Bodies of science and law: forensic DNA profiling, biological bodies, and biopower.

How is jurisdiction transferred from an individual's biological body to agents of power such as the police, public prosecutors, and the judiciary, and what happens to these biological bodies when transformed from private into public objects? These questions are examined by analysing bodies situated at the intersection of science and law. More specifically, the transformation of 'private bodies' into 'public bodies' is analysed by going into the details of forensic DNA profiling in the Dutch jurisdiction. It will be argued that various 'forensic genetic practices' enact different forensic genetic bodies'. These enacted forensic genetic bodies are connected with various infringements of civil rights, which become articulated in exploring these forensic genetic bodies''normative registers'.

Advertising Phuket's nightlife on the Internet: a case study of double binds and hegemonic masculinity in sex tourism.

One significant human rights violation in Southeast Asia is the exploitation of women through sex tourism. Such sexual exploitation occurs in Thailand because institutions are complacent and society accepts the practice. This case study, guided by the concepts of double binds and hegemonic masculinity, sought to understand if Thai culture is symbolically constructed in ways to portray Thailand as a desirable "sex tourist" destination. Websites portray Phuket as a patriarchal world where men can live their fantasies of being perfect hegemonic males because Thai bar girls are young nymphomaniacs that have no need to be talked to or understood.

The League of Nations' rescue of Armenian genocide survivors and the making of modern humanitarianism, 1920-1927.

The essay centers of the efforts by the League of Nations to rescue women and children survivors of the 1915 Armenian Genocide. This rescue -- a seemingly unambiguous good -- was at once a constitutive act in drawing the boundaries of the international community, a key moment in the definition of humanitarianism, and a site of resistance to the colonial presence in the post-Ottoman Eastern Mediterranean. Drawing from a wide range of source materials in a number of languages, including Turkish, Armenian, and Arabic, the essay brings the intellectual and social context of humanitarianism in initiating societies together with the lived experience of humanitarianism in the places where the act took form. In so doing, it draws our attention to the proper place of the Eastern mediterranean, and its women and children, in the global history of humanitarianism. The prevailing narrative of the history of human rights places much of its emphasis on the post-World War II era, the international reaction to the Holocaust, and the founding of the United Nations. yet contemporary human rights thinking also took place within practices of humanitarianism in the interwar period, and is necessarily inseparable from the histories of refugees, colonialism, and the non-West.

Accountability for the health consequences of human rights violations: methodological issues in determining compensation.

The issue of compensation is an under-studied dimension of a rights-based approach to health. The emerging normative framework that allows for compensation of human rights abuses lacks a consistent and transparent methodology for valuing health losses. While methods for assigning monetary values to decreases in health have evolved through health economics, these techniques have developed outside of a human rights framework and do not adequately account for such concerns as fairness and nondiscrimination. These methods may in fact underestimate damages for poor individuals and communities, as well as for those subjected to prolonged abuses. This article will examine the normative foundations for compensation, evaluate methodological shortcomings, and propose a methodology for the valuation of health damages in group settings.

[Universal ethical principles and their application in clinical drug trials]. / Los principios éticos universales y su aplicación a los ensayos clínicos de medicamentos.

Since 1931, and especially since the Nuremberg Code of 1947, an increasing number of declarations, regulations, norms, guidelines, laws, resolutions, and rules intended to create conditions for better protection of subjects participating in research studies have been published, although some have meant setbacks in the human rights of vulnerable populations. As such, violations of the dignity of experimental subjects in clinical trials continue. What researchers investigate and how the research is done, the quality and transparency of the data, and the analysis and the publication of results (of both raw and processed data) respond to the financial interests of the pharmaceutical companies, coming into permanent tension with bioethical principles and the needs of society. The active participation of civil society is necessary to make it so that pharmaceutical research, results and applications subordinate economic benefits to the protection of human rights.

Forced disappearance in an era of globalization: biopolitics, shadow networks, and imagined worlds.

In this article, I argue that the practice of forced disappearance of persons on the part of paramilitary groups has become linked to specific processes of globalization. Global flows related to biopolitics, global crime networks, and dehumanizing imaginations reproduced by mass media together constitute a driving force behind forced disappearances. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the Colombian city of Medellín, I analyze how these global flows interact with local armed actors, helping create a climate conducive to forced disappearance. These mechanisms in Colombia show similarities to those in some African and Asian countries. Gaining insight into the mechanisms behind forced disappearance may help prevent it from occurring in the future. Enhancing social inclusion of residents, unraveling the transnational crime networks in which perpetrators are involved, and disseminating rehumanizing images of victims all contribute to curbing the practice of forced disappearance.

The limits of oral history: ethics and methodology amid highly politicized research settings.

