Racial/ethnic and educational inequities in restrictive abortion policy variation and adverse birth outcomes in the United States.

BACKGROUND: To examine racial/ethnic and educational inequities in the relationship between state-level restrictive abortion policies and adverse birth outcomes from 2005 to 2015 in the United States. METHODS: Using a state-level abortion restrictiveness index comprised of 18 restrictive abortion policies, we conducted a retrospective longitudinal analysis examining whether race/ethnicity and education level moderated the relationship between the restrictiveness index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW). Data were obtained from the 2005-2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files and analyzed with linear probability models adjusted for individual- and state-level characteristics and state and year fixed-effects. RESULTS: Among 2,250,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted from 2005 to 2015. Black individuals experienced increased probability of PTB with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to non-Black individuals. Similarly, those with less than a college degree experienced increased probability of LBW with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to college graduates. For all analyses, inequities worsened as state environments grew increasingly restrictive. CONCLUSION: Findings demonstrate that Black individuals at all educational levels and those with fewer years of education disproportionately experienced adverse birth outcomes associated with restrictive abortion policies. Restrictive abortion policies may compound existing racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and intersecting racial/ethnic and socioeconomic perinatal and infant health inequities.

Factors associated with reproductive autonomy in Ghana.

Reproductive autonomy is essential for women to achieve reproductive rights and freedom. However, the factors associated with reproductive autonomy in various contexts have not been explored. The aim of this analysis was to understand the socio-demographic, reproductive history and social context variables associated with two validated reproductive autonomy sub-scales among 516 young Ghanaian women age 15 to 24. We used multiple linear regression modelling to test associations between covariates of interest and the communication sub-scale and decision-making sub-scale. Covariates included age, educational attainment, ethnic group, employment, religion, religious attendance, relationship type, previous pregnancy, previous abortion, social support for adolescent sexual and reproductive health, and social stigma towards adolescent sexual and reproductive health. Results from final models demonstrated that factors associated with the communication scale included education (p = 0.008), ethnic group (p = 0.039), and social support for adolescent sexual and reproductive health (B = 0.12, p = 0.003). Factors associated with the decision-making scale included ethnic group (p = 0.002), religion (p = 0.003), religious attendance (p = 0.043), and previous pregnancy (p = 0.008). Communication reproductive autonomy and decision-making reproductive autonomy were associated with different factors, providing insight into potential intervention approaches and points. Social support for adolescent sexual and reproductive health was associated with increases in young women's abilities to communicate with their partners about sexual and reproductive health issues including sex, contraceptive use and fertility.

Abortion Trends in Georgia Following Enactment of the 22-Week Gestational Age Limit, 2007-2017.

Objectives. To measure trends before, during, and after implementation of Georgia House Bill 954, a limit on abortion at 22 or more weeks of gestation passed in 2012, in total abortions and abortions by gestational age and state residence.Methods. We analyzed aggregate year-level induced termination of pregnancy data from the Georgia Department of Public Health from 2007 to 2017. We used linear regression to describe annual trends in the number of abortions and χ2 analyses to describe changes in proportions of abortions by gestational age (< 20 weeks, 20-21 weeks, and > 21 weeks) across policy implementation periods (before, partial, and full implementation) for Georgia residents and nonresidents.Results. Although the total number of abortions and abortions at 21 weeks or less remained stable from 2007 to 2017, the number of abortions at more than 21 weeks declined (P = .02). The decline in number of abortions at more than 21 weeks was steeper for nonresidents (31/year; Β = -31.3; P = .02) compared with Georgia residents (14/year; Β = -13.9; P = .06).Conclusions. Findings suggest that implementation of Georgia's 22-week gestational age limit has effectively limited access to needed abortion services in Georgia and beyond. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print May 21, 2020: e1-e5. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2020.305653).

Differences in abortion attitudes by policy context and between men and women in the World Values Survey.

