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How accurate are Americans' perceptions of the material benefits associated with union membership, and do these perceptions influence their support for, and interest in joining, unions? We explore these questions in a preregistered, survey experiment conducted on a national sample, representative of the US population on a number of demographic benchmarks (n = 1,430). We find that Americans exhibit large and consistent underestimates of the benefits associated with unionization, as compared to evidence from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and peer-reviewed academic research. For example, 89% of Americans underestimated the life-time income premium associated with union membership, 72% underestimated the percentage of union members who receive health insurance from their employer, and 97% overestimated the average union dues rate. We next randomly assigned half of the participants to receive a brief, informational correction conveying results of academic and government research on the material benefits associated with union membership, or not. Those who received the correction reported 11.6% greater interest in joining a union, 7.8% greater support for unions, and 6.9% greater interest in helping to organize a union in their workplace, as compared to the control group. These results suggest that, overall, Americans tend to underestimate the material benefits associated with unionization, misperceptions of these benefits are causally linked to Americans' support for unionization, and correcting these misperceptions increases a range of pro-union sentiments in the American mass public.
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Sindicatos , Humanos , Estados Unidos , Femenino , Masculino , Adulto , Persona de Mediana Edad , RentaRESUMEN
Despite research explicating the benefits of cancer rehabilitation interventions to optimize physical, social, emotional, and vocational functioning, many reports document low rates of referral to and uptake of rehabilitation in oncology. Cancer rehabilitation clinicians, researchers, and policy makers could learn from the multidisciplinary specialty of palliative care, which has benefited from a growth strategy and has garnered national recognition as an important and necessary aspect of oncology care. The purpose of this article is to explore the actions that have increased the uptake and integration of palliative care to yield insights and multimodal strategies for the development and growth of cancer rehabilitation. After examining the history of palliative care and its growth, the authors highlight 5 key strategies that may benefit the field of cancer rehabilitation: 1) stimulating the science in specific gap areas; 2) creating clinical practice guidelines; 3) building clinical capacity; 4) ascertaining and responding to public opinion; and 5) advocating for public policy change. Coordinated and simultaneous advances on these 5 strategies may catalyze the growth, utilization, and effectiveness of patient screening, timely referrals, and delivery of appropriate cancer rehabilitation care that reduces disability and improves quality of life for cancer survivors who need these services.
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Neoplasias/rehabilitación , Cuidados Paliativos/métodos , Creación de Capacidad , Medicina Basada en la Evidencia , Política de Salud , Humanos , Guías de Práctica Clínica como Asunto , Pautas de la Práctica en Medicina , Estados UnidosRESUMEN
How much do citizens value democracy? How willing are they to sacrifice their liberties and voting rights for growth, equality, or other social outcomes? We design a conjoint experiment in nationally representative surveys in Brazil, France, and the United States in which respondents choose between different societies that randomly vary in their economic outcomes (country income, income inequality, social mobility), political outcomes (democracy, public health insurance), and the level of personal income for each respondent. Our research allows us to estimate the respondents' willingness to trade off democracy for individual income (as well as other societal attributes). We find that, on average, individuals are strongly attached to democracy and a robust welfare state. They prefer to live in a country without free democratic elections only if their individual income multiplies by at least three times and in a country without public health insurance only if their individual income more than doubles. After estimating these preferences at the individual level for all respondents, we show that, although there is an authoritarian minority in all three countries, forming a nondemocratic majority (by offering more income and/or other goods to respondents) is very unlikely. Our findings imply that, contrary to a growing discussion about the crisis of democracy, liberal democratic values remain substantially robust in high and middle income democracies.
