Running together influences where you look.

To read this article, you have to constantly direct your gaze at the words on the page. If you go for a run instead, your gaze will be less constrained, so many factors could influence where you look. We show that you are likely to spend less time looking at the path just in front of you when running alone than when running with someone else, presumably because the presence of the other runner makes foot placement more critical.

Age effects on predictive eye movements for action.

When interacting with the environment, humans typically shift their gaze to where information is to be found that is useful for the upcoming action. With increasing age, people become slower both in processing sensory information and in performing their movements. One way to compensate for this slowing down could be to rely more on predictive strategies. To examine whether we could find evidence for this, we asked younger (19-29 years) and older (55-72 years) healthy adults to perform a reaching task wherein they hit a visual target that appeared at one of two possible locations. In separate blocks of trials, the target could appear always at the same location (predictable), mainly at one of the locations (biased), or at either location randomly (unpredictable). As one might expect, saccades toward predictable targets had shorter latencies than those toward less predictable targets, irrespective of age. Older adults took longer to initiate saccades toward the target location than younger adults, even when the likely target location could be deduced. Thus we found no evidence of them relying more on predictive gaze. Moreover, both younger and older participants performed more saccades when the target location was less predictable, but again no age-related differences were found. Thus we found no tendency for older adults to rely more on prediction.

When knowing the activity is not enough to predict gaze.

It is reasonable to assume that where people look in the world is largely determined by what they are doing. The reasoning is that the activity determines where it is useful to look at each moment in time. Assuming that it is vital to accurately judge the positions of the steps when navigating a staircase, it is surprising that people differ a lot in the extent to which they look at the steps. Apparently, some people consider the accuracy of peripheral vision, predictability of the step size, and feeling the edges of the steps with their feet to be good enough. If so, occluding part of the view of the staircase and making it more important to place one's feet gently might make it more beneficial to look directly at the steps before stepping onto them, so that people will more consistently look at many steps. We tested this idea by asking people to walk on staircases, either with or without a tray with two cups of water on it. When carrying the tray, people walked more slowly, but they shifted their gaze across steps in much the same way as they did when walking without the tray. They did not look at more steps. There was a clear positive correlation between the fraction of steps that people looked at when walking with and without the tray. Thus, the variability in the extent to which people look at the steps persists when one makes walking on the staircase more challenging.

Continuous use of visual information about the position of the moving hand.

People generally look at a target when they want to reach for it. Doing so presumably helps them continuously update their judgments about the target's position and motion. But not looking at their hand does not prevent people from updating judgments about its position on the basis of visual information, because people do respond to experimental perturbations of visual information about the position of their hand. Here, we study such responses by adding jitter to the movement of a cursor that follows participants' fingers. We analyse the response to the jitter in a way that reveals how the vigour of the response depends on the moment during the movement at which the change in cursor position occurs. We compare the change in vigour to that for equivalent jitter in the position of the target. We find that participants respond to jitter in the position of a cursor in much the same way as they respond to jitter in the target's position. The responses are more vigorous late in the movement, when adjustments need to be made within less time, but similarly so for the cursor as for the target. The responses are weaker for the cursor, presumably because of the jitter-free kinaesthetic information about the position of the finger.

Tapping on a target: dealing with uncertainty about its position and motion.

Reaching movements are guided by estimates of the target object's location. Since the precision of instantaneous estimates is limited, one might accumulate visual information over time. However, if the object is not stationary, accumulating information can bias the estimate. How do people deal with this trade-off between improving precision and reducing the bias? To find out, we asked participants to tap on targets. The targets were stationary or moving, with jitter added to their positions. By analysing the response to the jitter, we show that people continuously use the latest available information about the target's position. When the target is moving, they combine this instantaneous target position with an extrapolation based on the target's average velocity during the last several hundred milliseconds. This strategy leads to a bias if the target's velocity changes systematically. Having people tap on accelerating targets showed that the bias that results from ignoring systematic changes in velocity is removed by compensating for endpoint errors if such errors are consistent across trials. We conclude that combining simple continuous updating of visual information with the low-pass filter characteristics of muscles, and adjusting movements to compensate for errors made in previous trials, leads to the precise and accurate human goal-directed movements.

Online updating of obstacle positions when intercepting a virtual target.