We explored whether abortion attitudes differed by respondents' sex and country-level abortion policy context. Data were collected between 2010 and 2014 from 69,901 respondents from 51 countries. Abortion attitudes were scored on a ten-point Likert scale (1 = "never justifiable"; 10 = "always justifiable"). Country-level abortion policy context was dichotomized as "less restrictive" or "more restrictive." We conducted linear regression modeling with cluster effects by country to assess whether respondents' sex and abortion policy context were associated with abortion attitudes, controlling for sociodemographic characteristics. On average, women had more supportive abortion attitude scores than men (Mean = 3.38 SD = 2.76 vs. Mean = 3.24 SD = 2.82, p < .001). Respondents in countries with more restrictive policy contexts had less supportive attitudes than those in less restrictive contexts (Mean = 2.55 SD = 2.39 vs. Mean = 4.09 SD = 2.96, p < .001). In regression models, abortion attitudes were more supportive among women than men (b = 0.276, p < .001) and in less restrictive versus more restrictive countries (b = 0.611, p < .001). Younger, educated, divorced, non-religious, and employed respondents had more supportive scores (all p < .05). Systematic differences were observed in abortion attitudes by respondents' sex and policy context, which have potential implications for women's autonomy and abortion access, which should be explored in future research.

Multiple levels of social influence on adolescent sexual and reproductive health decision-making and behaviors in Ghana.

Little is known about the multilevel social determinants of adolescent sexual and reproductive health (SRH) that shape the use of family planning (FP) among young women in Africa. We conducted in-depth, semi-structured, qualitative interviews with 63 women aged 15-24 years in Accra and Kumasi, Ghana. We used purposive, stratified sampling to recruit women from community-based sites. Interviews were conducted in English or local languages, recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Grounded theory-guided thematic analysis identified salient themes. Three primary levels of influence emerged as shaping young women's SRH experiences, decision-making, and behaviors. Interpersonal influences (peers, partners, and parents) were both supportive and unsupportive influences on sexual debut, contraceptive (non) use, and pregnancy resolution. Community influences included perceived norms about acceptability/unacceptability of adolescent sexual activity and its consequences (pregnancy, childbearing, abortion). Macro-social influences involved religion and abstinence and teachings about premarital sex, lack of comprehensive sex education, and limited access to confidential, quality SRH care. The willingness and ability of young women in our study to use FP methods and services were affected, often negatively, by factors operating within and across each level. These findings have implications for research, programs, and policies to address social determinants of adolescent SRH.

Stressful Life Events Around the Time of Unplanned Pregnancy and Women's Health: Exploratory Findings from a National Sample.

Objective Little is known about how women's social context of unintended pregnancy, particularly adverse social circumstances, relates to their general health and wellbeing. We explored associations between stressful life events around the time of unintended pregnancy and physical and mental health. Methods Data are drawn from a national probability study of 1078 U.S. women aged 18-55. Our internet-based survey measured 14 different stressful life events occurring at the time of unintended pregnancy (operationalized as an additive index score), chronic disease and mental health conditions, and current health and wellbeing symptoms (standardized perceived health, depression, stress, and discrimination scales). Multivariable regression modeled relationships between stressful life events and health conditions/symptoms while controlling for sociodemographic and reproductive covariates. Results Among ever-pregnant women (N = 695), stressful life events were associated with all adverse health outcomes/symptoms in unadjusted analyses. In multivariable models, higher stressful life event scores were positively associated with chronic disease (aOR 1.21, CI 1.03-1.41) and mental health (aOR 1.42, CI 1.23-1.64) conditions, higher depression (B 0.37, CI 0.19-0.55), stress (B 0.32, CI 0.22-0.42), and discrimination (B 0.74, CI 0.45-1.04) scores, and negatively associated with ≥ very good perceived health (aOR 0.84, CI 0.73-0.97). Stressful life event effects were strongest for emotional and partner-related sub-scores. Conclusion Women with adverse social circumstances surrounding their unintended pregnancy experienced poorer health. Findings suggest that reproductive health should be considered in the broader context of women's health and wellbeing and have implications for integrated models of care that address women's family planning needs, mental and physical health, and social environments.

A population-based study of US women's preferred versus usual sources of reproductive health care.