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Derechos Civiles , Democracia , Humanos , Estados Unidos , Brasil , Francia , Renta , PolíticaRESUMEN
Dense and compact cities yield several benefits for both the population and the environment, including the containment of urban sprawl, reduced carbon emissions, and increased housing supply. Densification of the built environment is thus a key contemporary urban planning paradigm worldwide. However, local residents often oppose urban densification, motivating a need to understand their underlying concerns. In order to do so, we examined different factors driving public acceptance of housing densification projects through a combination of a conjoint survey experiment and different proximity frames among 12,402 participants across Berlin, Chicago, London, Los Angeles, New York, and Paris. Respondents compared housing densification projects with varying attributes, including their geographic proximity, project-related factors, and accompanying planning instruments. The results indicate that the acceptance of such projects decreases with project proximity and that project-related factors, such as the type of investor, usage, and climate goals, impact densification project acceptance. More specifically, we see a negative effect on acceptance levels for projects with for-profit investors and a positive effect when the suggested developments are mixed use or climate neutral. In addition, planning instruments, such as rent control, inclusionary zoning, and participatory planning, appear to positively influence acceptance. Interestingly, a cross-continental comparison shows overall higher acceptance levels of densification by US respondents. These multifaceted results allow us to better understand what drives people's acceptance of housing projects and how projects and planning processes can be designed to increase democratic acceptance of urban densification.
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Entorno Construido , Planificación de Ciudades , Vivienda , CiudadesRESUMEN
Ecological transformations are occurring as a result of climate change, challenging traditional approaches to land management decision-making. The resist-accept-direct (RAD) framework helps managers consider how to respond to this challenge. We examined how the feasibility of the choices to resist, accept, and direct shifts in complex and dynamic ways through time. We considered 4 distinct types of social feasibility: regulatory, financial, public, and organizational. Our commentary is grounded in literature review and the examples that exist but necessarily has speculative elements because empirical evidence on this newly emerging management strategy is scarce. We expect that resist strategies will become less feasible over time as managers encounter situations where resisting is ecologically, by regulation, financially, or publicly not feasible. Similarly, we expect that as regulatory frameworks increasingly permit their use, if costs decrease, and if the public accepts them, managers will increasingly view accept and direct strategies as more viable options than they do at present. Exploring multiple types of feasibility over time allows consideration of both social and ecological trajectories of change in tandem. Our theorizing suggested that deepening the time horizon of decision-making allows one to think carefully about when one should adopt different approaches and how to combine them over time.
La viabilidad dinámica de resistir (R), aceptar (A) o dirigir (D) el cambio ecológico Resumen Las transformaciones ecológicas ocurren por el cambio climático, lo que representa un reto para los enfoques tradicionales para decidir en torno a la gestión de tierras. El marco resistiraceptardirigir (RAD) ayuda a los gestores a considerar cómo responder a este reto. Analizamos cómo la viabilidad de las opciones para resistir, aceptar y dirigir cambia de manera compleja y dinámica con el tiempo. Consideramos cuatro tipos distintos de viabilidad: regulatoria, económica, pública y de organización. Nuestro comentario está basado en la revisión bibliográfica y los ejemplos que existen, pero por necesidad tiene elementos especulativos ya que la evidencia empírica sobre esta estrategia emergente de gestión es escasa. Esperamos que las estrategias de resistir se vuelvan menos viables con el tiempo conforme los gestores encuentren situaciones en las que resistir no es viable de forma ecológica, económica, pública o por regulación. Al igual esperamos que cada vez más los marcos regulatorios permitan su uso, si el costo disminuye, y si el público los acepta, los gestores verán cada vez más viables las estrategias de aceptar y dirigir que las que utilizan actualmente. La exploración de varios tipos de viabilidad a lo largo del tiempo permite considerar las trayectorias sociales y ecológicas del cambio en conjunto. Nuestra teoría sugiere que profundizar en el horizonte temporal de las decisiones permite que se analice con cuidado sobre cuando se deben adoptar enfoques diferentes y cómo combinarlos con el tiempo.