People rely upon sensory information in the environment to guide their actions. Ongoing goal-directed arm movements are constantly adjusted to the latest estimate of both the target and hand's positions. Does the continuous guidance of ongoing arm movements also consider the latest visual information of the position of obstacles in the surrounding? To find out, we asked participants to slide their finger across a screen to intercept a laterally moving virtual target while moving through a gap that was created by two virtual circular obstacles. At a fixed time during each trial, the target suddenly jumped slightly laterally while still continuing to move. In half the trials, the size of the gap changed at the same moment as the target jumped. As expected, participants adjusted their movements in response to the target jump. Importantly, the magnitude of this response depended on the new size of the gap. If participants were told that the circles were irrelevant, changing the gap between them had no effect on the responses. This shows that obstacles' instantaneous positions can be considered when visually guiding goal-directed movements.

How the timing of visual feedback influences goal-directed arm movements: delays and presentation rates.

Visual feedback normally helps guide movements to their goal. When moving one's hand, such guidance has to deal with a sensorimotor delay of about 100 ms. When moving a cursor, it also has to deal with a delay of tens of milliseconds that arises between the hand moving the mouse and the cursor moving on the screen. Moreover, the cursor is presented at a certain rate, so only positions corresponding with the position of the mouse at certain moments are presented. How does the additional delay and the rate at which cursor positions are updated influence how well the cursor can be guided to the goal? We asked participants to move a cursor to consecutive targets as quickly as they could. They did so for various additional delays and presentation rates. It took longer for the mouse to reach the target when the additional delay was longer. It also took longer when a lower presentation rate was achieved by not presenting the cursor all the time. The fraction of the time during which the cursor was present was more important than the rate at which the cursor's position was updated. We conclude that the way human arm movements are guided benefits from continuous access to recent visual feedback.

Effect of the number and diversity of visual stimuli on the reproduction of short time intervals.

Presenting more items within a space makes the space look and feel bigger. Presenting more tones within a time interval makes the interval seem longer. Does presenting more visual items also make a time interval seem longer? Does it matter what these items are? A series of 2-4 images were presented sequentially on a screen. Participants had to press the spacebar to indicate either the interval between the first and the last item or the intervals between all items. The first and last items were red squares with onset asynchronies of 700, 900, or 1,100 ms. We found that the times between key presses were longer when additional items had different shapes and colors than when they were also red squares. With only red squares, the time may even decrease with the number of items. Whether one had to tap for all targets or only the first and the last hardly mattered.

Eye Tracking to Assess the Functional Consequences of Vision Impairment: A Systematic Review.

BACKGROUND: Eye tracking is a promising method for objectively assessing functional visual capabilities, but its suitability remains unclear when assessing the vision of people with vision impairment. In particular, accurate eye tracking typically relies on a stable and reliable image of the pupil and cornea, which may be compromised by abnormalities associated with vision impairment (e.g., nystagmus, aniridia). OBJECTIVES: This study aimed to establish the degree to which video-based eye tracking can be used to assess visual function in the presence of vision impairment. DATA SOURCES: A systematic review was conducted using PubMed, EMBASE, and Web of Science databases, encompassing literature from inception to July 2022. STUDY ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA, PARTICIPANTS, AND INTERVENTIONS: Studies included in the review used video-based eye tracking, included individuals with vision impairment, and used screen-based tasks unrelated to practiced skills such as reading or driving. STUDY APPRAISAL AND SYNTHESIS METHODS: The included studies were assessed for quality using the Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology assessment tool. Data extraction and synthesis were performed according to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines. RESULTS: Our analysis revealed that five common tests of visual function were used: (i) fixation stability, (ii) smooth pursuit, (iii) saccades, (iv) free viewing, and (v) visual search. The studies reported considerable success when testing individuals with vision impairment, yielding usable data from 96.5% of participants. LIMITATIONS: There was an overrepresentation of conditions affecting the optic nerve or macula and an underrepresentation of conditions affecting the anterior segment or peripheral retina. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF KEY FINDINGS: The results offer promise for the use of eye tracking to assess the visual function of a considerable proportion of those with vision impairment. Based on the findings, we outline a framework for how eye tracking can be used to test visual function in the presence of vision impairment.

Where do people look when walking up and down familiar staircases?

Many activities in daily life do not impose strict requirements on gaze. We investigated gaze when walking up and down staircases within one's own house. We anticipated that using a variety of staircases in different environments and not informing participants that stair climbing was the focus of investigation might provide a description of gaze behavior that is closer to that used in our daily life than doing so under circumstances in which the focus is explicitly and exclusively directed at the stairs. We analyzed several measures, including the order in which participants fixated the steps. We confirmed that people often look at the steps sequentially, but found that they often made fixations back to steps they had already fixated. They also regularly skipped looking at several steps to fixate further ahead. On average, they directed their gaze at about half the steps. They looked further ahead when ascending than when descending staircases. Overall, the results are similar to those found under highly constrained laboratory conditions, although we do report some differences. One such difference is a tendency to fixate fewer steps. Another is that participants fixated steps that were less far ahead when descending staircases. We also introduced some new analyses that may help understand gaze behavior during stair climbing.