OBJECTIVE: We characterized US women's preferred and usual sources of reproductive health care. STUDY DESIGN: Data were drawn from the Women's Health Care Experiences and Preferences Study, an Internet survey of 1078 women aged 18-55 years randomly sampled from a national probability panel. We described and compared women's preferred and usual sources of care (women's health specialists including obstetricians-gynecologists and family-planning clinics, primary care, other) for Papanicolaou/pelvic examination, contraception, and sexually transmitted infection (STI) services using χ(2), logistic regression, and kappa statistics. RESULTS: Among women reporting health service utilization (n = 984, 92% overall; 77% Papanicolaou/pelvic; 33% contraception; 8% STI), women's health specialists were the most used sources of care for Papanicolaou/pelvic (68%), contraception (74%), and STI (75%) services. Women's health specialists were also the most preferred care sources for Papanicolaou/pelvic (68%), contraception (49%), and STI (35%) services, whereas the remainder of women preferred primary care/other sources or not to get care. Differences in preferred and usual care sources were noted across sociodemographic groups, including insurance status and income level (P < .05). Preference for women's health specialists was the strongest predictor of women's health specialist utilization for Papanicolaou/pelvic (adjusted odds ratio, 48.8; 95% confidence interval, 25.9-91.8; P < .001) and contraceptive (adjusted odds ratio, 194.5; 95% confidence interval, 42.3-894.6; P < .001) services. Agreement between preferred and usual-care sources was high for Papanicolaou/pelvic (85%, kappa, 0.63) and contraception (86%; kappa, 0.64) services; disagreement (range, 15-22%) was associated with insurance, employment, income, race, and religion (P < .05). CONCLUSION: Women's preferences for and use of women's health specialists for reproductive health care has implications for efforts to define the role of obstetricians-gynecologists and family planning clinics in current health systems.

Contraception and mental health: a commentary on the evidence and principles for practice.

Among the most prevalent and disabling chronic diseases affecting reproductive-aged women worldwide, depression and anxiety can contribute to adverse reproductive health outcomes, including an increased risk of unintended pregnancy and its health and social consequences. For women with these common mental health conditions who want to avoid an unintended pregnancy, effective contraception can be an important strategy to maintain and even improve health and well-being. Reproductive health clinicians play a critical role in providing and managing contraception to help women with mental health considerations achieve their desired fertility. In this commentary, we review the literature on relationships between mental health and contraception and describe considerations for the clinical management of contraception among women with depression and anxiety. We discuss issues related to contraceptive method effectiveness and adherence concerns, mental health-specific contraceptive method safety and drug interaction considerations, and clinical counseling and management strategies. Given important gaps in current scientific knowledge of mental health and contraception, we highlight areas for future research.

Women's health and the Affordable Care Act: high hopes versus harsh realities?

Our population-based survey of 1078 randomly sampled US women, aged 18 to 55 years, sought to characterize their understanding of and attitudes toward the Affordable Care Act (ACA). Most women, especially socially disadvantaged groups, had negative or uncertain attitudes toward the ACA and limited understanding of its health benefits, including its relevance for their own health service coverage and utilization. Our findings are important for continued research, policy, and practice, with implications for whether, when, and how improved coverage will translate to improved access and outcomes for US women.

Stress symptoms and frequency of sexual intercourse among young women.

INTRODUCTION: We have previously documented the relationships between stress and depression symptoms and adolescent women's nonuse and misuse of condoms and other contraceptive methods and on their unintended pregnancy rates. AIM: Here, we examine relationships between mental health symptoms and another understudied adolescent reproductive health behavior-frequency of sexual intercourse. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Our outcome was weekly sexual intercourse activity. METHODS: We used panel data from a longitudinal, population-based cohort study of 992 women ages 18-20. Weekly journals measured sociodemographic, relationship, reproductive, and mental health characteristics, sexual and contraceptive behaviors, and pregnancy history. We examined 27,130 surveys from 952 women during the first study year. Predictors of weekly sexual intercourse were moderate to severe stress (Perceived Stress Scale-4) and depression (Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale-5) symptoms measured at baseline. Multilevel, mixed-effects logistic regression models estimated the relationships between stress and depression symptoms and the weekly odds of sexual intercourse while adjusting for covariate fixed effects and random woman effects. RESULTS: Nearly a quarter of the sample had moderate to severe stress (23%) and depression (24%) symptoms at baseline. Women reported sexual intercourse in 36% of weeks. Proportions of sexually active weeks were higher among women with stress (43%) and depression (40%) compared with those without symptoms (35% and 35%, respectively; P values<0.001). Controlling for covariates, women with baseline stress symptoms had 1.6 times higher weekly odds of sexual intercourse compared with women without stress (adjusted odds ratio 1.6, confidence interval [1.1, 2.5]; P=0.04). Depression symptoms were not associated with sexual intercourse frequency in adjusted models. CONCLUSIONS: Stress symptoms were positively associated with sexual intercourse frequency among these young women. Research and practice efforts are needed to identify effective sexual health promotion and risk-reduction strategies, including contraceptive education and counseling, in the context of mental health symptoms and unintended pregnancy.