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There has been a lack of information on vaccine acceptance for Finnish adults. We conducted a secondary analysis of cross-sectional data collected through the Finnish Medicines Agency Medicine Barometer 2021 survey (response rate: 20.6%). We described and explained vaccine acceptance by investigating the associations between socio-demographic factors and statements using logistic regression and conducted a factor analysis. The majority of respondents (n = 2081) considered vaccines to be safe (93%), effective (97%), and important (95%). However, 20% and 14% felt they did not have enough information about vaccines and vaccine-preventable diseases (VPDs), respectively. Respondents aged 18-39 were 2.8 times more likely to disagree that they had enough information about VPDs compared to respondents aged 60-79 (p < 0.001), while respondents with poorer self-perceived health were 1.8 times more likely to declare not having enough information about vaccines (p < 0.001). We generated three-factor dimensions from the eight statements. They were related to 'Confidence and attitudes towards vaccines', 'Access to information on vaccines and VPDs', and 'Debate on vaccine issues', which may reflect the underlying thinking patterns. Access to and understanding of information about vaccines and VPDs need to be improved for Finnish adults to increase vaccine acceptance and uptake, thus preventing the spread of VPDs.
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Vacunas , Adulto , Humanos , Estudios Transversales , Finlandia , VacunaciónRESUMEN
INTRODUCTIONS: An increasing number of countries are adopting the tobacco endgame goal. High levels of public support can accelerate momentum towards implementing tobacco endgame policies. We aimed to conduct a systematic review of public support for tobacco endgame policies and to examine the geographical distribution of studies, support among key populations (adolescents and young adults, people who smoke), and the association between survey design and support. METHODS: We searched Embase, PubMed, Scopus, Web of Science, and Google Scholar for studies published from 2013 onwards. Google was used to search the grey literature. The reference lists of included articles were hand-searched. Studies were included if they reported the proportions of people supporting one or more endgame policies. Risk of bias was assessed using the JBI checklist for prevalence studies. RESULTS: Forty-seven articles were included. Aotearoa/New Zealand and the United States were the countries with the most studies (n=11, respectively). Three-level meta-analyses showed the highest support for mandating a very low nicotine content in tobacco products (76%, 95% CI 61-87%). Meta-regressions were performed to assess the associations of population subgroup and survey design with support levels. The level of support was lower among people who smoke compared to the general population (ß range: -1.59 to -0.51). Support for some policies was lower when neutral or don't know response options were included. CONCLUSIONS: Public support for most tobacco endgame policies was high. IMPLICATIONS: Assessing public support can assist with progressing tobacco endgame policies. Policies that are widely supported by the public may be more politically feasible to implement. Qualitative studies and trial studies can further inform communication and implementation strategies for tobacco endgame policies.
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Access to social services like healthcare, education, housing, and welfare are integral to creating an equitable society. While many populations inherently benefit from these services, sex workers are often denied these rights and services because of the nature of their work. The purpose of this study was to examine perceptions of deservingness of sex workers for a wide range of rights and services. This study distinguished those attitudes across legal and illegal forms of sex work, identified attitudinal and demographic correlates associated with those perceptions, and examined potential interactions between respondents' gender and age. Participants included a nationwide sample of adults from the USA (n = 549). Results indicated that participants perceived legal sex work as more deserving of rights and services compared to illegal sex work. Perceptions of deservingness were associated with attitudes toward abortion, LGBTQ+ rights, and perceptions of government legitimacy. Overall, older individuals were less willing to extend rights and services to sex workers and women were more likely to perceive sex workers as deserving of rights and services. There was an interaction between gender and age. For illegal sex work, gender differences in perceptions converged as participants aged, whereas for legal sex work, gender differences were exacerbated with age, with men reporting particularly restrictive perceptions of deservingness.
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BACKGROUND: Aotearoa New Zealand plans to greatly reduce tobacco retail outlets, which are concentrated in areas of higher deprivation and perpetuate health inequities caused by smoking and borne particularly by Maori. However, we lack in-depth analyses of how this measure could affect people who smoke. METHODS: We undertook in-depth interviews with 24 adults from two urban areas who smoke. We used a novel interactive mapping approach to examine participants' current retail outlets and their views on a scenario where very few outlets would sell tobacco. To inform policy implementation, we probed participants' anticipated responses and explored the measure's wider implications, including unintended impacts. We used qualitative description to interpret the data. RESULTS: Most participants anticipated accommodating the changes easily, by using alternative outlets or bulk-purchasing tobacco; however, they felt others would face access problems and increased costs, and greater stress. They thought the policy would spur quit attempts, reduce relapse among people who had quit and protect young people from smoking uptake, and expected more people to switch to alternative nicotine products. However, most foresaw unintended social outcomes, such as increased crime and reduced viability of local businesses. CONCLUSIONS: Many participants hoped to become smoke-free and thought retail reduction measures would prompt quit attempts and reduce relapse. Adopting a holistic well-being perspective, such as those developed by Maori, could address concerns about unintended adverse outcomes and provide comprehensive support to people who smoke as they adjust to a fundamental change in tobacco availability.