Spatial contextual cues that help predict how a target will accelerate can be used to guide interception.

Objects in one's environment do not always move at a constant velocity but often accelerate or decelerate. People are very poor at visually judging acceleration and normally make systematic errors when trying to intercept accelerating objects. If the acceleration is perpendicular to the direction of motion, it gives rise to a curved path. Can spatial contextual cues help one predict such accelerations and thereby help interception? To answer this question, we asked participants to hit a target that moved as if it were attached to a rolling disk, like a valve (target) on a bicycle wheel (disk) moves when cycling: constantly accelerating toward the wheel's center. On half the trials, the disk was visible such that participants could use the spatial relations between the target and the rolling disk to guide their interception. On the other half, the disk was not visible, so participants had no help in predicting the target's complicated pattern of accelerations and decelerations. Importantly, the target's path was the same in both cases. Participants hit more targets when the disk was visible than when it was invisible, even when using a strategy that can compensate for neglecting acceleration. We conclude that spatial contextual cues that help predict the target's accelerations can help intercept it.

Having several options does not increase the time it takes to make a movement to an adequate end point.

Throughout the day, people constantly make choices such as where to direct their gaze or place their foot. When making such movement choices, there are usually multiple acceptable options, although some are more advantageous than others. How much time does it take to make such choices and to what extent is the most advantageous option chosen from the available alternatives? To find out, we asked participants to collect points by tapping on any of several targets with their index finger. It did not take participants more time to direct their movements to an advantageous target when there were more options. Participants chose targets that were advantageous because they were easier to reach. Targets could be easier to reach because the finger was already moving in their direction when Amsterdam they appeared, or because they were larger or oriented along the movement direction so that the finger could move faster towards them without missing them. When the target's colour indicated that it was worth more points they chose it slightly less fast, presumably because it generally takes longer to respond to colour than to respond to attributes such as size. They also chose it less often than they probably should have, presumably because the advantage of choosing it was established arbitrarily. We conclude that having many options does not increase the time it takes to move to an adequate target.

The influences of target size and recent experience on the vigour of adjustments to ongoing movements.

People adjust their on-going movements to changes in the environment. It takes about 100 ms to respond to an abrupt change in a target's position. Does the vigour of such responses depend on the extent to which responding is beneficial? We asked participants to tap on targets that jumped laterally once their finger started to move. In separate blocks of trials the target either remained at the new position so that it was beneficial to respond to the jump, or jumped back almost immediately so that it was disadvantageous to do so. We also varied the target's size, because a smaller, less vigorous adjustment is enough to place the finger within a larger target. There was a systematic relationship between the vigour of the response and the remaining time until the tap: the shorter the remaining time the more vigorous the response. This relationship did not depend on the target's size or whether or not the target jumped back. It was already known that the vigour of responses to target jumps depends on the magnitude of the jump and on the time available for adjusting the movement to that jump. We show that the vigour of the response is precisely tuned to the time available for making the required adjustment irrespective of whether responding in this manner is beneficial.

How similar are responses to background motion and target displacements?

When making a goal-directed movement towards a target, our hand follows abrupt background motion. This response resembles that of a shift in the target's position. Does background motion simply change the position towards which the movement is guided? If so, the response to background motion should resemble the response to a target displacement. To find out whether this is the case, we ran two exploratory studies where we asked participants to hit a moving target at a specified moment. At various times during the hand's movement, the background could move briefly at one of several speeds, and for various durations. The response to abrupt background motion was larger when the background moved later in the movement and when the background moved faster, in line with known responses to target displacements. The response to a second epoch of background motion was smaller than it would have been if there had been no first epoch, in contrast to responses to multiple target displacements. If the background was already moving before the target appeared, the hand even moved in the opposite direction. Thus, the response to background motion and that to a target displacement are clearly not identical, but they do share several features.

Pursuing a target with one's eyes helps judge its velocity.

When intercepting moving targets, people perform slightly better if they follow their natural tendency to pursue the target with their eyes. Is this because the velocity is judged more precisely when pursuing the target? To find out, we compared how well people could determine which of two sequentially presented moving bars was moving faster. There was always also a static bar on the screen. People judged the moving bar's velocity about 10% more precisely when pursuing it than when fixating the static bar.

Gravity Influences How We Expect a Cursor to Move.

