RESUMEN
An understanding of the division of labor in different societies, and especially how it evolved in the human species, is fundamental to most analyses of social, political, and economic systems. The ability to reconstruct how labor was organized, however, especially in ancient societies that left behind few material remains, is challenged by the paucity of direct evidence demonstrating who was involved in production. This is particularly true for identifying divisions of labor along lines of age, sex, and gender, for which archaeological interpretations mostly rely upon inferences derived from modern examples with uncertain applicability to ancient societies. Drawing upon biometric studies of human fingerprints showing statistically distinct ridge breadth measurements for juveniles, males, and females, this study reports a method for collecting fingerprint impressions left on ancient material culture and using them to distinguish the sex of the artifacts' producers. The method is applied to a sample of 985 ceramic sherds from a 1,000-y-old Ancestral Puebloan community in the US Southwest, a period characterized by the rapid emergence of a highly influential religious and political center at Chaco Canyon. The fingerprint evidence demonstrates that both males and females were significantly involved in pottery production and further suggests that the contributions of each sex varied over time and even among different social groups in the same community. The results indicate that despite long-standing assumptions that pottery production in Ancient Puebloan societies was primarily a female activity, labor was not strictly divided and instead was likely quite dynamic.
Asunto(s)
Indígenas Norteamericanos/historia , Arqueología , Cerámica/historia , Dermatoglifia/historia , Femenino , Identidad de Género , Historia Antigua , Humanos , Masculino , Sudoeste de Estados UnidosRESUMEN
PREMISE: Plant domestication can be detected when transport, use, and manipulation of propagules impact reproductive functionality, especially in species with self-incompatible breeding systems. METHODS: Evidence for human-caused founder effect in the Four Corners potato (Solanum jamesii Torr.) was examined by conducting 526 controlled matings between archaeological and non-archaeological populations from field-collected tubers grown in a greenhouse. Specimens from 24 major herbaria and collection records from >160 populations were examined to determine which produced fruits. RESULTS: Archaeological populations did not produce any fruits when self-crossed or outcrossed between individuals from the same source. A weak ability to self- or outcross within populations was observed in non-archaeological populations. Outcrossing between archaeological and non-archaeological populations, however, produced fully formed, seed-containing fruits, especially with a non-archaeological pollen source. Fruit formation was observed in 51 of 162 occurrences, with minimal evidence of constraint by monsoonal drought, lack of pollinators, or spatial separation of suitable partners. Some archaeological populations (especially those along ancient trade routes) had records of fruit production (Chaco Canyon), while others (those in northern Arizona, western Colorado, and southern Utah) did not. CONCLUSIONS: The present study suggests that archaeological populations could have different origins at different times-some descending directly from large gene pools to the south and others derived from gardens already established around occupations. The latter experienced a chain of founder events, which presumably would further reduce genetic diversity and mating capability. Consequently, some archaeological populations lack the genetic ability to sexually reproduce, likely as the result of human-caused founder effect.
Asunto(s)
Solanum , Efecto Fundador , Geografía , Humanos , Fitomejoramiento , Polinización , Reproducción , Solanum/genéticaRESUMEN
High-precision accelerator mass spectrometer (AMS) (14)C dates of scarlet macaw (Ara macao) skeletal remains provide the first direct evidence from Chaco Canyon in northwestern New Mexico that these Neotropical birds were procured from Mesoamerica by Pueblo people as early as â¼ A.D. 900-975. Chaco was a prominent prehistoric Pueblo center with a dense concentration of multistoried great houses constructed from the 9th through early 12th centuries. At the best known great house of Pueblo Bonito, unusual burial crypts and significant quantities of exotic and symbolically important materials, including scarlet macaws, turquoise, marine shell, and cacao, suggest societal complexity unprecedented elsewhere in the Puebloan world. Scarlet macaws are known markers of social and political status among the Pueblos. New AMS (14)C-dated scarlet macaw remains from Pueblo Bonito demonstrate that these birds were acquired persistently from Mesoamerica between A.D. 900 and 1150. Most of the macaws date before the hypothesized apogeal Chacoan period (A.D. 1040-1110) to which they are commonly attributed. The 10th century acquisition of these birds is consistent with the hypothesis that more formalized status hierarchies developed with significant connections to Mesoamerica before the post-A.D. 1040 architectural florescence in Chaco Canyon.