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Cese del Hábito de Fumar , Productos de Tabaco , Adulto , Humanos , Nueva Zelanda , Políticas , Recurrencia , Fumar , Productos de Tabaco/legislación & jurisprudenciaRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: In 2017, Indonesia initiated the amendment of its 11-year-old tobacco control regulation (PP 109/2012) to reduce smoking among youth, but the process was stalled. The proposed changes in the regulation include a full ban on tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship (TAPS), increasing health warning label (HWL) size and regulating electronic cigarettes (e-cigarettes). This study analysed the arguments and actors for and against the PP 109/2012 amendment in online media articles. METHOD: Content analysis of 326 online articles reporting on the PP 109/2012 amendment published from 2018 to 2023, retrieved from the Tobacco Watcher platform. We coded articles for statements supporting or opposing the amendment (position statement), content of the arguments used to support (supporting argument) and oppose (opposing argument) the amendment, actors presenting the arguments and tobacco control measures. We iteratively reviewed and coded data and presented the frequency of categories. RESULTS: Of 332 position statements, 53.3% were against the amendment. The main categories of supporting arguments (N=1448) included smoking trends (21.1%), health implications (16.6%), science-based evidence (9.6%) and protecting the population (9.2%). Opposing arguments (N=1413) emphasised the tobacco farmers' welfare (16.6%), impact on the industry (16.4%) and current regulation is sufficient (11.0%). Supporting actors were predominantly health-related entities and government officials (89.3%), while 62.1% of opposing actors included trade and Islamic groups, the tobacco industry and front groups. HWLs, e-cigarette/heated tobacco product regulation and TAPS were the main (77.8%) tobacco control measures mentioned in the proamendment arguments, while HWLs, TAPS and cigarette sale restrictions were the dominant (79.3%) tobacco control measures in anti-amendment arguments. CONCLUSION: Indonesia's tobacco control reform faced opposition by false claims primarily from industry allies, resulting in a 5-year delay in enactment. Future tobacco control media advocacy must address these claims and emphasise the alignment of economic interests with public health goals.
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BACKGROUND: Little is known about how nicotine pouch products are perceived by people who smoke, including if they are perceived as a cessation aid or a substitute for when they cannot smoke. We qualitatively investigated the reactions and perceptions about On!, a leading brand of nicotine pouches. METHODS: We conducted online semistructured interviews with 30 adults who smoke cigarettes. Participants viewed an On! brochure and an image of an opened nicotine pouch and were asked about their initial impression, who the intended user is, and how they thought of the product's safety compared with other tobacco and cessation products. Transcripts were independently coded and the data were analysed using thematic content analysis. RESULTS: Among the participants, half identified as female and slightly more than half were white (n=16). The mean age was 43 years old. The following are the central themes that emerged: (1) participants perceived the concealability, flavours and packaging of On! as appealing to youth and young adults; (2) participants perceived nicotine pouches as a product that would supplement rather than replace tobacco use; and (3) the product raised health concerns, which decreased interest in trying nicotine pouches. CONCLUSIONS: Participants believed that the On! nicotine pouch promotional material may promote youth and young adult nicotine product initiation and dual product use for people who smoke. Most viewed On! as a product to use with cigarettes, rather than a way to quit cigarettes. Increased surveillance of nicotine pouches is warranted to monitor the trajectory of this emerging tobacco product and prevent youth initiation.