We expect a cursor to move upwards when we push our computer mouse away. Do we expect it to move upwards on the screen, upwards with respect to our body, or upwards with respect to gravity? To find out, we asked participants to perform a simple task that involved guiding a cursor with a mouse. It took participants that were sitting upright longer to reach targets with the cursor if the screen was tilted, so not only directions on the screen are relevant. Tilted participants' performance was indistinguishable from that of upright participants when the screen was tilted slightly in the same direction. Thus, the screen's orientation with respect to both the body and gravity are relevant. Considering published estimates of the ocular counter-roll induced by head tilt, it is possible that participants actually expect the cursor to move in a certain direction on their retina.

Searching for Strangely Shaped Cookies - Is Taking a Bite Out of a Cookie Similar to Occluding Part of It?

Does recognizing the transformations that gave rise to an object's retinal image contribute to early object recognition? It might, because finding a partially occluded object among similar objects that are not occluded is more difficult than finding an object that has the same retinal image shape without evident occlusion. If this is because the occlusion is recognized as such, we might see something similar for other transformations. We confirmed that it is difficult to find a cookie with a section missing when this was the result of occlusion. It is not more difficult to find a cookie from which a piece has been bitten off than to find one that was baked in a similar shape. On the contrary, the bite marks help detect the bitten cookie. Thus, biting off a part of a cookie has very different effects on visual search than occluding part of it. These findings do not support the idea that observers rapidly and automatically compensate for the ways in which objects' shapes are transformed to give rise to the objects' retinal images. They are easy to explain in terms of detecting characteristic features in the retinal image that such transformations may hide or create.

Further Evidence That People Rely on Egocentric Information to Guide a Cursor to a Visible Target.

Everyday movements are guided by objects' positions relative to other items in the scene (allocentric information) as well as by objects' positions relative to oneself (egocentric information). Allocentric information can guide movements to the remembered positions of hidden objects, but is it also used when the object remains visible? To stimulate the use of allocentric information, the position of the participant's finger controlled the velocity of a cursor that they used to intercept moving targets, so there was no one-to-one mapping between egocentric positions of the hand and cursor. We evaluated whether participants relied on allocentric information by shifting all task-relevant items simultaneously leaving their allocentric relationships unchanged. If participants rely on allocentric information they should not respond to this perturbation. However, they did. They responded in accordance with their responses to each item shifting independently, supporting the idea that fast guidance of ongoing movements primarily relies on egocentric information.

Effects of ageing on responses to stepping-target displacements during walking.

PURPOSE: Human sensory and motor systems deteriorate with age. When walking, older adults may therefore find it more difficult to adjust their steps to new visual information, especially considering that such adjustments require control of balance as well as of foot trajectory. Our study investigates the effects of ageing on lower limb responses to unpredictable target shifts. METHODS: Participants walked on a treadmill with projected stepping targets that occasionally shifted in the medial or lateral direction. The shifts occurred at a random moment during the early half of the swing phase of either leg. Kinematic, kinetic and muscle activity data were collected. RESULTS: Older adults responded later and corrected for a smaller proportion of the shift than young adults. The order in which muscle activation changed was similar in both groups, with responses of gluteus medius and semitendinosus from about 120 to 140 ms after the shift. Most muscles responded slightly later to lateral target shifts in the older adults than in the young adults, but this difference was not observed for medial target shifts. Ageing delayed the behavioural responses more than it did the electromyographic (EMG) responses. CONCLUSIONS: Our study suggests that older adults can adjust their walking to small target shifts during the swing phase, but not as well as young adults. Furthermore, muscle strength probably plays a substantial role in the changes in online adjustments during ageing.

Can ongoing movements be guided by allocentric visual information when the target is visible?

People use both egocentric (object-to-self) and allocentric (object-to-object) spatial information to interact with the world. Evidence for allocentric information guiding ongoing actions stems from studies in which people reached to where targets had previously been seen while other objects were moved. Since egocentric position judgments might fade or change when the target is removed, we sought for conditions in which people might benefit from relying on allocentric information when the target remains visible. We used a task that required participants to intercept targets that moved across a screen using a cursor that represented their finger but that moved by a different amount in a different plane. During each attempt, we perturbed the target, cursor, or background individually or all three simultaneously such that their relative positions did not change and there was no need to adjust the ongoing movement. An obvious way to avoid responding to such simultaneous perturbations is by relying on allocentric information. Relying on egocentric information would give a response that resembles the combined responses to the three isolated perturbations. The hand responded in accordance with the responses to the isolated perturbations despite the differences between how the finger and cursor moved. This response remained when the simultaneous perturbation was repeated many times, suggesting that participants hardly relied upon allocentric spatial information to control their ongoing visually guided actions.