In recent years, oral history has been celebrated by its practitioners for its humanizing potential, and its ability to democratize history by bringing the narratives of people and communities typically absent in the archives into conversation with that of the political and intellectual elites who generally write history. And when dealing with the narratives of ordinary people living in conditions of social and political stability, the value of oral history is unquestionable. However, in recent years, oral historians have increasingly expanded their gaze to consider intimate accounts of extreme human experiences, such as narratives of survival and flight in response to mass atrocities. This shift in academic and practical interests begs the questions: Are there limits to oral historical methods and theory? And if so, what are these limits? This paper begins to address these questions by drawing upon fourteen months of fieldwork in Rwanda and Bosnia-Hercegovina, during which I conducted multiple life history interviews with approximately one hundred survivors, ex-combatants, and perpetrators of genocide and related mass atrocities. I argue that there are limits to the application of oral history, particularly when working amid highly politicized research settings.

Horror and hope: (re)presenting militarised children in global North-South relations.

This article examines the (re)presentations of militarised children in contemporary global politics. In particular, it looks at the iconic image of the 21st century's child soldier, the subject of which is constructed as a menacing yet pitiable product of the so-called new wars of the global South. Yet this familiar image is a small, one-dimensional and selective (re)presentation of the issues facing children who are associated with conflict and militarism. In this sense it is a problematic focal point for analysing the insecurity and human rights of children in and around conflict. Instead, this article argues that the image of the child soldier asserts an important influence in its effect upon global North-South relations. It demonstrates how the image of the child soldier can assist in constructing knowledge about the global South, and the global North's obligations to it, either through programmes of humanitarianism, or through war.

HIV/AIDS and sexual minorities in Mexico: a globalized struggle for the protection of human rights.

The fight against HIV/AIDS is an example of a global struggle for the promotion of sexual health and the protection of human rights for all, including sexual minorities. It represents a challenge for the understanding of its impact on political, social, and economic processes. My central goal in this piece is twofold. First, I underline the importance of a political and human rights perspective to the analysis of the global response to the pandemic, and I introduce the concept of policy networks for a better understanding of these dynamics. Second, I argue that, in the case of Mexico, the constitution of HIV/AIDS policy networks, which incorporate civil society and state actors, such as sexual minority activists and public officials, and their actions­both domestic and international­have resulted in a more inclusive HIV/AIDS policy-making process. However, serious human rights violations of HIV/AIDS patients and sexual minorities still remain.

Claims to protection: the rise and fall of feminist abolitionism in the League of Nations' Committee on the Traffic in Women and Children, 1919­1936.

This article examines the League of Nations Advisory Committee on the Trafficking of Women and Children (CTW) to assess the impact of international feminists on the interwar anti-sex trafficking movement. It argues that women who were firmly embedded in the transnational and international women's rights movement built a coalition on the CTW to ensure the prominence of the feminist abolitionist position of sex trafficking in the 1920s. This position was defined by calls for equal standards of morality between the sexes, resistance to laws that treated prostitutes as a group and infringed on their human rights, and unwavering demands for the abolition of state-regulated prostitution. Changes in the personnel and bureaucratic structure of the CTW and the rising tide of nationalism served to undermine the feminist abolitionists' position in the League in the 1930s.

The modernizing bias of human rights: stories of mass killings and genocide in Central America.

This article analyses selected cases of mass killings and genocide during the civil wars in El Salvador and Guatemala in the 1980s and the way in which the truth commissions in both countries reframed locally grounded narratives to fit the state-centred language of human rights. Redefining wrongdoings as human rights violations produces stories that communicate poorly with local worldviews because the 'truths' that human rights language proposes disregard local realities and transform local conflicts into a type of 'modern', nationwide struggles. Thus, while the concept of genocide might capture well the horrendous nature of a mass killing, it will also ethnify the conflict. Comparisons between local readings and human rights-based reinterpretations reveal a 'modernizing' or 'Westernizing' bias of international law; the article argues for more awareness about such effects in analysis as well as in policy-making.

Torture by Cieng: ethical theory meets social practice among the Dinka Agaar of south Sudan.

Here I detail violence in South Sudan by first discussing a specific Dinka Agaar practice alongside existing discourses on the social aspects of violence and universal human rights, then I show how these acts had meaning and purpose using data from personal accounts of violence. I posit that the violence described was consistent with Dinka Agaar concepts of justice and basic human rights and that it cannot be judged against any universal human rights standard, devoid of local context or of an overarching metanarrative. These events highlight conflicting subjectivities, ethical norms, and the painful difficulties inherent to advocacy in areas of conflict. Viewed from the perspective of the larger social unit, it is easy to see how violence was required to end violence. However, witnessing punitive violence purposefully enacted on innocent individuals to achieve peace has the potential to create conflicting positions that modern anthropological discourse cannot reconcile.