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Endgame thinking means transitioning from merely trying to 'control' the tobacco epidemic to developing plans and measures to bring it to an end within a specific time, by changing the underlying dynamics that have created and perpetuated it for more than a century. Among the innovative policies characterised as 'endgame' policies are so-called 'tobacco-free generation' or 'smoke-free generation' policies, which prohibit sales of some or all tobacco products to individuals born on or after a particular date. Such birthdate-based sales restrictions (BSR) have intuitive appeal, largely because they do not appreciably disrupt the status quo of retail sales, which continue unchanged for all those born before the designated cut-off date. They also hold the potential for further denormalising tobacco use and sales by anticipating the long-term end of tobacco sales. In this Special Communication, we analyse BSR policies through an endgame lens and propose questions that should be discussed in jurisdictions considering them. We suggest that this policy has potential underexamined pitfalls, particularly related to equity, and that if enacted, it should include policy guardrails and be part of a package of endgame measures.
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OBJECTIVES: To examine the associations between tobacco industry denormalisation (TID) beliefs and support for tobacco endgame policies. METHODS: A total of 2810 randomly selected adult respondents of population-based tobacco policy-related surveys (2018-2019) were included. TID beliefs (agree vs disagree/unsure) were measured by seven items: tobacco manufacturers ignore health, induce addiction, hide harm, spread false information, lure smoking, interfere with tobacco control policies and should be responsible for health problems. Score of each item was summed up and dichotomised (median=5, >5 strong beliefs; ≤5 weak beliefs). Support for tobacco endgame policies on total bans of tobacco sales (yes/no) and use (yes/no) was reported. Associations between TID beliefs and tobacco endgame policies support across various smoking status were analysed, adjusting for sociodemographics. RESULTS: Fewer smokers (23.3%) had strong beliefs of TID than ex-smokers (48.4%) and never smokers (48.5%) (p<0.001). Support for total bans on tobacco sales (74.6%) and use (76.9%) was lower in smokers (33.3% and 35.3%) than ex-smokers (74.3% and 77.9%) and never smokers (76.0% and 78.3%) (all p values<0.001). An increase in the number of TID beliefs supported was positively associated with support for a total ban on sales (adjusted risk ratio 1.06, 95% CI 1.05 to 1.08, p<0.001) and use (1.06, 95% CI 1.05 to 1.07, p<0.001). The corresponding associations were stronger in smokers than non-smokers (sales: 1.87 vs 1.25, p value for interaction=0.03; use: 1.78 vs 1.21, p value for interaction=0.03). CONCLUSION: Stronger TID belief was associated with greater support for total bans on tobacco sales and use. TID intervention may increase support for tobacco endgame, especially in current smokers.
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BACKGROUND: Strong public support can increase the likelihood of adopting tobacco control policies. We assessed support for six commercial tobacco endgame policies in South Korea: limiting the nicotine in cigarettes, banning all additives in cigarettes, restricting the number of places where cigarettes are sold, and banning the manufacture and sales of cigarettes (unconditionally, with the provision of cessation support and with alternative tobacco products available). METHODS: Data were obtained from 4740 adults who completed the 2020 International Tobacco Control Korea Survey. Participants were categorised based on their nicotine use: (1) did not use any products, (2) vaped and/or used heated tobacco products (HTPs) but did not smoke cigarettes, (3) smoked cigarettes only and (4) smoked cigarettes and vaped and/or used HTPs. Attitudes towards the policies were classified as supportive, undecided or opposed. Weighted multinomial logistic regression models assessed support levels according to nicotine use. RESULTS: Support was highest for limiting the nicotine content in cigarettes (68.4%; 95% CI 64.6% to 72.3%) and restricting the number of retailers (68.1%; 95% CI 64.5% to 71.7%), and lowest for banning cigarette sales if alternative products are made available (45.0%; 95% CI 40.9% to 49.1%). People who did not use any products were most likely to support endgame policies, except for banning cigarette sales with alternatives available. The proportion of undecided participants exceeded 10% (range 13%-25%) for all policies. CONCLUSION: There is a strong public support for tobacco endgame policies in South Korea. Further research should prioritise the development of strategies to ensure the effective implementation of highly supported policies.