"The right thing to do would be to provide care and we can't": Provider experiences with Georgia's 22-week abortion ban.

OBJECTIVES: In 2015, the Georgia (US) legislature implemented a gestational limit, or "ban" on abortion at or beyond 22 weeks from the last menstrual period. In this study, we qualitatively examined abortion provider perspectives on the ban's impact on abortion care access and provision. STUDY DESIGN: Between May 2018 and September 2019, we conducted in-depth individual interviews with 20 abortion providers (clinicians, staff, and administrators) from four clinics in Georgia. Interviews explored perceptions of and experiences with the ban and its effects on abortion care. Team members coded transcripts to 100% agreement using an iterative, group consensus process, and conducted a thematic analysis. RESULTS: Participants reported strict adherence to the ban and also its negative consequences: additional labor plus service-delivery restrictions, legally constructed risks for providers, intrusion into the provider-patient relationship, and impact of limited services felt by patients and, thus, providers. Participants commonly mentioned disparities in the ban's impact and viewed the ban as disproportionately affecting people of color, those experiencing financial insecurity, and those with underlying medical conditions. Nonetheless, participants described a clear, unrelenting commitment to providing quality patient-centered care and dedication to and satisfaction in their work. CONCLUSIONS: Georgia's ban operates as legislative interference, adversely affecting the provision of quality, patient-centered abortion care, despite providers' resilience and commitment. These experiences in Georgia have timely and clear implications for the entire country following the Supreme Court's decision to overturn Roe v Wade, thus reducing care access and increasing negative health and social consequences and inequities for patients and communities on a national scale. IMPLICATIONS: Our findings from Georgia (US) indicate an urgent need for coordinated efforts to challenge the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization decision and for proactive policies that protect access to later abortion care. Research that identifies strategies for supporting providers and patients faced with continuing restrictive legal environments is warranted.

Estimation of Multiyear Consequences for Abortion Access in Georgia Under a Law Limiting Abortion to Early Pregnancy.

Importance: Following the US Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy, House Bill 481 (HB481), was allowed to go into effect in July 2022. Objectives: To estimate anticipated multiyear effects of HB481, which prohibits abortions after detection of embryonic cardiac activity, on abortion incidence in Georgia, and to examine inequities by race, age, and socioeconomic status. Design, Setting, and Participants: This repeated cross-sectional analysis used abortion surveillance data from January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, to estimate future effects of HB481 on abortion care in Georgia, with a focus on the 2 most recent years of data (2016 and 2017). Abortion surveillance data were obtained from the 2007-2017 Georgia Department of Public Health's Induced Termination of Pregnancy files. Linear regression was used to estimate trends in abortions provided at less than 6 weeks' gestation and at 6 weeks' gestation or later in Georgia, and χ2 analyses were used to compare group differences by race, age, and educational attainment. Data were analyzed from July 26 to September 22, 2022. Exposures: HB481, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy. Main Outcome and Measures: Weeks' gestation at abortion (<6 vs ≥6 weeks). Results: From January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, there were 360 972 reported abortions in Georgia, with an annual mean (SD) of 32 816 (1812) abortions. Estimates from 2016 to 2017 suggest that 3854 abortions in Georgia (11.6%) would likely meet eligibility requirements for abortion care under HB481. Fewer abortions obtained by Black patients (1943 [9.6%] vs 1280 [16.2%] for White patients), patients younger than 20 years (261 [9.1%] vs 168 [15.0%] for those 40 years and older), and patients with fewer years of education (392 [9.2%] with less than a high school diploma and 1065 [9.6%] with a high school diploma vs 2395 [13.5%] for those with some college) would likely meet eligibility requirements under HB481. Conclusions and Relevance: These findings suggest that Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy (HB481) would eliminate access to abortion for nearly 90% of patients in Georgia, and disproportionately harm patients who are Black, younger, and in lower socioeconomic status groups.

Determinants of and disparities in reproductive health service use among adolescent and young adult women in the United States, 2002-2008.

