Transphonologization of onset voicing: revisiting Northern and Eastern Kmhmu'.

Phonation and vowel quality are often thought to play a vital role at the initial stage of tonogenesis. This paper investigates the production of voicing and tones in a tonal Northern Kmhmu' dialect spoken in Nan Province, Thailand, and a non-tonal Eastern Kmhmu' dialect spoken in Vientiane, Laos, from both acoustic and electroglottographic perspectives. Large and consistent VOT differences between voiced and voiceless stops are preserved in Eastern Kmhmu', but are not found in Northern Kmhmu', consistent with previous reports. With respect to pitch, f0 is clearly a secondary property of the voicing contrast in Eastern Kmhmu', but unquestionably the primary contrastive property in Northern Kmhmu'. Crucially, no evidence is found to suggest that either phonation type or formant differences act as significant cues to voicing in Eastern Kmhmu' or tones in Northern Kmhmu'. These results suggests that voicing contrasts can also be transphonologized directly into f0-based contrasts, skipping a registral stage based primarily on phonation and/or vowel quality.

Northern Raglai voicing and its relation to Southern Raglai register: evidence for early stages of registrogenesis.

Northern and Southern Raglai are two closely related Austronesian dialects (Chamic branch) spoken in south-central Vietnam. Although they are mutually intelligible, Northern Raglai is described as having a voicing contrast in onset stops, while Southern Raglai is assumed to have replaced the Chamic voicing contrast with a register contrast realized on the whole syllable (but primarily on its vowel). A production study of the two dialects confirms that Northern Raglai preserves a voicing contrast, even if most women exhibit partial devoicing of their voiced stops, and that Southern Raglai has developed a register contrast based on F1 and phonation cues at the beginning of vowels. The weights of the acoustic properties of voicing and register are similar across ages and genders, suggesting that the two laryngeal contrasts are phonetically stable. Even if there is little evidence of change in progress, a close inspection of the Northern Raglai voicing contrast reveals voicing-conditioned modulations of F1 and perturbations of phonation after partially devoiced stops that could be precursors of a register system similar to that of Southern Raglai. We argue that this is a pathway to registrogenesis and speculate about the articulatory laryngeal mechanisms that could trigger registrogenetic changes. Our data also show that the Northern Raglai voicing contrast is unstable in aspirated stops and that voiced aspirated stops typically have a partially voiceless and partially voiced aspiration.

Dialect experience and perceptual integrality in phonological registers: fundamental frequency, voice quality and the first formant in Cham.

The perceptual integrality of f0, F1 and voice quality is investigated by looking at register, a phonological contrast that relies on these three properties in three dialects of Cham, an Austronesian language of Mainland Southeast Asia. The results of a Garner classification experiment confirm that the three acoustic properties integrate perceptually and that their patterns of integrality are similar in the three dialects. Moreover, they show that dialect-specific sensitivity to acoustic properties can cause salient dimensions to override weaker ones. Finally, the patterns of integrality found in Cham suggest that auditory integrality is not limited to acoustically similar properties.

A laryngographic and laryngoscopic study of Northern Vietnamese tones.

A laryngographic and laryngoscopic study of tone production in Northern Vietnamese, a language whose tones combine both fundamental frequency (f0) modulations and voice qualities (phonation types), was conducted with 5 male and 5 female speakers. Results show that the f0 contours of Northern Vietnamese tones are not only attributable to changes in vocal fold length and tension (partly through changes in larynx height), but that f0 drops are also largely caused by the glottal configurations responsible for the contrastive voice qualities associated with some of the tones. We also find that voice quality contrasts are mostly due to glottal constriction: they occasionally involve additional ventricular fold incursion and epiglottal constriction, but these articulations are usually absent.