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INTRODUCTION: Reasons for using and stopping the use of e-cigarettes and their associations with transitions in nicotine product use are relatively unknown in countries with e-cigarette bans, such as Mexico. METHODS: Data comes from an open cohort of people who smoke in Mexico, surveyed every 4 months from November 2018 to November 2021. Those who smoked and used e-cigarettes at time t (n=904 individuals, 1653 observations) were categorised at 4-month follow-up (t+1): (1) continued 'dual use', (2) exclusive smoking, (3) exclusive use of e-cigarettes or neither product. For people who formerly used e-cigarettes at time t (n=332 individuals, 372 observations), follow-up categories were: (1) continued exclusive smoking; (2) re-initiated e-cigarette use. Multinomial and logistic models regressed follow-up status (ref=status at time t) on reasons for using or stopping e-cigarette use, respectively, at time t, adjusting for covariates. RESULTS: The most prevalent reasons for current e-cigarette use were 'they were less harmful to others' (40.5%) and 'enjoyable' (39.0%). Those who reported using e-cigarettes because they were less harmful to others (Adjusted Relative Risk Ratio (ARRR)=0.67), more enjoyable (ARRR=0.52), could help them to quit smoking (ARRR=0.65), or to control weight (ARRR=0.46) were less likely to return to exclusively smoking. Among people who formerly used e-cigarettes, lack of satisfaction was the primary reason for stopping e-cigarette use (32%) and those who reported this were less likely to start using e-cigarettes again at follow-up (Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR)=0.58). CONCLUSIONS: Specific reasons for using and stopping e-cigarettes predict changes in smoking and e-cigarette use, and targeting these beliefs could promote desired behaviour changes.
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OBJECTIVES: This study assessed public support for four proposed tobacco control policies in Great Britain: (1) Raising the sales age of tobacco by 1 year every year (Smokefree Generation); (2) Raising the sales age of tobacco from 18 years to 21 years; (3) Providing prescription e-cigarettes as smoking cessation aids to adults who smoke; (4) Restricting e-cigarette advertising to prevent youth uptake. DESIGN: Repeat cross-sectional population-based survey weighted to match the population of Great Britain. SETTING: The survey was conducted in England, Scotland and Wales in September 2021, October 2022 and October 2023. PARTICIPANTS: 6541 adults living in Great Britain. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Support for each policy and year and prevalence ratios (PRs) comparing support between years and subgroups. RESULTS: The most popular policy each year was restricting e-cigarette advertising (74%/79%/85%), followed by raising the sales age to 21 years (50%/58%/64%), providing prescription e-cigarettes (45%/44%/47%) and Smokefree Generation (34%/44%/49%). The largest increases were for policies about the age of sale (Smokefree Generation: 2021/2022 PR=1.28, 95% CI 1.18 to 1.40, 2022/2023 PR=1.12, 95% CI 1.04 to 1.20; raising the age to 21 years: 2021/2022 PR=1.16, 95% CI 1.09 to 1.23, 2022/2023 PR=1.11, 95% CI 1.05 to 1.17). Only 30% opposed Smokefree Generation in 2023 down from 41% in 2021. CONCLUSIONS: Support for each policy increased each year, except for providing prescription e-cigarettes. Restricting e-cigarette advertising was the most popular policy, while support for age of sale policies, in particular for a Smokefree Generation, grew most. TRIAL REGISTRATION: The study protocol was published on the Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/46z2c/) prior to starting the analysis.
