57 years for Los Angeles. Circulatory diseases, cancer, injuries, and diabetes and endocrine disorders were top contributors to the gaps, although the order and magnitude varied by city. The contribution of circulatory diseases was 11.3 percentage points higher in Los Angeles than in Baltimore (3.76 years [39.3%] vs 2.12 years [28.0%]). The contribution of injuries to Baltimore's racial gap (2.22 years [29.3%]) was twice as large as in Houston (1.11 years [13.8%]) and Los Angeles (1.36 years [14.2%]). Conclusions and Relevance: By assessing the composition of Black to White life expectancy gaps for 3 large US cities and categorizing deaths at a more granular level than past studies, this study provides insight into the differing underpinnings of urban inequities. This type of local data can support local resource allocation that more effectively addresses racial inequities.
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Negro o Afroamericano , Esperanza de Vida , Blanco , Humanos , Masculino , Enfermedades Cardiovasculares , Causas de Muerte , Ciudades , Estudios Transversales , Estados UnidosRESUMEN
OBJECTIVES: Suicide is a leading cause of death in the United States, and rates vary by race and ethnicity. An analysis of suicide across large US cities is absent from the literature. The objective of this study was to examine suicide rates among the total population, non-Hispanic Black population, and non-Hispanic White population in the United States and in the 30 largest US cities. METHODS: We used data from the National Vital Statistics System to calculate non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and total age-adjusted suicide rates for the 30 largest US cities and for the entire nation during 2 periods: 2008-2012 and 2013-2017. We also examined absolute and relative differences in suicide rates among non-Hispanic White populations and non-Hispanic Black populations in each city. RESULTS: The overall age-adjusted suicide rate per 100 000 population in the United States increased significantly from 12.3 in 2008-2012 to 13.5 in 2013-2017. Total suicide rates were stable in most cities; rates increased significantly in only 1 city (Louisville), and rates decreased significantly in 2 cities (Boston and Memphis). The non-Hispanic White suicide rate was significantly higher-1.3 to 4.3 times higher-than the non-Hispanic Black suicide rate in 24 of 26 study cities during 2013-2017. From 2008-2012 to 2013-2017, non-Hispanic White suicide rates decreased significantly in 3 cities and increased significantly in 3 cities; non-Hispanic Black suicide rates increased significantly in 5 cities and decreased in none. Absolute differences in suicide rates among non-Hispanic White populations and non-Hispanic Black populations increased significantly in 1 city (Louisville) and decreased significantly in 2 cities (Memphis and Boston). CONCLUSIONS: Our study may inform the use of evidence-based programs and practices to address population-level risk factors for suicide.
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Etnicidad , Suicidio , Negro o Afroamericano , Población Negra , Ciudades/epidemiología , Humanos , Estados Unidos/epidemiologíaRESUMEN
Importance: To address elevated mortality rates and historically entrenched racial inequities in mortality rates, the United States needs targeted efforts at all levels of government. However, few or no all-cause mortality data are available at the local level to motivate and guide city-level actions for health equity within the country's biggest cities. Objectives: To provide city-level data on all-cause mortality rates and racial inequities within cities and to determine whether these measures changed during the past decade. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cross-sectional study used mortality data from the National Vital Statistics System and American Community Survey population estimates to calculate city-level mortality rates for the non-Hispanic Black (Black) population, non-Hispanic White (White) population, and total population from January 2016 to December 2018. Changes from January 2009 to December 2018 were examined with joinpoint regression. Data were analyzed for the United States and the 30 most populous US cities. Data analysis was conducted from February to November 2020. Exposure: City of residence. Main Outcomes and Measures: Total population and race-specific age-standardized mortality rates using 3-year averages, mortality rate ratios between Black and White populations, excess Black deaths, and annual average percentage change in mortality rates and rate ratios. Results: The study included 26â¯295â¯827 death records. In 2016 to 2018, all-cause mortality rates ranged from 537 per 100â¯000 population in San Francisco to 1342 per 100â¯000 in Las Vegas compared with the overall US rate of 759 per 100â¯000. The all-cause mortality rate among Black populations was 24% higher than among White populations nationally (rate ratio, 1.236; 95% CI, 1.233 to 1.238), resulting in 74â¯402 excess Black deaths annually. At the city level, this ranged from 6 excess Black deaths in El Paso to 3804 excess Black deaths every year in Chicago. The US rate remained constant during the study period (average annual percentage change, -0.10%; 95% CI, -0.34% to 0.14%; P = .42). The racial inequities in rates for the US decreased between 2008 and 2019 (annual average percentage change, -0.51%; 95% CI, -0.92% to -0.09%; P =0.02). Only 14 of 30 cities (46.7%) experienced improvements in overall mortality rates during the past decade. Racial inequities increased in more cities (6 [20.0%]) than in which it decreased (2 [6.7%]). Conclusions and Relevance: In this study, mortality rates and inequities between Black and White populations varied substantially among the largest US cities. City leaders and other health advocates can use these types of local data on the burden of death and health inequities in their jurisdictions to increase awareness and advocacy related to racial health inequities, to guide the allocation of local resources, to monitor trends over time, and to highlight effective population health strategies.
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Negro o Afroamericano/estadística & datos numéricos , Mortalidad/tendencias , Población Blanca/estadística & datos numéricos , Causas de Muerte , Estudios Transversales , Femenino , Humanos , Masculino , Mortalidad Prematura/tendencias , Estados Unidos/epidemiologíaRESUMEN
INTRODUCTION: Homicide is a leading cause of death across the U.S., and it disproportionally affects Blacks in urban areas. This study fills a gap in the literature by examining homicide mortality and Black-White homicide disparities in the 30 biggest U.S. cities and for the entire U.S. across 2 time periods (2008-2012 and 2013-2017). METHODS: Using data from the National Vital Statistics System for 2008-2017, this study calculated age-adjusted homicide mortality rates (per 100,000) for the total, White, and Black populations in the 30 biggest cities, and the U.S. Black-to-White rate ratios were calculated to examine homicide mortality across the time periods. Data were analyzed in 2020. RESULTS: A total of 26 cities were included in the final analysis. Results show that U.S. homicides increased slightly but significantly across the time periods (p<0.05). A total of 6 cities saw significant increases in homicides and 5 saw significant decreases. Homicide mortality rates were 1.8 times to >20 times greater for Blacks than for Whites, and these disparities persisted across the time periods for most cities. Only 2 of 26 cities had mortality rates and racial inequities in rates that were lower than the national average. CONCLUSIONS: Homicide mortality increased slightly across the U.S. and most cities from 2008 to 2017. The majority of cities faced high homicide mortality rates and large inequities. Black-White disparities in homicide remain substantial at the national and city levels. These findings can inform city leaders in their efforts to address the homicide, violence, and racial inequities associated with them through the implementation of policies and programs.