Domestic violence and social responsibility in contemporary Spanish cinema: a portfolio view of behavioral dynamics.

Domestic abuse continues to claim many lives in Spain despite a series of new laws to protect women and to punish abusers. This essay explores the cultural influences of contemporary Spanish cinema on domestic violence. Four films are assessed against a Portfolio Model of social responsibility that uses two basic dimensions: realism and human rights. Realism in each film is determined by the behavioral components of the internationally recognized Duluth Model and the Wheel of Power and Control. The human rights dimension addresses equality, power and agency for women. This study focuses on Icíar Bollaín's "Te doy mis ojos" (2003), Javier Balaguer's "Sólo mía" (2001), Benito Zambrano's "Solas" (1999), and Pedro Almodóvar's "Pepi, Luci, Bom y otras chicas del montón" (1980). The results demonstrate significant variations in the measure of social responsibility indicating that contemporary Spanish cinema may play a role in perpetuating gender-based violence.

Rare models: Roger Casement, the Amazon, and the ethnographic picturesque.

In 1910 Roger Casement was sent by the British government to investigate the alleged humanitarian abuses of the Peruvian Amazon Company in the Putumayo, a disputed border zone in North West Amazonia. Casement brought more than verbal and written testimony back to London. On 26 June, some six months after he returned from the Amazon, Casement collected two Amerindian boys - Omarino and Ricudo - from Southampton docks. This paper will reconstruct the brief period that these young men spent in Britain in the summer of 1911 and assess, in particular, to what extent they were treated as 'exhibits' by Casement, who not only introduced them to leading members of the British establishment but also arranged for them to be painted and photographed following contemporary ethnographic conventions.

Spirits and social reconstruction after mass violence: rethinking transitional justice.

A vibrant debate in the field of transitional justice concerns the relative ability of global, national, and local mechanisms to promote justice after violent conflict. Discussion largely focuses on more formal mechanisms of justice (courts, tribunals, or truth commissions), implying that state institutions and the law are solely responsible for shaping the process of social healing. This article suggests that scholars should take seriously more informal, socio-cultural processes outside the purview of the state, particularly for how they promote social reconstruction at the micro level. Examining the phenomena of spirit possession and ritual cleansing in northern Uganda, I illustrate how such efforts are expressions of injustice and reflect ordinary people's attempts to seek moral renewal and social repair. This approach is particularly illustrative in cases where 'intimate enemies' exist - that is, settings where ordinary people who engaged in violence against one another must live together again.

Militarized humanitarianism meets carceral feminism: the politics of sex, rights, and freedom in contemporary antitrafficking campaigns.

Over the past decade, abolitionist feminist and evangelical Christian activists have directed increasing attention toward the "traffic in women" as a dangerous manifestation of global gender inequalities. Despite renowned disagreements around the politics of sex and gender, these groups have come together to advocate for harsher penalties against traffickers, prostitutes' customers, and nations deemed to be taking insufficient steps to stem the flow of trafficked women. In this essay, I argue that what has served to unite this coalition of "strange bedfellows" is not simply an underlying commitment to conservative ideals of sexuality, as previous commentators have offered, but an equally significant commitment to carceral paradigms of justice and to militarized humanitarianism as the preeminent mode of engagement by the state. I draw upon my ongoing ethnographic research with feminist and evangelical antitrafficking movement leaders to argue that the alliance that has been so efficacious in framing contemporary antitrafficking politics is the product of two historically unique and intersecting trends: a rightward shift on the part of many mainstream feminists and other secular liberals away from a redistributive model of justice and toward a politics of incarceration, coincident with a leftward sweep on the part of many younger evangelicals toward a globally oriented social justice theology. In the final section of this essay, I consider the resilience of these trends given a newly installed and more progressive Obama administration, positing that they are likely to continue even as the terrain of militarized humanitarian action shifts in accordance with new sets of geopolitical interests.

Trafficking and contract migrant workers in the Middle East.

The paper addresses a number of issues regarding the extent to which trafficking may be applied to migrant domestic workers who enter under the kafala system of sponsorship in the Middle East. Migrant domestic workers are the most numerous of those mentioned in reports on trafficking for labour exploitation in the region. The discussion seeks to determine whether "trafficking" can be ex post facto, rather than ex ante? In other words, can the label of trafficking be attributed only after the worker has arrived in the receiving country and is victimized according to the principles of trafficking protocols? In addition, must there be a proven intent to traffic by agents, or can employers who harm and/or exploit them be considered as traffickers alone? Should the harm done to workers on arrival at their place of work be classified (and assisted) as victims of trafficking, or as exploited workers?