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BACKGROUND: Internationally, there is a growing interest in the potential benefits of psilocybin-assisted therapy to treat existential distress at the end of life. However, the social acceptability of this therapy is not yet well known. AIM: This study assesses the social acceptability of the medical use of psilocybin to treat existential distress at the end of life. DESIGN: An online survey was conducted in Canada between November 23 and December 4, 2022. The questionnaire included items pertaining to perceptions, attitudes and concerns towards psilocybin-assisted therapy to treat existential distress at the end of life. PARTICIPANTS: The sample (n = 2800) was stratified by province, age and sex. Participants were adults from four provinces of Canada: Québec, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. RESULTS: Overall, 79.3% considered psilocybin-assisted therapy a reasonable medical choice for a patient suffering from existential distress at the end of life, 84.8% agreed that the public health system should cover the costs of the intervention and 63.3% would welcome the legalisation of psilocybin for medical purposes. Previous psilocybin use (p < 0.0001, for all dependent variables), exposure to palliative care (p < 0.05, for all dependent variables) and a progressive political orientation (p < 0.05, for all dependent variables) were associated with more favourable attitudes towards psilocybin-assisted therapy at the end of life. CONCLUSION: The social acceptability of psilocybin-assisted therapy for existential distress at the end of life is rather high in Canada. These findings may contribute to efforts to mobilise resources and improve access to this emerging therapy in palliative and end of life care settings.
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Psilocibina , Cuidado Terminal , Adulto , Humanos , Psilocibina/uso terapéutico , Cuidados Paliativos , Muerte , AlbertaRESUMEN
National opinions on a wide variety of public health topics can change over time and have highly contextual nuances. This study is a follow-up to prior inquiries into the knowledge of wastewater-based epidemiology, privacy concerns surrounding sample collection, and the use of data acquired, along with privacy awareness from an online survey conducted in the metropolitan United States during the winter of 2023. Mentions of wastewater-surveillance-related terms in the media remained common. Towards the outbreak tail in 2023, public support for surveillance of toxins (91%), diseases (91%), terrorist threats (87%), illicit drugs (70%), prescription medications (69%), and gun residue (60%) remained high. There was less support for surveillance of alcohol consumption (49%), mental illness (46%), healthy eating (37%), and lifestyle behaviors (35%). In terms of geographic scale, most respondents supported citywide surveillance (85%) with markedly lower levels of support for smaller (less anonymous) geographic scales covered by specific locations. Wastewater surveillance does not receive the public pushback that other COVID-19-related health system actors have witnessed. Instead, the public supports the expansion of wastewater surveillance as a standard to complement public health tools in other areas of health protection.
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COVID-19 , Opinión Pública , Aguas Residuales , Estados Unidos/epidemiología , Humanos , Aguas Residuales/análisis , Aguas Residuales/virología , COVID-19/epidemiología , COVID-19/prevención & control , Brotes de Enfermedades , Monitoreo Epidemiológico Basado en Aguas Residuales , Adulto , Masculino , Femenino , Encuestas y Cuestionarios , Persona de Mediana Edad , SARS-CoV-2RESUMEN
Using a general model of opinion dynamics, we conduct a systematic investigation of key mechanisms driving elite polarization in the United States. We demonstrate that the self-reinforcing nature of elite-level processes can explain this polarization, with voter preferences accounting for its asymmetric nature. Our analysis suggests that subtle differences in the frequency and amplitude with which public opinion shifts left and right over time may have a differential effect on the self-reinforcing processes of elites, causing Republicans to polarize more quickly than Democrats. We find that as self-reinforcement approaches a critical threshold, polarization speeds up. Republicans appear to have crossed that threshold while Democrats are currently approaching it.
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Public health experts have advocated for wearing protective face masks to combat the COVID-19 pandemic, yet some populations are resistant. Can certain messages shift attitudes toward masks? We investigate the effect of value-consistent messages within a mask-skeptical population: White evangelicals in the United States. An experiment within a national survey of White evangelicals (n = 1,212) assigned respondents to one of three conditions: One group was given a religious message equating mask use with loving your neighbor, another was given a message by Donald Trump saying mask use is patriotic, and a control group received no message. Those exposed to the religious message were more likely to see mask use as important and were more supportive of mask mandates. Republican evangelicals exposed to the patriotism message had similar responses. These findings show that messages that align with individuals' core values-in this case, religious tenets and patriotism-can shift certain views on mask use and government mask policies to combat COVID-19, even among a comparatively mask-resistant group.