OBJECTIVES: We investigated determinants of and disparities in reproductive health service use among young women in the United States from 2002 to 2008. METHODS: Using data on 4421 US women aged 15 to 24 years from the National Survey of Family Growth (2002, n = 2157; 2006-2008, n = 2264), we employed descriptive and univariate statistics and multivariate regression models to examine service use across women's sociodemographic and reproductive characteristics and to investigate potential disparate changes in service use over time. RESULTS: More than half the sample (59%) had used services in the past year. In regression models, predictors of service use included age, education, birthplace, insurance, religious participation, mother's education, childhood family situation, age at menarche, sexual intercourse experience, recent number of partners, and previous gynecological diagnosis. Although service use decreased by 8% overall from 2002 to 2006-2008 (P < .001), the magnitude of decline was similar across demographic and socioeconomic groups. CONCLUSIONS: Inequalities in reproductive health service use exist among women in the United States, particularly among the youngest and socially disadvantaged women, which may translate to poor and disparate reproductive outcomes. Public health and policy strategies are needed to eliminate inequities in reproductive health service.

Depressive Symptoms in Relation to Adverse Childhood Experiences, Discrimination, Hope, and Social Support in a Diverse Sample of College Students.

BACKGROUND: Young adulthood is a critical transitory period, with various factors impacting mental health and longer-term health outcomes, particularly among racial/ethnic minorities. Drawing from minority stress theory, this study examined correlates of depressive symptoms, specifically adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), racial/ethnic discrimination, hope, social support, and their interactive effects, among a diverse sample of college students. METHODS: We analyzed data from 666 racial/ethnic minority college students (57% Black, 22% Latinx, 21% Asian) attending seven colleges and universities in the state of Georgia. Depressive symptoms were assessed using the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 Item (PHQ-9). Multivariable linear regressions included ACEs, racial/ethnic discrimination, hope, and social support, adjusting for sex, race/ethnicity, parent education, nativity, and age. We tested two-way interaction terms in four separate models to examine the potential buffering effect of social support and hope on the association between ACEs and discrimination. RESULTS: Participants were on average 20.56 years old (SD = 1.93) and 30% were male. The mean PHQ-9 score was 3.89 (SD = 4.91); 56% reported at least one ACE; 70% experienced racial/ethnic discrimination. ACEs and racial/ethnic discrimination correlated with higher levels of depressive symptoms; higher social support and hope correlated with decreased depressive symptoms. While hope and social support did not moderate the relationships between ACEs or discrimination and depressive symptoms among the full sample, racial/ethnic subgroup analyses indicated that, among Asian students, the positive association between discrimination and depressive symptoms was significantly weaker for those perceiving greater hope. CONCLUSIONS: Eliminating racial/ethnic disparities in mental health requires concerted efforts to prevent and/or reduce ACEs and discrimination and identifying protective factors that can mitigate their relationship to depressive symptoms.

Variation in Restrictive Abortion Policies and Adverse Birth Outcomes in the United States from 2005 to 2015.

BACKGROUND: Since 2011, U.S. states have enacted more than 400 policies restricting abortion access. As structural determinants, abortion policies have the potential to influence maternal and child health access, outcomes, and equity through multiple mechanisms. Limited research has examined their implications for birth outcomes. METHODS: We created a state-level abortion restrictiveness index composed of 18 restrictive abortion policies and evaluated the association between this index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW) within the United States and by Census Region, using data from the 2005-2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files. We used logistic multivariable regression modeling, adjusting for individual- and state-level factors and state and year fixed effects. RESULTS: Among 2,500,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average from 2005 to 2015, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted, with more policies enacted in the Midwest and South. Nationally, relationships between state restrictiveness indices and adverse birth outcomes were insignificant. Regional analyses revealed that a 1 standard deviation increase in a state's restrictiveness index was associated with a 2% increase in PTB in the Midwest (marginal effect [ME], 0.25; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.04-0.45; p < .01), a 15% increase in LBW in the Northeast (ME, 1.24; 95% CI, 0.12-2.35; p < .05), and a 2% increase in LBW in the West (ME, 0.12; 95% CI, 0.01-0.25; p < .05). CONCLUSION: Variation in restrictive abortion policy environments may have downstream implications for birth outcomes, and increases in abortion restrictions were associated with adverse birth outcomes in three out of four Census Regions.

Dispersion of contraceptive access policies across the United States from 2006 to 2021.

Person-centered contraceptive access benefits reproductive autonomy, sexual wellbeing, menstrual regulation, and other preventive health. However, contraceptive access varies by social and geographic position, with policies either perpetuating or alleviating health inequities. We describe geographic and time-trend variation in an index from fewer (less expansive) to greater (more expansive) aggregation of U.S. state-level contraceptive access policies across 50 states and Washington, D.C. (collectively, states) from 2006 to 2021. We collected data from primary and secondary sources on 23 policies regulating contraceptive education, insurance coverage, minor's rights, provider authority, and more. As of 2021, the most enacted policies expanded contraceptive access through: 1) prescribing authority for nurse practitioners, certified nurse-midwives (n = 50, 98 % of states), and clinical nurse specialists (n = 38, 75 %); 2) Medicaid expansion (n = 38, 75 %); 3) prescription method insurance coverage (n = 30, 59 %); and 4) dispensing authority for nurse practitioners and certified nurse-midwives (n = 29, 57 %). The average overall U.S. policy index value increased in expansiveness from 6.9 in 2006 to 8.6 in 2021. States in the West and Northeast regions had the most expansive contraceptive access landscapes (average index values of 9.0 and 8.2, respectively) and grew more expansive over time (increased by 4-5 policies). The Midwest and South had least expansive landscapes (average index values of 5.0 and 6.1, respectively). Regions with more expansive sexual and reproductive health policy environments further expanded access, whereas least expansive environments were maintained. More nuanced understanding of how contraceptive policy diffusion affects health outcomes and equity is needed to inform public health advocacy and law making.

Parental Involvement Policies for Minors Seeking Abortion in the Southeast and Quality of Care.

Introduction: Thirty-seven states require minors seeking abortion to involve a parent, either through notification or consent. Little research has examined how implementation of these laws affect service delivery and quality of care for those who involve a parent. Methods: Between May 2018 and September 2019, in-depth interviews were conducted with 34 staff members involved in scheduling, counseling, and administration at abortion facilities in three Southeastern states. Interviews explored procedures for documenting parental involvement, minors' and parents' reactions to requirements, and challenges with implementation and compliance. Both inductive and deductive codes, informed by the Institute of Medicine's healthcare quality framework, were used in the thematic analysis. Results: Parental involvement laws adversely affected four quality care domains: efficiency, patient-centeredness, timeliness, and equity. Administrative inefficiencies stemmed from the extensive documentation needed to prove an adult's relationship to a minor, increasing the time and effort needed to comply with state reporting requirements. If parents were not supportive of their minor's decision, participants felt they had a duty to intervene to ensure the minor's decision and needs remained centered. Staff further noted that delays to timely care accumulated as minors navigated parental involvement and other state mandates, pushing some beyond gestational age limits. Lower income families and those with complex familial arrangements had greater difficulty meeting state requirements. Conclusions: Parental involvement mandates undermine health service delivery and quality for minors seeking abortion services in the Southeast. Policy Implications: Removing parental involvement requirements would protect minors' reproductive autonomy and support the provision of equitable, patient-centered healthcare.

Racial and Ethnic Abortion Disparities Following Georgia's 22-Week Gestational Age Limit.

INTRODUCTION: Georgia's 2012 House Bill 954 (HB954) prohibiting abortions after 22 weeks from last menstrual period (LMP) has been associated with a significant decrease in abortions after 22 weeks. However, the policy's effects by race or ethnicity remain unexplored. We investigated whether changes in abortion numbers and ratios (per 1,000 live births) in Georgia after HB954 varied by race or ethnicity. METHODS: Using Georgia Department of Public Health induced terminations of pregnancy data from 2007 to 2017, we examined changes in number of abortions and abortion ratios (per 1,000 live births) by race and ethnicity following HB954 implementation. RESULTS: After full implementation of HB954 in 2015, the number of abortions and abortion ratios at or after 22 weeks (from last menstrual period) decreased among White (bNumber = -261.83, p < .001; bRatio = -3.31, p < .001), Black (bNumber = -416.17, p < .001; bRatio = -8.84, p < .001), non-Hispanic (bNumber = -667.00, p = .001; bRatio = -5.82, p < .001), and Hispanic (bNumber = -56.25, p = .002; bRatio = -2.44, p = .002) people. However, the ratio of abortions before 22 weeks increased for Black people (bLessThan22Weeks = 44.06, p = .028) and remained stable for White (bLessThan22Weeks = -6.78, p = .433), Hispanic (bLessThan22Weeks = 21.27, p = .212), and non-Hispanic people (bLessThan22Weeks = 26.93, p = .172). CONCLUSION: The full implementation of HB954 had differential effects by race/ethnicity and gestational age. Although abortion at 22 weeks or more decreased for all groups, abortion at less than 22 weeks increased among Black people. Additional research should elucidate the possible causes, consequences, and reactions to differential effects of abortion restrictions by race and ethnicity.